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Volume Two, Part One 



Chairman^ Academic Sub-Committee 

Ministry of Education and Social Welfare, 
Government of India, New Delhi, India. 



March 26th-31st, 1972 
Vigyan Bhavan, New Delhi 


Chairman, Academic Sub-Committee 


Sanskrit and other Languages and Literatures of India 
and the World and their Thought and Culture 

The Heritage of different branches of Sanskrit Literature 
and their National and International Significance 


Published tiy : Tte Director, Rashtriya SaMrit Sahsthan, 

ShastriBhavan, New Delhi, India. 
' for Ministry of Education and Social Welfare 
India, New Delhi, India, 

Primed at : Nirupama Prtoers, ^ganj, New Delhi - M0055 


The First World Sanskrit Conference was held under tne 
authority and auspices of the Government of India from 26th to 
31st March 1972, in the Vijnan Bhavan, New Delhi. I had the 
honur, as Chairman of the Academic Sub-Committee, of organising 
the academic work of the Conference. In view of the character 
and purpose of the Conference, its wide perspective and specific 
focus, the subjects were framed in four Sections and contributions 
invited from scholars and participants from all over India and the 
world; Schedules of subjects were drawn for the four main 
Sections and invitations issued to chosen scholars who had made 
significant contributions in those subjects. Because of the enthu- 
siasm that the Conference evoked in the country, it became 
necessary to accept papers from numerous scholars who sent their 
voluntary contributions and add a fifth Section of miscellaneous 
papers on diverse topics of research and also hold a Session 
devoted solely to Pandits and their Sanskrit papers. 

The Sections and the subjects dealt with at the Conference 
were : 

I. Contribution of different Areas and Countries to Sanskrit 
Development of Sanskrit Studies in Different Areas and 

II. Sanskrit and Other Languages and Literatures of India 
and the World and their Thought and Culture. 

The Heritage of Different Branches of Sanskrit Literature 
and their National and International Significance. 

III. Sanskrit and Archaeology, Arts and Education Sanskrit 
and Science and Technology Sanskrit and World 
Languages, Literatures, Thoughts and Culture Sanskrit 
and Man, Universalism and Peace Sanskrit and 
Western Literature and Criticism Sanskrit in the 
Modern World. 

IV. Papers on diverse topics of Sanskrit Language, Literature, 
Thought and Culture. 

I iv ; 

Books of Summaries of the papers of the Sections were 

prepared in advance and placed in the hands of the participants. 

It was one of the largest of scholarly Conferences and about 600 

papers were presented. 

The arrangements for the printing of the Proceedings and 

the Papers of the Conference could be made only in 1973. Owing 
to the paucity of Presses who could handle Sanskrit and Indological 
research material, diacritical marks, Devanagari matter etc. and 
the difficult labour situation in the Presses, the printing could not 
be speeded up. Printing was arranged concurrently in two different 
places, Madras and Delhi, and in three different Presses. 

Volume II of the Papers was taken up by the Rashtriya 
Sanskrit Samsthan of the Ministry for printing in Delhi. In view 
of the large number of papers of this Section, it was decided to 
issue this volume in two parts and Part I is now brought out. 

I must express my thanks to Dr. R. K. Sharma and Sri P. C. 
Sharma, the former and present Directors of the Rashtriya Sanskrit 
Samsthan. I must thank Dr. J. Ganguly, Deputy Director 
(Academic), Dr. Madhusudan Mishra, Asstt. Director (CC) Pt Surya 
Narayan Jha, Miss Manisha Chaudhury and Dr. Miss Am'ita Gupta 
of the Rashtriya Sanskrit Samsthan for looking after the Press 
work in Delhi. I must also mention Dr. S. S. Janaki who has been 
assisting me here, in Madras, in the work of this Conference. 

Chairman, Academic Sub-Committee 


1. Influence of Sanskrit on the Languages of South India in 
General and on Telugu (Andhra) in Particular 1 

Prof. G. J. Samayaji 

2. Influence of Sanskrit on Telugu Language and Literature 7 

Sri Vedam Venkataraya Shastry 

3. tf^^t^f^^fsr: 19 

K. A. Krishnamacharya 

4. Influence of Sanskrit on Assamese Literature 30 

Prof. Bistiwanarayan Shastry 

5. Influence of Sanskrit on Thought and Culture of Assam 39 

Dr. S. M. Sharma 

6. Sanskrit in Bengal and Bengali 45 

Dr. Sukumar Sen 

7. Sanskrit Thought and Culture as Represented in Bengali 
Literature 51 

Prof. Kalidas Bhattacharya 

8. The Impact of Sanskrit Literature on Rabindranath 
Tagore 53 

Dr. Sukumari Bhattacharya 

9. Influence of Sanskrit on Gujarati Language and 
Literature 73 

Prof. K. K. Shastri 

10. Sanskrit and Harya^avi 82 

J. D. Singh 

11. Sanskrit in KanaStaka Life, Thought and Culture 100 

Prof. V. Sitaramaiah 

12. Influence of Sanskrit on the Philosophy and Religion of 
Karg&taka 106 

Dr. B. R. Kulkarni 

13. Kashmiri and Sanskrit 117 

Sri Badari Nath Shastri 

14. Influence of Sanskrit on Maithili Language and 
Literature 133 

Dr. Jayakanta Mishra 

15. Influence of Sanskrit on the Maithili Literature 140 

Dr. Bechan Jha 

16. Influence of the Meghaduta on Malayalam Literature 144 

Mr. K. P. A. Menon 

17. Influence of Sanskrit on Malayalam Language and 
Literature 150 

N. V. Krishna-warrior 

18. Influence of Sanskrit on Malayalam 156 

C. R. Swaminathan 

19. Sanskrit Influence on the Tamil Language and Literature 163 

P. Nilakanth Sharma 

20. Some Aspects of the Influence of Sanskrit on Tamil 
Thought and Culture 178 

Dr. G. Syndaramoorthy 

21. The Role of Manipravala in the Propagation of Sanskrit 

in Tamilnadu 188 

A. Tiravengadathan 

22. The Influence of Sanskrit on Tamil Languaae and 
Literature 195 

Sri S. Jagadisan 

23. Influence of Sanskrit on the Thought and Culture of 
Tamilnadu 205 

-Dr. C. S. Venkateswaran 

24* ^^M^it^f fa'^Tm Kf*i r ^"^^cfV ^ Sr^fi'd^rM snTT^T: 216 

Sri Chintamani Misra Sarma 

?5. Influence of Sanskrit on Tamil Language and Literature 226 

Prof. N. Subrahmaniam 

26. Notes on the Influence of Sanskrit Literary Forms on 
Oriya Literature 233 

Dr. D. P. Pattanayak 

27. The Oriya Citra Bhagavat 235 

Dr. B. Mohanty 

28. Influence of Sanskrit on the Rajasthani Language and 


29. Sanskrit and Sinhalese Literature 255 

Prof. O. H. De. A Wijesekera 

30. Sanskrit as a Link Language 263 

Prof. Jean Filliozat 

31. Sanskrit Across the Himalayas 274 

Nirmal C. Sinha 

32. Sanskrit and the Indo-Tibetan Language 284 

Dr. K. K. Roy 

33. An Old Tibetan Version of the Ramayana 289 

/. W. S. C. Jong 

34. Sanskrit and Mongol Language and Literature 303 

Prof. Pentti Aalto 

35. The Importance of Central Asian Manuscript Finds for 
Sanskrit Philology 316 

Prof. Heinz Bechert 

36. Studies in the ASoka Inscriptions Palaeography and 

Central Asian MSS 323 

Prof. Klaus Ludwig Janert 

37. The Lexical and Morphological Impact of Sanskrit on 

Modern Indonesian 328 

Prof. Dr. Harry Spitzbardt 

38. Sanskrit Words in the Thai Language 347 

M . L. Chirayu Navawongs 

39. Sanskrit and Thailand 353 

Chamlong Sarapadnuke 

40. The Ramayana in the Malay World Some Obser- 
vations on Sources and Development 362 

Dr. Amin Sweeney 

41. General Appeal of Subhasita Literature in Sanskrit 370 

Ludwik Sternbach 

42. Sanskrit in Philippine Language and Literature 398 

Dr. Juan R. Francisco 

43. Shantideva's Bodhicaryavatara and Mongolian Ever- 
lasting Songs 433 

Rinchen Mongolia 

44. Sanskrit and Indo-European 436 

Prof. Francisco JR. Adrados 

45. Sanskrit and German Languages, Literature and Thought 445 

Dr. B. H. Kapadia 



Retd. Prof. ofTelugu and Sanskrit, Andhra University; 

Some time Chairman, Commission for Scientific 

and Technical Terminology. 

All the modern languages of India can roughly be divided into 
two groups (1) North Indian and (2) South Indian, The North 
Indian languages are mainly derived directly from Sanskrit, Prakrits 
and Apabhramsas. These are known to the linguists as Modern 
Indo-Aryan. Their verbal bases, vocabulary, primary and secondary 
derivative suffixes are, broadly speaking, derived from the same 
or related sources. 

Those in the South form a separate group as their nature, 
basic linguistic content, such as numerals, pronominal bases, verbal 
roots and suffixes, can be traced to one common source called 'the 
primitive Dravidian*. These languages are led by Tamil, Telugu, 
Kannada and Malayalam which alone have a total of87'5 millions 
of speakers, in addition to a number of other dialects, which are 
not so highly developed, cultivated or widely spoken. The above 
four languages have different scripts today like those of modern 
Indo-Aryan, but it will be interesting to note that all these scripts are 
derived from one common source, namely, the Brahmi script. Tamil 
alone seems to have had a separate 'vatteluttu* script which has also 
contributed to the evolution of its modern form. 

Sanskrit, the classical language of India, which has the record 
of the Vedas, the Upanisads, the Darsanas, the Pura$as, the 
Kavyas, and other secular sciences extending through a period of 
three to four thousand years, has had its influence on all the above 

In this paper it is proposed to indicate how far the above 
four South Indian languages have generally been influenced by 

( 2 ) 

Sanskrit with a more detailed account of the same influence on 
Telugu. These four languages must have originally been dialects 
of the same ancient language which later on got differentiated by 
regional variations in vocables and scripts. It is reasonable to 
suppose that all these existed originally in the spoken form and 
were later recorded in stone and copper plate inscriptions and then 
in manuscripts and finally brought into printed books, in poetry and 

Of them, Tamil seems to be the earliest as its literature can be 
dated to a period as far early as dr. 1000 B.C. Its extant earliest 
grammatical treatise *Tolkappiyam* is assigned to dr. 7th cent. 
B.C. by some scholars. 

Like all Ancient Indian Literature, the ancient works of Tamil 
are also shrouded in legendary accounts. A few of them like 
*Pattuppattu% 'Padinen kiz kanakku% 'TirukkuraP, 'Cilappadikaram* 
etc., are all highly revered classics of which any race can be proud. 

The earliest extant Kannada work 'Kaviraja-marga' by King 
Amoghavarsa 814-877 A IX is a grammatical and critical treatise 
like Tolkappiyam. Before this work appeared there must have been 
a long literary tradition which is confirmed by some evidences. 

The earliest extant literary work in Telugu dates from the llth 
cent. A.D.; it is a translation of the Mahabharata. 

Malayalam, another South Indian language spoken along the 
West coast, in the area called Kerala, has its two earliest works in 
the Ramakatha Pd^u and Ramacarita, both assigned to the 10th 
cent. A.D. All these four languages, although they present us with 
extant works of different periods of time, are today treasure-troves 
of vast literatures, both ancient and modern. They have in their 
modern phase, sought inspiration not only from Indian sources but 
also from foreign lands. 

i the CXtent f Sans krit influence on these 

languages and their literatures. 

How can one language influence another? (M By lendina 
(2> ? y . influencin S syntax and grammatical structur^ 
SUPPlymg ri * iaals for Horary works in form 

- - 

reg,onal peculiarities, were always borrowed by 

i- That the 

languages is agglutinative, did not prove a hind- 

r 3 ; 

ranee for absorbing a lot from Sanskrit which is highly inflectional. 
Sanskrit literature has been largely incorporated into these languages 
as translation or adaptation or as source material for original drama, 
poetry and prose-fiction. 

The earliest Tamil grammarian Tolkappiyanar has accepted that 
the N orthern vocabulary (yadasol) can be borrowed into Tamil as 
4 Tatsamas 9 or Tadbhavas* so long as it does not interfere with the 
genius of that language. Agastyar, the great sage, is said to have 
written a grammar for the Tamil language called Ptrgattiyam which 
used the words 'Ilakkiyam' and 'Ilakkaiiam/, both Tadbhavas of 
'Laksya' and 'Laksaria* of Sanskrit. Ramayana, Naisadha, Bhdrata 
and many other Sanskrit works have appeared in Tamil as adaptations 
from Sanskrit. 

In Kannadi language the first extant work Kavirajamarga is 
mostly Sanskrit-ridden, as the name itself indicates. A good lot 
of vocabulary and material has been taken from Sanskrit. In the 
10th century, a great poet called Pampa wrote a Campu kavya 
called Vikramdrjunavljaya with Bharata as source for the story. 
Another poet Ranna wrote the famous kavya Gadayuddha and 
Ponna, the Santipurdna. All these are in Sanskrit metres with long 
Sanskrit compounds and the Sanskrit vocabulary has been used here 
with Dravidian suffixes. 

Malayalam has also followed the same principle and it has a 
large percentage of Sanskrit vocabulary in it. AH the Sanskrit 
dramas, prose and poetic compositions from Sanskrit have been 
translated into it. 

Some of the earliest grammars of Kanna<Ja, Malayalam and 
Telugu have been written in Sanskrit sutras* with commentaries in 
the same language and modelled on the Paninian system. 

Now a detailed account of Sanskrit influence on Telugu with 
specific examples is given. 

One of the standard dictionaries of Modern Telugu language 
contains about 40,001) entries, and this figure seems to be an average 
for many other modern Indian languages as welL Out of these 
about 20 to 25 thousand are Sanskrit loans in different forms. 
The remaining are derived from Dravidian stems, or are borrowed 
from other sources. Telugu must have existed in a spoken form 
in the region from Tirupati to Berhampore in Orissa, all along the 
coastal line, and extending further into the interior. The early 
inscriptions in the region are in Prakrit and Sanskrit showing that 
the cultural and court languages were Prakrit or Sanskrit at different 
periods. The first Telugu inscriptions available from the 4th cen- 
tury onwards, though fragmentary in form, show Sanskrit 
influence. As has been already said, Sanskrit names, compounds 

( 4 ; 

and verbal bases are used by suffixing indigenous material to 
indicate the number, gender or case of the word. 'Bhramaraya- 
mana% *Maharaju*, 'Nirvahanodyogamu' are a few examples from 
the hundreds that are found in these documents. Some of these 
inscriptions are entirely in Sanskrit, with just the names of human 
beings and places given in the regional language (and not in Sanskrit 
translation) for fear of being misunderstood or misinterpreted. 

Tl niravadyuncju, cittajatasamundu, slvaparavarasevitundu, 
akhilutuju, atataripubalundu. 

The above words are from an inscription in verse belonging 
to the 8th century. The final *ndu% a suffix indicating masculine 
gender, is the only Telugu element, the rest being Sanskrit words. 

In the llth century King Rajaraja asked his court poet 
Nannayya to translate the Mahabharata from Sanskrit into Telugu. 

Rajakulaikabhusanudu anyarajatejojayaatisauryu<Ju, Raja- 
mahendrudu uddhatin. 

The above are samples from that work indicating the influence 
of Sanskrit, Also Sanskrit metres like 'Mattebha* and *ardiila* 
were borrowed by Telugu. 

With Nannayya began an era in Telugu language and literature 
when writers delved deep into the vast mines of Sanskrit and 
this is evident in their expressions and ideas. The Campu became 
the standard type of literature. The style of Bana and Dandin 
became the model for prose till the end of the 19th and even the early 
20th century. The following is an excellent example : 

Pu9<Jankasaridambulaku Candabhanundunum bole Sakunta 
santanambulaku nagantakundu prabhuruju/ Atandu nijapaksa 
viksepajata-vatoddhuta ka*da kanaka can4a balundu. ' ' P ' 

* A11 rr 6 18 Mah "P ur <W, the Upapuranas, the Kavyas and 
the treatises on Aldnkara Sastra by DanZ 

ta ' Anandavar dhana ^ 5i2S: 

othe rs have all been translated into 

Saraslh pariSHituip maya gamikarnlkjrtanaikanlvria. 
AtUh.t.amanayi sg dfM sadasatsa^ayagocarodarl. 

Rendering in Telugu : 

Katnalendlvarasaiidamanditalasatkasarasevaratin gamikarm- 
kf tanaikanivftudanai kantin Vidarbhambuman rama$in pallavapani- 
padmanayanau rakendubimbananan samapinastaninastinastivi- 
cikitsa hetusatodarin. 

An original poem by Pingali Surana which describes Rdmdyana 
and Mahdbharata as the jingle of the anklets of Sarasvati as she 
steps down from the heavens to save the mortals. He eulogises 
Valmiki and Vyasa in his introduction to Rdghavapdndaviya, a *dva- 
yarthikavya* in Telugu. 

Lokatranaratin dadadimamahllokapravesotka bhasa klptapra- 
thama-dvitiyapadagunjanmanjumanjira garjakalpamala ramabharata 
kathasargambulan mineu Valmikivyasula golcedan tadubhayasle- 
artha samsiddhikin. 

In the above two slokas, the first is in the 'Mattebha metre' 
and the second in the 'Sardulavikridita', both borrowed from 
Sanskrit Chandas. 

The first Telugu grammar was written in Sanskrit in the llth 
century. Additions to it en the lines of Vararuci (Varttikakara) in 
Sanskrit have been supplied by Adharvana in the 12th century. In the 
17th century a highly learned commentary on both these in Sanskrit on 
the lines of the Mahdbhdsya of Patanjali was written by Ahobalapati. 
Everywhere Sanskrit became the model. When any Sanskrit work 
was translated, the vocabulary in the original was retained to a 
great extent and only Telugu endings were added. The essence 
of scholarship in Telugu meant a knowledge of Sanskrit literature 
and Sastras. 

The same could be said of Kannada and Malayalam. These 
three languages proceeded on parallel lines and scholars of these 
languages were obliged to acquire a perfect mastery over Sanskrit 
to earn the title of Pundits. 

But Tamil had a somewhat different history. To enrich its 
literature, a section of writers of the later period wrote Sanskrit- 
ridden Tamil and they adopted the 'Grantha script*, complete in 
form to write out Sanskrit vocables with scriptograms which the 
indigenous script lacked. But there has always been a reaction 
against the influence of Sanskrit on the pure Tamil (CENDAMIJL). 
Inspite of it, the process of Sanskritization went on even there. 

One point to be remembered in this connection is that language 
is only a means of expression. For expression one should have 
ideas. Wherefrom can ideas come ? They cannot come up suddenly 
for any or every individual nor are there such great geniuses spread 

in the whole country to revolutionise each literature and language. 
Only Valmlki could create a great Ramayana, the others had to copy 
it to this day People have necessarily to resort to and use the 
great traditional treasures, which were ever increasing by the 
contributions of the master-minds in Sanskrit in all regions of the 
country. The regional languages had to borrow both the expression 
and the content of Sanskrit. 

The Grammar and structure of the Dravidian languages had 
to follow the Sanskrit model. There was only one grammar, and 
that was written in Sanskrit, for the Sanskrit language. The regional 
languages differ in structure from Sanskrit but scholars had to adopt 
only the Sanskrit pattern. The Sanskrit technical terms, phonetics 
and grammatical theories have all got into Telugu, Kannada and 
Malayalarn, even in cases where the recipient languages could not 
easily adopt or assimilate them, in the same way as we have been 
obliged to use the English language today. The passive voice, 
the relative construction, the division into tenses and moods, the 
sentence dominated by the finite verb, the compounds and in short 
everything of grammar has been imported from Sanskrit into these 
languages and new constructional types have got permanently 
entrenched into the literary form of language. 

To this day, India has one language, the Sanskrit, one 
culture Sanskritic, one tradition, the Puranic, the Vedic, and the 
Darsanic, and all this re-appeared in different forms in the different 
regional languages. 



The influence of Sanskrit on all the regional languages of India 
has been conspicuous and it is much more so in the case of Telugu. 
Though Telugu is a Dravidian language in its origin, the influence of 
Sanskrit on it began quite early in its formative period and grew 
stronger with the passage of time. This process through the ages 
is, in a way, comparable to the influence of Greek and Latin on 
all the European languages and their literatures. But the common 
culture for which Sanskrit stood remained as a unifying factor, 
stronger than Greek or Latin in Europe, This may be due to 
historical and geographical reasons. Rich in its vocabulary, wide 
in the range of its literature, Sanskrit was a mine of information 
on all subjects and a perennial source of information for every 
Indian. Besides the Puranas and Itihasas (the Ramayana and the 
Mahabharata), Nafakas and the Kavyas, every subject was dealt 
with in Sanskrit, more in verse than in prose, for study and easy 
memorisation. Even long after Sanskrit lost ground as the official 
language artisans and artists studied their subjects in Sanskrit the 
verses of rules and code words, which teachers explained through 
the regional languages. 

Being placed midway between the North and the South, Telugu 
developed into a fine blend of the best elements of the Northern 
and the Southern languages and culture. It has, at once, the 
soft melody of the Dravidian languages and the vigour of 
expression of Sanskrit. In its vocabulary Telugu has words that 
could easily be traced back to either to proto-Dravidian or Prakrt 
and Sanskrit. While Prakft influenced Telugu long before it took 
any shape, Sanskrit influence started when Telugu is seen as a 
distinct language. Hence, without in any way touching the main 
structure of the language, Sanskrit enriched Telugu in its vocabulary 
and literary thought. While one cannot see a clear cut line of 

influence of Prakrt on Telugu as there are many common features 
between the Prakrts and the Dravidian group of languages, one 
can clearly mark the Sanskrit element in Telugu. Sometimes these 
non-Sanskritic features are called Desi or regional and Telugu has 
many such. 

Telugu has two names 'Andhra* and 'Telugu' probably indi- 
cative of this amalgamation of the two cultures. It is noteworthy 
that the term 'Andhra' or 'Andhra 9 goes far back to the age of the 
Upanisads while the word 'Telugu' as applied to the people and 
the language from about the tenth century A. D. in different forms 
like Telugu, Tenugu, Telinga, Tiling and Tilu. The Andhra 
Satavahanas ruled in Deccan from about the middle of the 3rd 
century B.C., to about the middle of the 3rd century A.D. Their 
language appears to have been a kind of Prakrt as found in their 
records, coins, and the poetical collection called'the Gathasaptasati 
The Pais"aci Brhatkatha, besides being lost, it is of doubtful value 
for indicating the language of the Andhras. After the Satavahanas 
Prakrit continued and usually 350 A.D. is taken as the end of the 
period of Prakrt records when Samudragupta invaded the Deccan 
Early samples of Telugu words are found in the records of the 
f. A n *nn n S m nd ^? early in the Pallava records of Mahcndravarman 
i T > The / ecords ofth e contemporary Renadu Telugu 
Cholas definitely are found in Telugu and from that time TeluL 
shows a continuity of development. It is curious to note that the 
early Telugu records are found only in the Southern Andhra and later 
ones, further up and in a more developed form. This makes it clear 
InHtT V UP ^ rd s P readof the southern culture from the south 
and the descent of the northern culture southwards there was a fusion 

SSsS?' T" thegr Wth 0fTdUgU Witha ^od admixture of 

JallaKrlL snVlTIO T\Wr T-|Oi-rna.o f rt fl,~ 1,! i _ 

to the language and the people Andhra 

northern people known in *** . * , The Mu -!akas were a 
(orAsmakes)ontheTankso?"he ?.- a ' ng with AsSakas 

a section of the Andhra^wL en te? the" n ^ ^^ f rmed 
Telugu words like patll kunm k, - ^ (^^^ ^"0 

such Sanskrit wordfht samvaf^ ' "-"' *" '" f Und alon with 

But the g - 

, and nOga arf ^ feature; e. ., 

Telugu nominate sTguLblladUTTT^ *** * e 
The Sanskrit rule is not foHowed S "* ''* into tMSama ' 

and ja4a V5cakas 

Telugu grammarians divided the language into tatsama, tadbhava, 
desya and gramya. Tatsama words are Samskrita-sama and 
Prakrta-sama i. e. equal to them with slight change. Tadbhava 
words get much altered and are derived from the above two 
languages. Desya is pure Telugu and gramya, colloquial. From 
the seventh century onwards we see a progressive inciease in the 
admixture of Sanskrit words and by the eighth century, they 
are largely found. The * 1 ' disappeared but the other Dravidian 
characteristics remained. For instance, the Sanskrit dual form, 
the dvivacana, is conspicuous by its absence in Telugu as in other 
Dravidian languages. But it is curious to note that the dvivacana 
is not found in the Prakrts also and the Telugu alankarika and 
laksanika of the 15th century Vinnakota Peddana points out that 
Telugu is like Prakrt as it has no dvivacana. 

One peculiarity has been noticed in the formative period of 
Telugu prose. In the early Telugu inscriptions of the 7th century 
the verb is placed after the subject and before the predicate, making 
the sentence look like a verse, whereas from the sequence it is clear 
that no verse is intended. From the 8th century onwards we find 
this method dropped and the modern way of putting the verb after 
the subject or predicate gained ground. The style and sentence- 
formation approximate to that of Nannaya and Sanskrit samasas 
enter as tatsamas. Here also the Telugu poets took care not to 
mix up Sanskrit and Telugu words as it would become a dusta- 
samasa or ari-samasa as it is called in Kannada. For instance, 
it is wrong to form a compound like Vijayawada, Vijaya being a 
Sanskrit word and Wa4a a Telugu. It is right to say Vijayu plus 
Wada and all old inscriptions have this form only. 

Telugu prosody is distinctly non-Sanskritic in origin and has 
much in common with Tamil than Kannada, though later verses 
are all modelled after the Sanskrit vjrttas, with alterations to suit 
Telugu rules of prosody. Yati and Prdsa are the two distinct 
features of Telugu versification. Telugu Yati, though corresponding 
to the Sanskrit visrdmasthdna, is different from it. In Sanskrit it 
it is a mere break but in Telugu it is a break with the first letter of the 
line corresponding with the first letter after break and belonging 
to the same group of letters. It is what is called 'AksaramaitrL* 
Prdsa is not found in Sanskrit. It is the name given to the second 
letter of every line being in the same letter-group, either the same 
letter or the same letter with vowel-combinations, all the four lines 
agreeing in this respect. The Tamil verses contain both the features, 
the Prdsa being called yadugai and the yati called the MonaL 
In Kannada the rhyming of the second letter, Prdsa, is found but 
there is no yati as in Telugu. Hence, this shows that while the Kanna- 

da poets, retaining the Dravidian practice of keeping the yadugai or 
prasa, adapted the Sanskrit practice of having no yati being nearer 
to the North, the Telugu poets composed in the Sanskrit vrttas 
introducing the Dravidian Yati and Prasa. The dominant metres 
until the time of Nannayabhatta of the llth century were all DesT or 
Telugu without any Sanskrit prosodial influence. An attempt 
appears to have been made in the 8th century to compose in the 
Campakamala vrtta, in the records of Gunaga Vijayaditya. It is 
a sloka but with Prasa and no yati, like a Kannada Padya. This 
definitely shows the Kannada influence and the fact that the vrttas 
came into Telugu through Kannada sources. Many Telugu poets 
of the 10th century also are seen migrating to the Kaiijataka to 
find patronage under Kannada rulers. 

Definite Sanskrit influence is to be seen from the ninth 
century onwards. The Telugu people came into contact with the 
Kanciatakas ever since the Chalukyan conquest of Vengi in the 
7th century. Though there was poetical faculty and Telugu metres 
named taruvofa, sisa, and gita were in vogue, Kannada contact made 
the Telugu poets adapt the Kannada Desi metre called akkara along 
with the Sanskrit vrttas. The Kannada poets were some centuries 
ahead of the Telugu people in poetical writings using freely Sanskrit 
words, compounds and metres without using the yati but keeping 
the Prasa. As the Telugu kings do not appear to have encouraged 
poetry it is likely that able poets left the Andhra for Karnataka 
Courts. There is also no Kavya in Telugu until the time of Nanna- 
yabhatta (1050 AD.). Even Nannaya is known to have been 
assisted by his friend Narayaribhatta, a Kannada poet. Just a 
century prior to Nannaya, Ponnamayya, a poet of Vengi, migrated 
to Karnataka and wrote the Santipurana under the patronage of 
the Rashtrakuta king Krishna III. Similarly Pampa, whose ancestors 
migrated to Vemulawada, the capital of Arikesarin II, the Kannada 
ruler, wrote the Vikramarjunavijaya, popularly called the Pampa 
Bharatam (956 A. D.). His brother Jinavallabha has, beside 
Kannada, many Telugu verses to his credit, some with and some 
without yati. 

With Nannayabhatta Telugu literature reaches a definite stage 
and h, s translation of the Mahdbh&rata marks not only the beginning 
or an epoch but the very beginning of literature in Telugu. He is 
acclaimed as the first poet or Jdikavt and vag-anu^Ssapa. The period 
oi unsettlement or wavering about prosodial conventions or 
grammar comes to an end. Every poet after Nannaya took him 
tor n, s model Even though he is credited by later writers of the 
*6th or 17th centuries with the composition of a grammar for 
Telugu in Sanskrit called the Andhra-iabdacintSmayi there is no 

contemporary evidence and no poet mentions it until we reach the 
16th century. Much against it, poet Ketana (1260) who wrote a 
small Telugu grammar in verse, more to help translators, takes 
pride for his being the first grammarian for Telugu as none 
attempted a grammar before him. He also makes it clear that 
Telugu being the language of the land, it has to be learnt from the 
cultured as there are different usages just like different routes to 
Benaras. From Nannaya onwards it was a period of translation 
from Sanskrit and the book of Ketana called the Andhrabhnsa- 
bhusana (itself a Sanskrit name) makes it clear that the author 
intended his book as a guide to those translators rather than to 
original writers and the translator into Telugu was looming largely 
in his mind. 

The reforms introduced by Nannaya are not far to seek. 
Besides taking largely the Sanskrit vfttas, he took the Kannada 
akkara metre under Kannada influence. Just like a Kannada 
writer, he used long Sanskrit compounds and many of his padyas 
look like Sanskrit sldkas except for the Telugu endings. He also 
introduced the Campu method of interspersing prose also between 
verses as is found in Kannada and in inscriptions. The Campu 
type is seen only later, in Sanskrit. The Campu had its start in 
the Deccan before the Sanskrit authors took to it. As Nannaya used 
both yati and Prdsa* none after him deviated from this practice. 

It is curious to note that Nannaya should have thought of 
translating a Sanskrit work, and that too the Mahabhdrata. He 
could have taken a Telugu theme and shown the way. The reason 
is quite clear. Sanskrit was in the atmosphere and the land was 
fully influenced by it. No Telugu author of the early centuries 
ever thought of writing anything original with a local theme or 
background. The Mahubhdrata and the Ramayana became popular 
from about the seventh century and the inscriptions are full of 
references to these epics. The Bhdgvata influence comes much 
later. The ruling royal families began to trace their ancestory to 
the Sun, the Moon and Agni. The Chalukyas felt that they were 
the descendents of the Pan.dvas and the Cholas of ri Rama, while 
the other families from the sacrificial fire of Vasistha. The kings 
were named after the Pandava heroes as Bhima and Rajaraja, i. e. 
Duryodhana and poetic fancy compared the kings to those heroes. 

ft^cff *RiTW: I 

^: H (Inscription) 

The Kanna4a JBharata of pampa (956 A. D.), though a Jaina 
version, compares king Arikesarin, the patron, to Arjuna of Bhdrata 
and the poem is called Vikrarnarjuncwijaya. Ranna wrote his 

Gadayuddha to praise his patron Satyasraya (A. D. 997-1007) 
comparing to him to Bhlma, naming his poem as Sahasabhuna- 
vijaya. Even in Kannada, local colouring, except in the dedicatory 
preamble, is conspicuous by its absence. This is in striking contrast 
with Tamil literature where the local colouring is dominating, for 
early Sangam literature has themes relating to Tamilnad, mentioning 
local kings and places. 

Nannayabhatta expressly states that he translated the Maha- 
bharata at the instance of his patron, Rajarajanarendra, king of 
Vengi in Andhra (1019-1061 A. D.). Priding himself as one 
descended from the moon the king felt it his duty to get the story 
of the Pandavas, his ancestors, popularised among the Andhras. 
He was a great Sanskrit scholar having read the Puranas, the 
Arthagastra texts, Kavyas and Natakas and was also a great devotee 
of Siva and proficient in the Saiva agamas. His liking for the 
Mahabharata being strong be requested his court-poet and hereditory 
purohit Nannayabhatta to render that into Telugu for him. Nannaya 
took up the work with pleasure to please his patron. 

Unfortunately Nannayabhatta could not complete his work 
during his life-time and left it in the middle of the third Canto, in 
the Vanaparva. The life of the Rajarajanarendra was full of trouble 
and probably this has to be ascribed to political reasons. For 
nearly two centuries no other poet came forward to complete the 
work and the descendants ofRajaraja became rulers of Tamilnad 
and their ancestral territory of Vengi dwindled into secondary 
importance. Rajaraja's son Rajendra even patronised Tamil poets 
but no Telugu poet is seen in his court. The incomplete work of 
Nannaya left a legacy of debt that had to be discharged by later 
poets and it was in the middle of the 13th century that Tikkana 
Ssmayajin, the chief minister of Manumasiddhi of Nellore, himself 
a great poet in both Sanskrit and Telugu (Ubhayakavi-mitra) 
undertook to complete the work. Even he being superstitious, 
leaving out the Vanaparva, started from Virataparva and translated 
all the rest at a stretch. Another poet Errana, known as 
Errapreggada as he belonged to a Brahmin family of Ministers 
completed in the middle of the 14th century the translation by 
ffling up the gap. Even he being caught by the same superstition 
filled the gap m Vanaparva in the name of the original poet Nannaya 
himself, as a proxy, for fear of some evil consequences if the work 
was done m his own name. Thus it took three centuries for the 
havea ly translated te *t of the Mahabharata 

m "**** 

( 13 ) 

The style of Nannaya underwent some change in the hands of 
later potts. His Sanskritised Telugu is in sriking contrast to 
Tikkana's pure Telugu. Tikkana used Telugu words largely and 
is homely in many places. Some of his regional expressions are 
now obsolete and only people in the interior of his native district, 
Nellore, are now in a position to understand at least some of them. 
Errana revived Nannaya's style as he had to complete the Vanaparva 
almost in Nannaya's style A close imitation to Nannaya's style 
was felt necessary and long Sanskrit compounds again became the 
fashion. But he overdid Nannaya and became the model for 
Srinatha of the next century to make wholesale importation of 
Sanskrit samasas into Telugu. 

It was not Bharata alone but the Rdmayana also caught 
the imagination of the people and, like the Andhra Maha- 
bhdrata, was done by several poets during different periods. 
One Bhaskara is said to have been the first poet in this direction 
and if his identification with Bhaskara, the grandfather of 
Tikkana were to be correct, he becomes a contemporary 
of his Tamil counterpart, the great Kamban. The last poet who 
completed this book known as Bhaskara Ramdyaria appears to have 
lived in the 15th century. Even Errana claims authorship of one 
Rdmayana in his translation of Harivamfa. Tikkana of the previous 
century wrote, prior to his Mahdbhdrata, Uttara-Rdmdyanam and 
as it is expected that one would think of taking up writing on the 
later fortunes of Rama only after completing the earlier, it is believed 
that the Rdmayana was rendered into Telugu and Bhaskara, his 
grandfather, could easily have been its author. 

The end of the period of the Kavitraya is a land-mark in the 
history of Telugu .literature. Nay, even from the time of Tikkana, 
many changes began to appear along with political changes in the 
land. The Kavitraya were rather not close translators. They did 
not go verse by verse but rendered the sense of the original into 
powerful Telugu. Their aim was to bring the spirit of the original 
to the local audience Hence we find in their works whole chapters 
reduced to a few verses and a fine idea developed into a descriptive 
story. The religious or dharmic aspect also was given greater 
attention; for instance, Tikkana Somayajin has just four or five 
verses for the entire Bhagvadgitd, as he probably felt that the great 
Sacred Song would get abused or go cheap, if rendered into a 
regional language and it was best read in the original for religious 
merit. Thus we find certain standards being maintained, as for 
instance the Rdmctyana has to be read for pdrayana (i.e. religious 
merit) only in the original as it has the Or<zj><2/rf-letters and reading a 
translation is useless for the purpose. Telugu poets were "Ubhuya- 

Kavis" i.e. poets in both Sanskrit and Telugu and considered them- 
selves as the very descendants of the ancient Rsis. Tikkana 
Somayajin was a pious Brahmin as his name indicates and is praised 
as a Sanskrit poet by the poetess Gangadevi of the early Vijaya- 
nagara period (1370 A.D.) in her Sanskrit poem Madhuravijaya 

The Andhras encouraged Sanskrit studies and great cities like 
Warangal, Kondavidu, Rajamundry, Nellore and Vijayanagara were 
centres of Sanskrit learning. Great Sanskrit authors who were 
Andhras by birth flourished in these cities. For instance, Vidyanatha 
was the court-poet of Prataparudra of Warangal and after its fall, 
Vijayanagara attracted the Court-poets of Prataparudra. For 
Gangadevi, mentioned above, was the Queen of Kamparaya, son of 
Bukka I and was the disciple of poet Vijvanaiha, a nephew (sister's 
son) of Agastya (Vidyanatha 1) These poets were moving from court 
to court, though attached permanently to one place, displaying their 
talents. Vamana Bbattabaria flourished at Kondavidu and Vijaya- 
nagara. Snnatha visited almost all courts and defeated in argumen- 
tation one Gauda Dindimabhatta at the Vijayanagara Court. For 
this he was bathed in gold and called Kavisarvabhauma. This he 
mentions in his translation of Ka&khanga : 

We find also other great Sanskrit authors in Andhra like Mallinatha 
at the court of Sarvajna Singabnupala of Rachakon4a. Mallinatha's 
commentaries on the Kavyas of Kaiidasa and other poets iS^d 
to be the best in the field. Many of the Reddi kings like Katayavema 
and Pedakama* Vema were great Sanskrit writers. Every fi reat 
XW or Nataka produced in the North found its way to fhle 
southern court and was studied with great avidity. ThTwe see in 
the minor Kavyas in Telugu. m 

Soon after Tikkana, a poet Manchana of Velanadu 

f 15 J 

made into Kavyas. The reason for this is not clear and it cannot 
be said that they were averse to dramatic art. In fact many of the 
Andhras wrote dramas in Sanskrit and got them enacted. There are 
references to stage, curtain, actors, dramatic halls and performances. 
Whether these were dramas of the Sanskrit type or local dance- 
dramas, the earlier forms of the Yakshagdnas, it is not clear. No 
doubt there was some indegenous dramatic entertainment but the 
Telugu poets believed that the Kdvya was a child (santdna) of the 
author and its dedication to a deserving patron gave religious merit 
to the author. 

This idea that Kavita is a damsel who would voluntarily go and 
marry an accomplished poet and their children are the Kavyas grew. 

The idea developed in Telugu and a sap fa santdna theory was 
evolved. A putra i.e. son Vana or garden, for public utility, an 
agrahara given to brahmins, nidhi or find, a temple for any deity, a 
tank or water reservoir and, finally a krti or poem were the seven 
san tanas. 

Of these a poem is said to have been the best santdna as it 
would last longer than the rest. Besides it is said to be a strT- 
santdna or a girl that could be offered to any deserving patron as one 
would offer his daughter in marriage to a bridegroom. The kdvya 
is also said to possess an additional quality of gaining wide publicity 
and travelling all over the world while the other santanas being 
permanent fixtures cannot move from their places. Thus it became 
a practice with poets in Andhra to compose poems and dedicate for 
money, for money was also one of the kdvya prayojanas (sfrrssf q^l% 

--) and in many 

case the man prayojana. 

After translating the epics the Telugu poets took up purdnas 
and rendered them also as Kavyas. Keeping the main theme as in 
the originals they began to develop the descriptive portions in the 
kdvya manner. Mar ana, a disciple of Tikkana, took the Mdrkan$eya 
purdna and made it a Kavya. Nacana Soma's Uttara-Harivamsa 
(1340 A. 3D.) and Nrsimhapurdna of Errana (1360), one of the 
Kavitraya, are in the descriptive style. This was much developed 
after ^rlnatha (1360 1440) the 'Kavisdrvabhauma^ whose translation 
of Sri Harsa's Naisadhiya-Carita with the title Sj-ngdranaisadha, 
became the model for later writers. From, this period narrative 
puranic type of versification already verging on the descriptive style 
became popular. Though there was the tendency to give a descrip- 
tive, polishing, explanatory touch to the originals from the time 
of Nannya, it gradually expanded as the Kavya style gained ground. 
This is largely due to the influence of Srlnatha. 

The distinguishing feature of the age of Srinath is the 
introduction of the a?tadasa varnanas or the eighteen kinds of 
descriptions as mentioned by Dan<Jin and other alankara 
writers. This was due to the above-mentioned Srngaranaisadha. 
Poets from the time of Palkuriki Somanatha (C. 1320) mention 
the Kavyalaksanas in their introductions and Vinnakota Peddana, 
a contemporary of Snnatha, but living at the court of the 
Chalukyas of Visakhapattana, wrote the Kavyalankara-Cudamani 
(1404 A. D.)- This work is based completely on Sanskrit alankara 
literature. Hence Srinatha appears to have supplied a model 
Kavya by translating ri Hara's Naisadha, true to the original. 
In this verse-translation Srlnatha has retained many of the fine 
expressions of the original with only slight verbal changes to suit 
Telugu metre. His Haravilasa, Kafikhayda and Bhtmtisvara pitrana 
are more free and Haravilasa looks like an original piece though 
his indebtedness to Kalidasa and others is apparent. 

It was during the age of Srinatha that the great God-inspired 
poet Potana flourished. His verse-translation of the Bhagavata is 
in a sweet blend of Telugu and Sanskrit words; his work soon 
became the Bible of the Andhras. He introduced the Kavya 
element where ever an opportunity presented itself to display his 
poetic faculties. He developed the bhakti or devotional clement 
and excelled therein. With Potana we can say the period of regular 
translations came to an end, as with his great book all the great 
voluminous Sanskrit works had been rendered into Telugu, 

Besides completely imitating these literary forms of Sanskrit 
the Telugu authors felt, along with their patrons, as already 
mentioned, that they were the very descendants of the great Sanskrit 
authors but were writing in a different language. In all their trans- 
lations they started the Turva-Kavi-stuti' in their introductions 
with Valmiki and Vyasa, mentioned all poets from Kalidasa upto 
Nannayabhafta and then mentioned other poets of Andhra 
Nannayabhatta, himself mentioned Valmiki and Vyasa. Srinatha 
gives a long list of Sanskrit and Telugu poets, including Bhusa, 
Saumillaka, Bilhana, and others. This explains the love of the 
Telugu poets for Sanskrit. 

In all these poems one clearly sees the absence of local 
themes Folk lore or janapada literature took up Telugu themes 
y^/IFfrc*oFnw attributed to marks a depar' 

ture. Being composed in the deSt dvipada metre, not much liked by 
Kavya writers, it found favour with masses. 

i^A he b r ! ginnin S of the sixteenth century there was a 

tendency among Telugu poets to discontinue translations as such 

but rewrite Sanskrit stories, developing them into Kavyas like 
Naisadha. These were called prabhandhas in Telugu and herein 
the Telugu poets employed not only the eighteen varnanas but added 
some more, making them twenty-two. They took all the Sanskrit 
alankaras* artha and sabda, all the Sanskrit conventions i.e. *Kavi- 
samayas', special importance to dohadakriyas and to a large extent 
developed the element of love or srngn ra, thereby contributing much 
to the 'Nayika-Nayaka, literature. It looked as though Telugu 
literature of this period was nothing but a logical development and 
continuation of Sanskrit literary thought in a different language. 
Allasani Peddana, the poet laureate of the Court of Srikrshnadeva 
Raya (1509-1529 A.D.), was the pioneer in this type of composition 
and his Manucaritra is the story of Svarocisa Manu, developed 
into a fine Kavya wherein the poet took full freedom to display his 
poetical talents. The style and imagery struck a new departure in 
the field of Telugu literature and though the language is not Sanskrit 
it looks like the work of one deeply read in Sanskrit lore. Other 
poets of the period called the astadiggajas followed his example and 
the next great poet is Ramarajabhusana whose Vasucaritra became 
the hall mark for this type of composition. It was not only imitated 
by many whose works were called smaller Vasucaritra or *Pilla 
Vasucharitralu', but translated into Sanskrit also at an early age. 

It was during the time of Krishnadeva-raya that the Yak$ag&na 
took a shape and though a desi or regional dance-drama catering to 
the masses, it borrowed much from the Sanskrit Bharata Natya 
Sastra. While Saiva temples were more interested in maintaining 
devadnsis or dedicated girls for the form of worship represented by 
Bharata Natya and called the Natya-seva or Nrtya-sevsi, the Bhnga- 
vatas or worshippers of Yinu took to the Yaksagdna and popular- 
ised Krsna-stories. Music of the Sanskrit school called Murga 
along with the regional called Desi played a prominent part in these 

In the field of arts and crafts, the artisans had no text-books 
in Telugu and got by rote all their rules from Sanskrit texts as all 
the technical words are found in Sanskrit. Though here and there, 
there were translations of books on arithmetic and geometry, 
astrology and astronomy much "remained in Sanskrit and its study 
was unavoidable. Even in wrestling the term Jyes~hika for a 
wrestler became Jetti in Telugu and their Sastra is also in Sanskrit. 
It is too well known that books on Dhanurveda, yurveda and the 
like are still in Sanskrit. Not only professionals but even Kings 
and Queens were proficient in Sanskrit and contributed much to 
Sanskrit Literature. 

After the fall of the Vijayanagra Telugu was encouraged by 

the rulers ofTanjore, Madura, Pudukkottai and other places in 
Tamilnad besides many Zamindari areas of Andhra. In the Telugu 
.endings from all these, the Sanskrit touch persisted. Even Telugu 
Grammar was fashioned after Sanskrit grammar and the Andhra 
$abda,cintwani became popular from the seventeenth century. The 
'Muslim rulers of Golkonda encouraged Sanskrit pundits and the 
Telugu Singaramanjari of Bade Akbarshah translated into Sanskrit, 
probably by himself, excellently edited by Dr. V. Raghavan, stands 
,as a monumental example of the hold of Sanskrit on Telugu 

Coming to the modern period we find a large number of 
Sanskrit works being translated into Telugu, but the view of the 
translators has changed. The renderings are verse to verse, line to 
line to the original without avoiding even a 'tu' or a 'ca' bringing 
out the beauties 'based on puns on 'linga' and 'vacana'. The 
Sanskrit dramas especially have been translated into Telugu so 
closely that with their help one can easily study the originals as if 
through a guide. 

Sanskrit has so influenced Andhra that it has even affected 
the Telugu pronunciation. The Telugu author to this day is unable 
to shake himself off from the age-long Sanskrit influence and feels 
that there are still many Sanskrit works awaiting translation. 
Indeed much remains to be done in this line. 




Andhra University 

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Member of Parliament (Lok Sabha) 

Assamese is the direct descendant of Eastern Magadhi 
Apabhramsa. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji observes : "Bengali 
Oriya and Assamese, as sister languages coming from the same 
Eastern Magadhi-Apabhramsa of about 1200 to 1500 years ago 
have very great resemblance with each other, and no wonder their 
literature would also show the same family-resemblance" It is 
therefore, quite obvious that Sanskrit has direct and all pervading 
influence on Assamese language and literature. 

Though Assamese comes from the Eastern Magadhi- 
Apabhramsa and inherits some of its characteristics, it does not 
follow the rules of Apabhramsa grammar in respect of Natva and 
atva, Mraka ^ and Vibhaktis. Rather Assamese retains certain cha- 
SSTr al Sanskrit ' Assa ^se follows the rules of 

ISS I?I ^^^^^^^^S^^ 

Assamese possesses certain phrases and expressions of 
common use which are found in Vedic Sanskrit. Tg "urjam 
Vahanti" is used to described anger. J ^ 

Early Assamese Literature : 

Subject-matter : 

Early Assamese literature is translation of epics and puranas 

( 30 ) 

"Early literature in modern Indian languages was either 
lyrical or narrative. The first dealt naturally with love and other 
sentiments or religious devotion subjectively ; and second treated 
objectively, mythological tales and themes from the Sanskrit epics 
and pur&nas." 

Sankara Deva (1449-1568 A. D.) ? the great vaisnava religious 
reformer and poet, inaugurated the &/za/cri-movement in Assam, and 
the early Assamese literature saw a great output and a new era 
ushered in. In fact this vaisnava bhakti-movement was a modified 
provincial form of Pan-Indian Vaisnava movement. 

Along with the spread of Vaisnavism more and more literature 
in Assamese was produced which was mainly translations into 
Assamese from the epics and puranas and other classics either in their 
entirety or of selected episodes there-from. Since this neo-Vaisnava 
movement embraced the masses the translated literature was also 
meant for the masses. Literacy was not high and therefore, these 
versions were read and recited by one to a group of people. For 
this purpose two method were adopted : (i) Difficult passages are 
made intelligible to the common people by way of interpretation 
and (ii) the texts were so composed that they could be recied and 

Dr. S. K. Bhuyan says : <fc The Assamese translation of the 
Sanskrit classics is of interpretative character. The translatior took 
up the essence of the original Sanskrit passage and explained it in 
pure literary Assamese, simplifying those phrases and expressions 
the ideas of which did not come within the ken of the ordinary 
Assamese reader/' 

Both Sastras and Kavyas in Sanskrit were translated into 
Assamese. The method adopted for translating Ssstras was not 
rigidly followed in translating a Kavya. For instance, Sankara 
Deva translated the first book of JRamayana and here he introduced 
some elements. As the Ramayar^a is a Kavya and not T Sastra, 
greater latitude was taken to embelish the poem with the free use 
of invented materials and opportunity was often taken for 

His predecessor, "the unerring poet", Madhava Kandall who 
translated the Ramayana into Assamese verse, followed the original 
faithfully. His poetic diction is elegant and refined and difficult 
Sanskrit words were changed by him into melliflous Assamese. He 
introduced some new elements in the depiction of characters. t 

Tn describing nagara and upavana, he follows the poetic conven- 
tions, showing the dominating influence of Sanskrit. 

( 32 ) 

Comparatively, the Sakta literature in Assamese was far less 
than the Vaisnava, and thoughts and ideas of Sakta literature in 
Sanskrit did not reach the common men. 

Rendering of the Bhagavata ushered a new era of renaissance 
in Assamese poetry. The literary influence it had on Vaisriava 
literature is manifold and immense. As a matter of fact, Sankara 
Deva and a host of his followers not only borrowed the Krsriite 
legends and myths from the Bhagavata but had taken its literary 
form, expression and tradition. How he rendered it into Assamese 
idom, the quotation given below will illustrate : 

Evam sa bhagavan krno vrndavanacarab kvacit / 

Yayau ramamrte rajan kalindlm sakhibhir vrtaftt // 

Atha gava^ca gopaSca nidagha-tapa-plditalj / 

Dutaip jalam. papustasyastrsarta visadusitam // 

Dineka Govinda deva Baloka lagata nalai appuni melila save gai / 

Gopaisu savasame yamunara tire tire dhenugana phuranta carai // 

Jyestha masara ghora roudre pidileka ati eko ara trsata najani / 

Kalira hradata nami nirantare garugopa paraimane pile bisapani // 

Here the translation is literal, but the poet introduces a homely 
scene and an expression of common knowledge. For the words 
sakhibhir vrtah 9 he gives *gopaiusava same' meaning 'along with 
the cowherd boy's ; and the words 'nidagha-tSpa-pfditab', he 
renders into 'jyesthamasara ghora raudre pjcjilika ati\ It is not 
known whether the incident of Kaliyadamana took place in the 
month of Jaitha or Aadha, but the poet describes the sweltering 
heat of Jyestha. Jyetha is the hottest month in Assam and there 
is no rain for days together during that period which is known as 
drought period. 

The Bhagavata was the inexhaustible source for the Vais^ava 
poets ; the stories of Vinu or Krsna from it were also utilised for 
some independent works. 

Sankara Deva's Kirttana, a collection of number of verses 
depicts some aspects of K^sna's life-story. These poems are 
romantic and didaction literature as well. Here the K&vya style of 
Sanskrit literature is not followed ; neither a complete theme is 
developed nor any sentiment or sentiments are given full play 
Herein the treatment of the theme, in style and diction, the poet's 
ingenuity is remarkable ; influence of Sanskrit is on the theme 

Kdvya : 

In early Assamese literature there are several long narratives, 
and each poem, describes a complete episode. These works do not 
conform to the Sanskrit Kavya form of literature. However, there 
are kavyas which have some characteristics of Sanskrit Kavya. 
Usa parinaya of Pltambara is a Kavya on the love between 
Usa and Aniruddha. The work is neither composed to glorify the 
character of Krsna nor to propagate the bhakti-cult. It is, to a 
great extent, non-spiritual. Of course the theme was taken from 
the Bhagavata and Harivamsa, but there is no all-pervading atmos- 
phere of bhakti. The poet follows carefully the Kavya style. The 
description of city and park, forest and hills, hero and heroine, love 
and pang of separation : all are conventional. 

Early Assamese literature has two types of Kavyas : Vadha 
Kavya (killing of a demon) and Harana Kavya (elopement of a 
princess). These two types are typical of Assamese and show the 
ingenuity of Assamese poets. These works do not follow the 
norms of Sanskrit Kavya. Nevertheless, influence of Sanskrit 
cannot be ruled cut. Rukminiharava (elopement of Rukmini) is one 
such work in Kavya style, a charming idyll. The materials of this 
work are drawn from the Bhagavaia and Harrvamsa as the poet 
states in the beginning that he mixes materials collected from both 
the works as one mixes milk with the honey to make it more tasty. 

Although the theme is pauraoic, the poet has also added some 
scores of common domestic experience. However, the theme was 
developed in Kavya style. The description of physical charm of 
the hero and heroine, courtship (purva-rdga) separation (yiraha), 
sending of messenger, preparation for war, the battle scene, des- 
cription of city and forest all these foavya-elements were introdu- 
ced. The author following the poetic convention and the tradition 
of Sanskrit Kavya describes Rukmini's longing for Krna first. 

Love, the dominating sentiment of the work (Sfngara) is 
supported and developed by heroism. The work has an all-perva-> 
din p* overtone of bhakti or devotion. Krna's love for Rukmini 
and his fight with Rukma is but a manifestation of His Ilia. 

This Vaisn.ava literature is a peg to hang the bhakti cult. 
Bopadeva in his Muktaphcla establishes bhakti as one of the senti- 
ments (Rasas) in Kavya and according to that theory the works of 
Vaisnava poets have bhakti as the principal sentiment. 

Devajit by Hema Sarasvati and Hariteandra Upakhyana by 
Sankara Deva and a few others are aho treated as Kavyas, but 
they are more or less long narratives and have little kavya 

( 34 ) 

Khanda Kavya : As already mentioned certain episodes from 
the life story of Visnu or Krsna are taken and narrated in Kavya. 
In such narratives also, the Sanskrit Kavya tradition is retained, 
for instance, Haramchana, the enchantment of Hara by Mohini, the 

A passage may be cited to show the Kavyas and the Sanskrit 
influence : 

Tapta suvaranra sama jvale deha nirupama lalita valita hata 

pava / 

Caksu Kamalara pasi mukhe manohara hasi saghare daraya 

Kama bhava // 
Urddhaka kepante bhanta Karanta kataksa chata lllagati 

dekhaya phure paka // 

Soloke ucchal khopa khase parijata thopa varna hate 

sambaranta tak // 

* Drama : Sankara Deva introduced a new type of drama into 
Assamese literature. This pattern was followed by his disciple 
Madhava Deva and others. These dramas are known as Anklya 
nata or one-act plays. They have retained the following charac- 
teristics of Sanskrit Drama. 

(i) Nandi : Nandi or benedictory verses are in Sanskrit. 
They have 8 Caracas. 

(ii) The Prastdvana or prologue, where the SQtradhara carries 
on a dialogue with his sang! (colleague) and Nati 

(iii) The Bharata Vakya : To fit in with the dominant trend 
of the nataka it is termed as Muktimangala. 

The aaka-division, soliloquy, the five junctures etc. are how- 
ever omitted. 

The language of anklya natas is Brajabuli, that is Maithili 
mixed with Assamese. Brajabuli had lesser use of compound 
consonants a preponderance of vowel, and alliterative expression 
all of which made this language eminently suitable for rnythmic 
prose. J **"*, 

^The prose of these pl ays reveals such rhetorical figures of 
speech as consonance and alliteration which are generally conside- 
eltS **** Th ^ P etic ^bellishments are not 

( 35 ) 

"Jagataka parama guru parama purusa 
purusottama-sanatana Brahma 
Sri Krsna/Sohi DaSaratha-rajakumara 
Kotikandarpa-darpa-dalana Sri Ramacandra/" 

The characters are typical Assamese based on, mythological 
image. The description of beauty and feminine charm is after the 
Sanskrit Kavya. 

Ki kahaba rupa kumarika Rama / 
Kanaka putali tula tanu anupama // 
Ratana tilaka lole alaka kapola / 
Heriye bhrubhanga tribhuvan bhola // 
Dekhiya badana cSnda bheli laja / 
Nayana niriksi Kamala jal majha // 

x x x x 

Banduli nindi adhara karu kanti / 
Dadimba nibira bija danta panti // 
Isata hasita madana moha jal / 
Nasa tila phula kamalinimai // 
Nava yauvana tana badarl pramana / 
Uru Karikara kati dambarnka thana // 

Prose : Besides the prose of Ankiya nata another specimen 
of early Assamese prose is the prose rendering of the Bhagavata, 
Bhagavad Off a of 16th century. These are remarkable psoductions. 
The language is simple, couched in homely Assamese expression 
with Sanskrit words. The composition follows a particular order 
of placement of subject, object and verb which is not a regular 
feature in Sanskrit prose. 

Another specimen of prose is the Buranji literature. The 
prose of Buranji, meaning history, was influenced by the Sino- 
Tibetan speech. This came from the Buranjis written by the Ahom 
people in Thai language. Gradually the Thais became Assamese 
speakers and introduced the style and expression in Buranjis 
written in Assamese. In their form, style and subject matter 
the Assamese Buranjis are unique in Indian literature. 

Another specimen of prose is the carita puthls or the 
biographical books. These are on the great Vaisnava saints. In 
style and form they follow the prose of Buranjis and not the Sanskrit 

Mantras are composed in prose. This is again a new form 
of literature in Assamese. "The prose of these writings is irregular 
and cryptic The sentences have disjointed structure of grammar. 
They lack the essential characteristics of prose style and tire but a 
conglomeration of unintelligible and mystic expression and phrases 
without grammatical verbs and proper syntactical form/ 1 (B. K. 
Literature on mundane subjects : 

A mass of technical literature was produced from the 16th 
century onwards on astrology and astronomy, veterinary science, 
music, dancing etc. These were in prose and verse. They show 
the influence of Sanskrit. 

In the 18th century a few Kavyas, rather narratives, were 
composed ; the themes of these were taken from Persian folktales 
or literature. Mfgavati Carita, Cahapari upakhydna are a few of 
them. These works in their form and style are quite new and not 
at all influenced by Sanskrit. 

Songs : Songs composed by Sankara Deva are known as 
Baraglia. These compositions were not couched in homely 
Assamese. The speech used for songs and drama is an artificial 
one., Brajabuli a mixture of Maithill and Assamese. 

In style and expression these songs follow the high tradition 
of Sanskrit. The ragas used in these songs arc mainly classical. 
In a few songs Des*l ragas are also used. Madhava Dcva, the 
disciple of Sankara Deva, in his Baragitas describes mainly the 
boy Krsija's childish pranks and as such in subject-matter and 
treatment they are greatly influenced by Sanskrit. 

Metre and Simile : 

Sansksit metres are divided into Vrtta and Jati on the basis 
of number of syllables and matras. 

In Assamese Vrtta is used alongwith the alliteration of the 
last syllables of each or each alternate line. Sanskrit Sabdalankara, 
except Anuprasa, is rarely used in Assamese literature. Among the 
Arthalankaras simile is used. Other figures based on upama are 
also used. It is interesting to note that there is use of Vyafijana, 
in a broad sense, in many Assamese words. 

Modern Assamese Literature 

The beginning of the new era in Assamese literature dates 
from the 3rd decade of the 19th century. Modern Assamese litera- 
ture took its shape and continued to flourish from the last quarter 
of the 19th century. 

( 37 ) 

Dr. William Carey, a Baptist Missionary at Serampore, West 
Bengal, with the help of an Assamese pundit brought out an 
Assamese translation of the New Testament in 1817 and the Old 
testament which was completed in 1833. "The language of this 
version was full of Bengalism and had too many learned Sanskrit 

After a few years another Baptist Missionary Rev. 1ST. Brown 
brought out another Assamese version of Testament from Sibsagar, 
Assam. The style of this version was colloquial Assamese and free 
from Sanskrit. While the former version betrays great Sanskrit 
influence, the latter one shows a new style. 

The Missionaries, by writing and publishing grammar and 
dictionary, tried to give a new shape to the language and a new 
style in composition. New words and new expressions found place. 
As a result, from 1838 A. E>. onward, with the translation of 
Christian literature into Assamese, the language was set up for 
modern requirements. New direction in thought and expression 
and a new style in composition was clearly visible. This style was 
somewhat followed by other immediate writers and Hemchandra 
Barua introduced a new style. 

The Baptist Missionaries used words as spoken by the 
common people of upper Assam. They tried to avoid even common 
Sanskrit words. But still the language was under the influence of 
Sanskrit. 1 quote here two, lines from their writing and give word- 
for-word Sanskrit translation : 

Kono ejan manuhara duta putek achila / 

Tare sarutoe bapekak kale - he pitr, 

Sampattira yi bhaga mota pare, taka moka diya / 

Tate teon apona sampatti sibilakaka bati dile // 

Kasyacit manavasya dvau puttrau astam / 

Tayoli kanisthab pitaramvadat/sampatteh 

Vo bhagab niayi vartate tad mahyaip dehi. 

Tatafe sa svTya-sampattirn tebhyo vibhajy pradat // 

Young men from Assam came down to Calcutta for higher 
education from the latter half of the 19th century. They studied 
English language and literature and imbibed is spirit and "Bengali, 
which they could not help knowing since a large mass of reading 
material was available in it also influenced them. They tried to 
introduce the new tone in Assamese and to improve it. As a result 
a new romanticism, new imageries and a new style came to 
Assamese. Sanskrit yielded ground to the Western influence. 

The influence of Sanskrit on early 20th century modern 
Assamese literature came through the Vaisnava literature particu- 
larly through the writings of Ankara Deva and Madhava Deva. 
LakmmathBezbarooah (1869-1938 A. D.) a versatile genius used 
a good number of figures of speech and other expressions in his 
works drawn from Vainava literature which in their turn were 
taken from Sanskrit. Particular episodes described in the Vaisnava 
literature were used, in his works conveniently and intelligently, 
K Asvathamahataitigaja^""Grahagajeadara yuddha" (battle of 
graha and gajendra) and hundreds of such idioms which became 
part of Assamese speech are found in the writings of standard 
Assamese writers, Such idioms and figures of speech are not used 
as foreign elements but have been completely assimilated into 
Assamese. They invigorated and enriched the Assamese. 

After the spread of English education new ideas and ex- 
pressions came. 

The short story, novel and poetry in modern Assamese litera- 
ture do not betray any influence of Sanskrit in form, style and 
thought. The full-length drama, here and there, has some aspect 
of the technique of Sanskrit drama. The literary criticism in 
modern Assamese is based half on Sanskrit alamkara sastra and 
half on English criticism. The essays are usually full of teehnical 
terms and expression used in the Sanskrit alamkara Sastra. In 
construction of sentences and expression these essays are just some 
sort of re-oriented Sanskrit, 


Gauhati University 

Assam which till the recent times comprised not only of 
the present State of Assam, but also the small States of Meghalaya, 
Nagaland and Mizo land, is the easternmost part of the Union 
of India. As the State of Assam now covers only the plain 
districts of the Brahmaputra valley, we shall confine our discussion 
to the impact of Sanskrit on the thought and culture of the 
present political boundary of the State. Moreover the hill areas 
which have been recently separated from Assam and formed into 
separate States have been very little influenced by Sanskrit or 
Sanskrit culture. For the convenience of our discussion it would be 
better to deal with the topic under four separate headings, viz. 
(i) language, (ii) literature (iii) religion and (iv) social rites and 

(i) Language 

Assamese is derived from the eastern ApabhrarhSa of 
Magadhi Prakrt. It stands in a sisterly relation to Bengali, Oriya 
and Maithili and occupies the status of a grand-daughter of 
Sanskrit. Sanskrit contributes the major share to the stock of 
Assamese vocabulary. Tatsama and tadbhava words constitute 
about eighty percent of the vocabulary usually used in Assamese 
language and literature and it is still the main source from which 
new words are daily imported to meet the growing demand of a 
developing language- The scientific and technical terminology 
that have been coined recently is also mainly Sanskrit-based. 

(ii) Literature 

The history of early Assamese literature which dates back 
to the early centuries of the first millenium A.D. is nothing but 
the history of the Assamese renderings of the epics and the 
Puranas into popular verse and some times into prose. The Neo- 

( 39 ) 


Vaisnavite movement initiated by Sankaradeva, a man of un- 
P, ushered in a cultural renaissance m Assam. 
as not only a religious saint, but was also a poet, 

common femu 


and social reformer-all in one. But even before 
undertook the task of translating the Vaisn.avite 
Ar.ame.c. His predecessors of the thirteenth and 
fourteenth centuries rendered seme parts of the Mahabharata and 
the entire Ramayaria of Valmiki into lucid Assamese verse. 
Madhava Kandali, the court-poet of Mahamanikya, a tribal king 
of the fourteenth century, successfully translated the entire 
Ramayana into Assamese verse without marring the literary 
beauty of the original version. During the period of the Vaisnavite 
revival of the succeeding centuries the entire Bhagavata purana, 
the Mahabharaia, Harivawfa. parts of the Padma-purana and Visnw 
pwana were translated into Assamese. Besides these, the Brahma- 
\aivarta-purana, Noradiya purana. Dharma-purana. Kalkl ptirana were 
also translated into Assamese in the eighteenth century. The 
major part of the Bhagavata-purana which is considered by the 
Vaisnavas of Assam as their supreme religious work was translated 
by Sankaradeva himself and his followers completed the work by 
rendering the remaining parts. The chief translator of the 
Mahabharata is Rama Sarasvati who undertook the stupendous 
task of translating the great epic under patronage of king Narana- 
rayana. Besides Madhava Kandali's version of the Ramayana^ 
we have a few more local versions of the Ramayona of which 
Durgavara's lyrical rendering and Ananta Dasa's Ramay ana-kin ana 
and Raghunatha Mahanta's prose rendering in the eighteenth 
century deserve special mention. We have several Assamese 
renderings of the Gita including a prose one and two important 
renderings of the Markandeya CandT. All these were written 
between the 16th and 18th centuries of the Christian era. Some 
of the Kavyas mainly intended for the enjoyment of the rasikas 
written during this period are based on well-known Sanskrit 
works. Jayadeva's Gitagavinda and Kalidasa's Qakuntaia were 
adapted in Assamese verse with certain modifications. One of 
the important branch of the early Assamese literature is the 
authology of devotional verses gleaned from, different puranas. 
Besides the famous Bhakti-ratnavali of Visnupuri, the Rhakti-ratna- 
kara of Sankaradeva and the Bhakti viveka of Bhattadeva are 
noteworthy devotional compendia of early Assamese Literature. 

Besides the works briefly noted above there are many other 
works, too numerous to mention, which owe their existence to 
the vast store-house of Sanskrit language. The influenc of 
Sanskrit literature in recent times is too broad a subject to be dealt 

( 41 ; 

in a single paper. Suffice it to say that Sanskrit literature, both 
religious and secular, is serving as the principal fountain-head of 
the current Assamese literature. 

We have so far discussed the Assamese versions of Sanskrit 
works, but besides Assamese works a large number of works in 
Sanskrit itself on different branches of knowledge were written 
in Assam during the medieval times. Scholars are of opinion 
that KdHka purdna, Yogim-tantra and Dharma-purana (not 
Brhaddharma) were composed in ancient Assam, because these 
two works contain many geographical or topographical references 
in respect of Assam. A number of Smrti-nibandhas, generally 
referred to the Kamarupa school of Smrti mbandhas, were written 
between 13th and 16th centuries AJD. Rajguru Damodara Mira, 
NilSmbaracarya and PTtambara Siddhanta-vagTs*a were well-known 
Nibandhakaras of medieval Assam. The last one is reported to 
have written 18 Smrti-nibandhas (digests) known as Kaumudls, 
Day a Kaumudi, Darida-Kaumudf, Sraddha-kaumudi, Pretakaumudi, 
Tithi-kaumiidi. Udvaha kaumudi and so on. Most of them are still 
available and religious rites and rituals in Kamarupa are still 
performed according their prescription. Two more branches of 
study received special attention from the Sanskrit scholars of 
Assam. They are Jyotisa and Ayurveda. Well known works 
of all-India vogue on Astrology, Astronomy and Ayurveda were 
assudiously copied and preserved and also new works in these 
branches were written in Assam. Vaidya-sdroddhdra by Brajanatha 
Sarma, Vaidya-kalpataru by Ananga Kaviraja, Dravya-guna by 
Narayana Dasa, and Rasendra-kalpadruma by Rama Bhatta, for 
instance, are Ayurvedic works based on the traditional medical 
system. Astronomical calculations are found to have been based 
on what is called khandasadhya calculation, drawn from an early 
work on the subject known as the Kamarupa Nibandhaniya khanda- 
sadhaya, supposed have been written in the 7 century A.IX In 
the sphere of dance and drama, the influence of Sanskrit drama- 
turgy on the technique of the medieval devotional plays of Assam 
(Arikiya-nnta) is very patent. The Assamese rendering of ubhair 
kara*s Srihastamukatdvali may also be noted. 

In this connection, special mention may be made of the role 
of the kings of Assam (Kamarupa) who played a conspicuous part 
in the diffusion of Sanskrit culture in ancient and medieval Assam. 
They not only encouraged the Aryan migration into Assam but 
also encouraged the Brahmins to settle in various parts of the 
country by granting them lands generously. The language of the 
landgrants written on copper plates was invariably Sanskrit and 
many such copper plates have recently been recovered. Some of 

the earlv kings of Assam were poets and scholars in Sanskrit. 
The Galati grant of king Indrapala of the 10th century A.D. 
credits Purandrapala with the epithet Svkavi. King Harsapaia 
of the same dynasty is credited with the composition of Sanskrit 
verse. King Dharmapala of the llth century is described in his 
Puspabhadra grant as Kaviciidamani . Prince Sukladhvaja of the 
Koch dynasty is credited with the authorship of a learned 
commentary on the GitagovfnJa. Besides their personal achieve- 
mentin the field of art and letters, many kings of ancient and 
medieval Assam encouraged and patronised Sanskrit learning in 
Assam. This considerably contributed towards transforming a 
domtnently non-Aryan region into a land of Aryan culture. 

(iii) Religion 

During the pre-historic times, Assam being a habitation of 
non-Aryan tribes, was animistic in religious beliefs. But gradually 
with the spread of the Aryan language and culture the Hindu 
religious ideas and beliefs supplemented the premitive ideas and 
beliefs. The Brahmins who migrated to Assam were mainly 
instrumental in spreading the Aryan culture and Sanskrit learning 
in Assam. Saivism, Saktism and Vainavism are the three main 
channels through which the Hindu religious ideas, philosophies, 
beliefs and customs percolated to the Assamese society. It should 
be remembered in this connection that most of the principal 
scriptures of the above religious faiths are in Sanskrit and although 
the laity were not conversant with Sanskrit, yet they were made 
familiar with the fundamental ideas and beliefs by the priestly 
class to a considerable extent. Saivism appears to be the earliest 
Hindu religion in Assam, for the kings of ancient Assam from the 
4th century A.D. till the first millenium A.D. are known to have 
professed Saivism. Many Saiva temples, still in existence, testify 
to the existence of the Saiva cult in Assam from early times. At 
present, however, the influence of this sect is mainly confined to 
the temples and its sphere of influence. The next important 
sect prevalent from early times is Saktism with its radiating 
centre on the Nllacala hill where the temple of Goddess Kamakhya 
is situated. Saktism in Assam has always been associated with 
tSntricism and the Kamakhya temple has been famous from early 
times as the centre of tantric rites and practices. The Kallkd- 
pura$a* Yogim tantra* Hara-gaun-SamvQda and KQmakhya tantra, 
all written in Assam, have elaborately dealt with various rites, 
practices and beliefs of the Sakta and tantrika cult in Assam. All 
the works mentioned above are in Sanskrit language. The Kalika- 
purana further gives a detailed account of all the holy places of 
Assam, including those sacred to Vairiavas and Saivas. The 

f 3 ) 

most important sect of Assam, having a large following, is 
Vaisnavism. Even before the advent of the Neo-Vaiavite 
movement in the 15th century, a thin current of Vaisnavism was 
flowing in Assam. This older current was later submerged by 
the tide of Neo-Vainavism of the 15th and 16th century AJD. 
We have already referred to this movement which paved the way 
for the rendering of almost all the Vaisnavite Pvranas into 
Assamese, The Bhagvata purana played the dominant role in 
this tremendous movement. As a result, hundreds of Vaisnavite 
centres, known as Sattras, were established in different parts of 
the country and these became so many centres of religious 
propagation as well as centres of mass education in ancient lores. 
Every Sattra became in course of time a repository of religious 
scriptures and centre of religious discussions. Sanskrit as well 
as Assamese religious books were carefully preserved and worn 
out copies were replaced by new ones. Thus the Sattras served 
as the institution for diffusing Sanskrit learning and culture. 

The prevalence and propagation of the above three principal 
religious faiths are also responsible for moulding the ideas, thoughts 
and beliefs of the people. Unity of Godhead, transmigration of 
soul, incarnation of Cod, pantheistic belief, emanation of God, 
belief in the theory of rebirth, efficacy of love aud devotion and 
such other pan-Indian traditional ideas and beliefs are also part 
and parcel of Assamese Hindu social life. These are the legacies 
of the Sanskrit culture which has permeated the society in all 
its facets, 

(iii) Observances 

So far as social observances, rites and habits are concerned, 
they may be classified into two categories, religious and non- 
religious. The Sanskrit influence appears to be more marked in 
case of the religious observances. Religious rites, observances 
and Festivals of all-India character like JanmSsfami, Phalgutsava. 
JDurg&-piija 9 Sivar&tri. RSsapftrnima etc. are observed according 
to the pan -Indian pujapaddhati, i. e., according to prescriptions 
laid down in the Sanskrit manuals. The puja and the sastraic 
rites are performed by reciting Sanskrit mantras or hymns. 
Even some of the n on- Aryan deities which found a place in the 
Hindu pantheon much later, are worshipped according to newly 
introduced puja-vidhi with Sanskrit hymns and incantation. The 
worship of the snake-goddess Manasa may be cited as an instance. 
Her worship as obtaining today is a mixture of Hindu (Sanskrit) 
and tribal rites. Sanskrit mantras are also recited while observing 
religious fasts and taking ablution in sacred water. In some of 

tie popular Vaisnavite rites and festivals, songs and verses 
composed in Assamese are also sung, over and above the 
scriptural rites performed by Brahmin priests in accordance with 
the prescription laid down in DhmdMm and Pip-manuals, 
The verses in Assamese recited on suck occasion are mostly 
translations from the Mimtafunw or similar Sanskrit work, 
The Hindus of the upper strata of society perform the important 
Swskm in accordance with prescriptions laid down in Dkm&> 
fastm, Local customs and usages, no doubt, play some part, 
but Sanskrit rites play the dominant role, 

The impact of Sanskrit on the thought and culture of Assam 
is deep and abiding, though, it must be admitted, the study of 
Sanskrit as a language has considerably gone down during recent 



The history of the written speech in Bengal (undivided) 
starts with a small, mutilated inscription written in the Brahml 
script of the 3rd cent. B.C. It is a stone plaque discovered in 
Central Bengal (old Pui^ravardhana-bhukti). The language is 
early Prakjt (MIA) and is akin to the language of the Eastern 
Pillar edicts of ASoka. This is the only MIA epigraph found 
as yet in Bengal. 

The Prakft was replaced by Sanskrit in Northern India from 
the beginning of the Christian era. The process was no doubt 
gradual but as there is a blank of several centuries between the 
Prakrt inscription mentioned above and the next, a short Sanskrit 
inscription written in the fourth century Brahmi script, there is 
no means of knowing how and when Sanskrit was used here 
for public announcements in written speech. This oldest inscrip- 
tion in Sanskrit in Bengal (West) tells us of the dedication of a 
cave as a sanctum ofViscui, the Wielder of the Disc. The style 
of the script suggests that the inscription was contemporaneous 
with that of Samudragupta. 

From the fifth century onwards Sanskrit inscriptions have 
been found in increasing numbers and their style is progressively 
ornate. A high literary quality in the epigraphical records (generally 
copperplate land grants) in Bengal (undivided) was achieved 
before the end of the eighth century as evidenced by the Khalimpur 
Grant of Dharmapala. A mature or ornate prose style, later known 
as "GaudI Rlti" appears less than a century earlier, in the Nidhan- 
pur-grant of Bhaskaravarman of Kamarupa. I suspect some hand 
of Sana in the composition. 

We do not know when the Indo- Aryan speakers had first 
settled in the part of Eastern India which came to be known as 
Bengal from the days of Pathan rule in Bengal. The accepted 

( 45 ) 

stand of historians and antiquarians is that Bengal was Aryanized 
at a comparative late period. 

But linguistic evidence on the contrary points out that Indo- 
Aryan in Eastern India appears to have a longer history there 
than elsewhere in Northern India. To give an instance : The loss of 
intervocalic consonants does not appear before the beginning of the 
Christian era, while in the eastern dialect of the piller edicts and 
cave inscriptions of Asoka we find sporadic loss of intervocalic-t- 
and even a step beyond the contraction of the udvrtta vowel with 
the preceding, which is a still later feature. We have for cdtudasa 
(<OIA caturdasd) cavudasa (Delhi- Topra) and for catudasa (<OIA 
caturdasa) codas a (Nagarjunl Cave), cavudasa may be explained 
away as a scribal error but codasa cannot be so dismissed. I am 
inclined to think that Old In do- Aryan was introduced in Eastern 
India not at a post- Vedic but at a pre-Vedic or early Vedic stage 
and that the Asuras, the elder brothers of the Devas, that were 
pushed away to the East, as in the stories in the Brahmanas* are 
reminiscent of the pre-Vedic or early Vedic Aryan settlers in the. 
East which was considered as outside Brahmanical Aryandonx, 

So far as evidence goes Buddhism and Jainism were both as much 
popular in Bengal (undivided) as Brahminism. If we are to believe 
Hiuen Tsang, Agoka had built several stupas in the different regions 
of Western and Central Bengal and in some localities in Eastern 
Bengal. If the reading savagiyal in the early Prakrt inscription 
referred to earlier stands for Sanskrit sadvargiyandm, existence of a 
Buddhistic monastery in Central Bengal in the third century B. C. 
is proved. The existence of Jainism is proved by a land grant 
copperplate inscription discovered at Paharpur in Central Bengal 
which records the offering of some land to the maintenance of a 
Jaina monastery (vihara) by a Brahman Natha-Sarman and his wife 
Raml. The date of the inscription is 159 Gupta era ( = 479 AD) 
Worship of Visnu in different names and forms are recorded in 
inscriptions dating from the fourth century A. D. and from all 
ports of the country. 

T> ^ S regardS Iiterar y and cultural activities in Bengal the 
Buddhiste were by far the leading community. When Fa hs en 
visited Northern India (beginning of the 5th cent.) he found In 
Tamralipt! (south-westesn Bengal) the best and most earned centres 

( 47 ) 

acknowledged master of this school who however followed Panini 
but not blindly. (Candragomin was not merely a grammarian, he 
was a notable scholar and poet as well. For his outstanding scholar- 
ship and piety he was held in great esteem by Buddhists in Bengal 
and elsewhere. He was still living when I-tsing visited Eastern 
India (673 86). To quote J-tsing : "In Eastern India there lived 
a great man (Mahasattva) named Candra (lit. ' Mo on-official*, it may 
be 'Candradasa') being like a Bodhisattva, endowed with great 
talent. This man was still alive when I, I-tsing, visited that 
country." (Takakusu P. 183). Earlier I-tsing mentions Candra* s 
activity as a poet : "Mahasattva Candra (lit. 'Moon official*, 
probably Candradasa), a learned man in Eastern India, composed 
a poetical song about the prince ViSvantara, hitherto known as 
Sudan a, and people all sing and dance to it throughout the five 
countries of India." (Ibid. p. 164), I-tsing's translation of the full 
name of Candra indicates that it was Candra-gomin or Candra- 
gomika and not "Candradasa" as he thought. Gomin or Gomika 
means the master or possessor of cattle, and gomika meaning a 
superintendent of a king's cattle occurs in the list of officials given 
in many of copper-plate inscriptions from Bengal). 

It was however not Buddhistic Sanskrit that was cultivated 
by the Buddists and others in Bengal. It was classical Sanskrit 
with some alternative and special forms in grammar and with some 
vocables of its own. 

The study of Candra's grammar was vigorously pursued in 
Bengal. Even as late as the tenth century scholastic monasteries 
devoted entirely to the grammar of Candragomin was established 
and endowed in Samatata. Sricandra the king of Vanga and 
Samatata established nine scholastic malhas and for the 
maintenance he endowed Chandrapurx-vz^orya, a fertile area of some 
100O square miles, as recorded in a recently discovered copper- 
plate grant from a village in South Sylhet named, PaScimbhag. 1 
Four mafhas are mentioned as "foreign" (desantarlya-matha- 
catu$taya) and another four as "Bengal" or "native" (yangala- 
rnatha-catustayd)* At each of these eight mafhas the four Vedas 
were taught and eight professors (Upadhynyd) were appointed to 
supervise study. The remaining rnatha which is mentioned first 
in the document was devoted to the study of Candra's grammar 
and a professor was appointed at the head of the institution who 
received, as the other eight professors did, the income of ten 

1, Published with translation and annotations by Sri Kamala- 
kanta Gupta in his Copperplate Grants of Sylhet Vol I. 
Rasheedistan, Sylhet, 1967. 

pntakas of land (each pataka, being of ten drona measurement): 
etanmathapratibaddhacandravyakhyanopddhynyasya dasadronikadasa- 

There was provision for ten students who together enjoyed 
income from ten pafakas, and for other functionaries such as a 
superintending Brahmin, an astronomer, an accountant (kayastha), 
suppliers of flowers, oil and pottery, two conch blowers, various 
drummers, servants, shoemakers, a dancer, two carpenters, two 
masons, two ironsmiths and eight hired labourers. The document 
reads like the charter of establishment of a University. 

Literary activity in Bengal apart from Buddhistic texts and 
commentaries and epigraphical records seems to have flowered 
from the 7th cent. A. D. Bengal did not always follow the set 
patterns or vogues of the established or classical literature. 
Bengali poets generally preferred to write stray (praklrna) verses 
on various topics not excluding the life around them. It is no 
wonder that the two oldest and best anthologies of Sanskrit stray 
verses were compiled in Bengal before the advent of the Muslim 
and disappearance of good Sanskrit poetry. 

The literary spirit in Bengal from the early times seems to 
have had a bias for the realistic and the practical. Unfettered by 
too much of the Sastras and Puranas a Bengali poet naturally, 
preferred the myths and traditions that grew up in his own 
linguistic and cultural area. And so he could not have remained 
unmindful of the vernacular. Before 800 A. D. the spoken 
tongue in Bengal was a late form of the New Indo-Aryan speech 
which was cultivated in popular and folk poetry as well had an 
extra territorial currency which had helped it to grow up into a 
literary lingua franca of a sort. It was, however, the heretic and 
ascetic scholars, mainly tantric Buddhists, Jain yogis and the like 
that occasionally wrote aphoristic and didactic couplets and short 
songs in this late NIA literary speech which came to be known 
as Apabhrasta (Avihattha, Avahaffha) by the end of the twelfth 
century. The literary Prakrts which were much more artificial 
thanSanskitdo not seem to have been any preference in Bengal. 
The dissatisfaction against the Apabhratfa verse written in Bengal 
is expressed in a Sanskrit./^ attributed 

rajan vijMpayami tvsm parihssajihirsayd / 
gaujas tyajatu va gstham anya vdstu sarasvati // 


Before the e*d of the 9th cent, the vernacular (or spoken IA) 

( 49 ) 

in Bengal had already started showing its characteristics of the 
third (New or Modern) stage of Iiido-Aryan. In the tenth and 
the following two or three subsequent centuries the Buddhist 
tantric and Jaina Yogi writers were writing esoteric songs in the 
emergent NIA speech. Some of them wrote also in Avahatfha and 
almost all of them also in polished Sanskrit. This trilingual 
activity in Bengal was one of the most happy factors in the develop- 
ment of the language and literature in Bengal. 

How Sanskrit and Vernacular (Avahattha and Bengali) 
spontaneously helped one another is indicated by the songs of 
Gitagovinda which form the last great contribution to poetry in 
Sanskrit and which was the first of really significant poetry 
in the vernacular. The songs of Jayadeva are couched in Sanskrit, 
but their cadence is of Avahatta and their spirit is of Bengali. 

From the very beginning Bengali poetry was cultivated by 
persons who had a good knowledge of Sanskrit. This is 
true for all the subsequent centuries. From the end of the 
13th cent. Bengali language began to be handled by Persian 
speakers also* In the early days of the Muslim rule down 
to the middle of the sixteenth century the administration 
was carried on by the Bengali speaking Hindus and Muslims and 
the language was mainly Bengali. The thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries saw the development of the Payar metre in Bengali. 
Paydr in Bengali, like Anus^ubh in Sanskrit, was a very pliable 
medium which served all purposes which delayed the emergence of 
a literary prose style. Sanskrit largely and Persian to some extent 
supplied the required material words and expressions of the 
fast growing language. At the same time Bengali (i.e. the tadbhava 
and ardhatatsama elements) contributed literally to the lexical stock 
of Sanskrit. Apart from the two oldest anthologies of stray 
poetry (Subhasitaratndkosa and Saduktikarridmrtd) the main 
contribution of Bengal to Sanskrit language is a host of important 
lexical works beginning with Tikdsarvasa of Vandyaghatlya 
Sarvananda (12th cent.) and ending with Sabdaratnavali of 
MathureSa (17th cent.)- 

By the end of the 16th century Bengali culture in its two 
levels, high and folk (or low), had become so much saturated with 
the Puranic lore that a Puranic text containing mythological stories 
was not entirely unintelligible to the common people who had 
no knowledge of Sanskrit. This was achieved by the spread of 
Caitanya's faith throughout the country and beyond. Sanskrit 
was studied by the members of staunch Vainava families, 
iucluding the ladies, both Brahmins and non-Brahmins. By the 

( 50 ) 

end of the 17th cent, an elementary course in Sanskrit was taken 

rs of the Brahmin caste but also 
who would go ,n for farming, 

e , 

no only by the young learners of the Brahmin caste but also 
byyoungmL from other castes who would go ,n for farming, 
mmerce or service. Persian however was by no means neglected, 

commerce or servce. e , 

soSly by those who went in for service under Zanundars and 
official revenue collectors. The simple course m Sanskrit consisted 
of some sections of Amarakoto, eight rcprescn aUvc declensions 
(astaiabX) and eight typical conjugations (astadhatii). \ have not 
come across any manuscript of the first book of reading to Sanskrit 
nor have I noticed any reference about the existence oi any such 
work during the period of Muslim rule. But such a work existed 
in the seventh and subsequent centuries. IMsing mentions Us 
name Siddhirastu and gives an idea of its contents ^(v. Takakuru 
p p 170-71) The Siddhacarya Saraha in one oi his Avahttha 
couplet mentions such a work : (siddhiratthu mir padhamc padhiau) 
A Brahmin student pursued a higher course consisting oi as much 
of Sarttkfiptasara (or any other grammar current in the locality) 
as he could, some portions of Pr&kftaptngata and some cantos of 
Raghuvamsa and Bhaftikwya. This was considered enough for 
a Brahmin youngman who would not proceed further for a 
scholastic career. 

Scholars who wrote Sanskrit or/and Bengali did not look 
upon the vernacular as a language entirely different from Sanskrit. 
They considered it to be only a current local form (Gaudiya Calit 
Bhasn') of Sanskrit which was the high language (Stulhu Bha$a). 
They wrote Bengali full of Sanskrit words and long compounds 
and they called this style Gaudiya Sddhu Bhasa (Bengali High 
Language). Naturally native scholars did not feel any necessity 
for writing a grammar of Bengali, It was the Europeans who 
did not know Sanskrit and who were not born to the language 
that wrote the first two or three grammars of Bengali. Native 
scholars took to writing Bengali grammar only when there was 
a demand for it in the new system of education introduced towards 
the middle of the nineteenth century. 

Bengali had cast off practically all the older inflexional 
trappings before its emergence as a NIA speech. From the 
16th cent, it had become almost an isolating language. There 
is therefore very little of a formal grammar in Bengali; the 
"grammar" of the language has been replaced by idioms. An 
isolating language can be easily understood, to a large extent, 
from its vocabulary. The vocabulary of Bengali has always 
depended largely on Sanskrit. It has been drawing on Sanskrit 
lexical stock uninhibitedly and very largely from the beginning of 
its literary career. It inay appear .that Bengali has not yet weaned 
from her grandmother. 


Former Vice-Chancellor, Visvabharati, Santfniketan 

The culture of a people at a particular epoch is its total 
enlightened life diversified into aspects like literature, fine arts, 
society, polity, economy and technology. These aspects of life 
incorporate certain basic ideas and principles which, though lived 
in that life, are formulable in intellectual studies like philosophy, 
aesthetics, sociology, politics, economics and physical sciences. 
Intellectual study is autonomous and refuses to remain confined 
to the limits of the actual life lived. It examines the underlying 
ideas and principles and, in course of intellectual reassessment, 
inevitably suggests their modification and expansion. In the period 
following, these modifications and expansions are again incorporated 
in actual life, and soon. [The logic of the relation between life 
and intellectual study requires some close examination.] 

Till practically the end of the eighteenth century Bengali 
Literature, as one aspect of the total Bengali life, was very largely 
in the traditional Indian line, the basic ideas and principles of 
which were studied in the traditional Indian Sastras, written mostly 
in Sanskrit. In other words, till then Bengali literature was steeped 
in Sanskrit, and this is true not only with regard to thought and 
culture, but even regarding the structure of the language, except, 
of course, for what was distinctive of the people and language of 
Bengal, as distinct from other groups and languages of India. 
[Muslim influence, e.g., was more pronounced here than elsewhere.] 

The situation began to change rapidly from the beginning of 
the nineteenth century. The new influential factor was English 
education with absolutely new basic ideas and principles. The 
whole cultural face and even the use of words and the structure 
of language began to change appreciably. There was a definite 
trend toward Westernization. Fortunately, there was revivalism 

( 51 ) 

( 52 ; 

also a great urge for the rediscovery of ancient India. The idea 
behind this revivalism was that the true Indian culture could not 
be against the good points of Western culture . This explained. 
Naturally, the situation turned healthily toward some sort of 
synthetic culture. This had its influence on Bengali literature and 
language. Some illustrations. 

But unfortunately the over-all stress in Bengal's cultural life 
grew more and more Western, and this began to develop rapidly 
in the fourth decade of the twentieth century. Till the last days 
of Rabindranath there was living continuity with the old tradition 
and, therefore, kinship with Sanskrit, in spite of many drastic 
changes that had occurred in the meantime. But that continuity and 
kinship came soon to be almost snapped, and not merely the ways 
of life and thinking, but also use of words and the structure of 
Bengali language changed almost basically. This illustrated. 
Exceptions, of course, are there. But this is the present-day trend 
in Bengal. 

One chief reason for this change-over to Westernism is the 
elite Bengal's preference for the Upanisads during the days of 
revivalism, rather than to the ancient Pauranic culture. Not that 
some of the important revivalists did not opt for the latter. But, 
because of the fact that the Upanisadic culture appeared nearer to 
the present-day Westein Culture, the lessons they taught came 
soon to be forgotten. This illustrated, 

The way out is to popularize Sanskrit and introduce large 
doses of the integral ancient Indian culture in all popular media of 
communication including literature. 



Rabindranath Tagore imbibed the influence of Sanskrit from 
the following sources : (i) his early training at home where he 
learned the language the hard way, with grammar and dictionaries; 
(ii) the general cultural milieu where Sanskrit was one of the chief 
formative factors in a cultured family and (iii) his own later reading 
sometimes desultory and sometimes systematic, as well as from 
discussions with scholars. Autobiographical works like Chelebeln* 
Jlvanasmrti, his letters and biographical sketches written by others 
bear testimony to this. 

His early training gave him sufficient grounding in the 
language to enable him to follow the drift of any non-technical 
passage of moderate difficulty even when the exact meaning of 
certain words escaped him. As a poet he had the imaginative 
resources to fill the lacuna of unfamiliar vocabulary or 
construction. 1 

In the early nineteenth century Bengal, at the time of the 
breaking up of the feudal relationships and of the forging of new 
ones of a comprador culture, when sections of the landed gentry 
were vying with each other in becoming westernized at a very fast 
pace, the Tagore family rather stood out in their attempt at 
re-discovering and retaining the best of our ancient heritage and in 
transforming it according to the needs of the day. When waves of 
Western values were sweeping over the educated sections of Bengal 
it is to the credit of the poet's father and brothers (along with a 
few other landlords) that they examined their own ancient cultural 
legacy to find what it had to offer to satisfy the spiritual needs of 
the generation* Tagore grew up in an atmosphere of this respectful 
search and he, too, rescued some treasures from neglect, oblivion 
and destruction. He emulated what he found and created others 
in their likeness* 

1. He says so in the Jivanasmfti. 

( 53 ) 

( 54 ) 

The impact of Sanskrit on him was varied beginning from 
the more obvious, formal aspects like vocabulary, rhetoric, prosody, 
and themes, to the subtler and more complex aspects of ideas, 
Weltanschauung and values. What he found in Ssknt literature 
affected him in various ways on different levels at different times as 
L bound to happen when the recipient is too spiritually static. 
Yet in spite of the dynamism and mobility of his mind - in spite 
of growth, development and change - there were certain things 
which left a lasting impression and which remained as the firm 
mooring when the diverse currents of the age were trying to sweep 
him off These values and attitudes may be said to constitute the 
abiding impact of Sanskrit literature on him. Any fair assessment 
of the flowering forth of his poetic genius, however, must neccesarily 
take into account the impact of Western culture on him. A 
comparison of the immaturity of the poetic experience and emotion 
of ganaphul*, Kavikahini* and Satiava sangita\ all composed before 
his first trip to England at the age of seventeen (1879-80) and the 
very next significant works Sandhyasangtta (1881) and Prabhata- 
sangita (1883) bear out this truth. While in the early poems and 
verse-plays the poet has vague emotions and suffers from the 
inability to articulate his experiences, in the last two books the 
articulation is more complete and the poet can communicate his 
experience more adequately. Later he himself wrote a preface to 
the Sandhynsangita in which he said : "The Sandhyns appeared as 
the first work which crossed the threshold of the age of copy-book 
writing (i.e. apprenticeship). I shall not compare it to the mango- 
blossom but with the first fruit-bud i.e. it has just made its 
appearance in its individual shape in green. It has not yet filled 
with juice, and so is yet of little value. But these poems gave me 
joy showing me for the first time their own individual shape. 
Therefore the Sandhya is the first introduction to my poetry. It is 
not good, but it is distinctly my own. It had on its individual 
attire as distinct from the rest of the poetry of that age; this attire 
was not in vogue in the market then" 5 . At a distance of a few 
decades the poet had attained a degree of objectivity and could see 
that these poems for the first time bear his individual stamp and 
these were composed immediately after his return from England. 
The young impressionable mind had responded to a set of fresh 
and unfamiliar stimuli and the poetic verve became different 

2. Composed in 1875-76. 

3. Composed in 1877. 

4. Composed in 1877-80. 

5. Introduction to the Sandhyasangita in the third volume of 
the Centenary edn. 

richer, more complex, and released from a maze of unformulated, 
shapeless emotions. Sandhya reflects discontent with his involve- 
ment with emotions which lead nowhere; he is restless and feels 
suffocated with them. Prabhatasangita 'Songs of the Morn* as 
it is aptly called reflects a release from these utterly personal 
emotions so close and so stifling. The famous poem c Nirjharer 
Svapnabhanga* (The Water-fall Waking from its Dream) where the 
stagnant pool of water held in a cave is suddenly touched by a ray 
of the sun and the song of birds from the outside world and it 
rushes forth joyfully from the dark mountain fastness to the bigger 
and brighter world, is significant because it is symbolic and bears 
testimony to the poet's sudden vision of life outside his own private 
world of emotions. The next poem Prabhata-Utsava (The Morning 
Festival), too, carries on this joy of release into a bigger and more 
meaningful world. 

The poet visited Europe the second time at the age of twenty- 
nine in 1891 and returned in 1893. The next book of verses is 
Sonar Tari, the first really mature book of poems. The tone of 
bantering, mockery and cynicism mingled with innate romanticism 
is already evident in the last poems of Manasl (1890) but the 
maturity of attitude and expression is clearly more evident in 
Sonar Tarl in which the romantic poet has attained a poetic richness 
never found in the earlier poems. 

In all these poems the poetry is the product of a conflict or 
to be more precise, of many conflicts. The impact of the West 
came to a mind already enriched by the literature of several 
centuries The continuous attempt at assessment of Sanskrit 
literature by standards set by the Western poets went on in the 
poet's sub-conscious mind and yielded a rich harvest in poetry, 
the first fruits of which appear in the Sonar Tar % in which he has 
found his own distinctive poetic idiom for the first time. 


First let us take up the more obvious aspect of the influence 
of Sanskrit literature on the poet - vocabulary and prosody. When 
Tagore wrote his early poems, the literary (esp. poetic) heritage 
consisted of translations of the Runny ana and Mahnbharata, the 
medieval Mangalaknvyas the Vaiwava lyrics and the poetry of 
MadhusudanDatta, Biharilal Chakravarti and a few others - aU 
of which was steeped in the Sanskrit lore. This poetic repertoire 
was part of the milieu of the educated Bengali of his time so in a 
sense Tagore had absorbed the Sanskrit tradition even before he 
had learned the language. Kaliprasanna Smha's translation of the 

Mahnbharata acquainted the Bengali reader with hundreds of 
Suit and unfamiliar Sanskrit words; to the educated Bengali its 
ianguage was fully intelligible because his education was Sanskrit- 
H^ed So through hearing it recited much of the obsolete 
vocabulary became familiar to the boy because he found them in 
their noetic context. Then as his own acquaintance with Sanskrit 
literature grew he came across words whose poetic potentiality had 
not been exploited by Bengali authors hitherto; because their needs 
were different i.e. because they were in the habit of borrowing 
words physically whereas Tagore modified them according to his 
own poetic need. This need was different because his poetic verve 
was of a different order. While every significant poet before him 
tried his hand at an epic, Tagore was the first poet who contented 
himself with lyrics, for he was aware that his genius was pre- 
eminently lyrical. His romantic mind groped for words which a 
medieval mind like Bharatchandra or an essentially classical mind 
like Madhusudana would never need. 

From my study of Tagore T came to the conclusion that in 
this effort to coin words from Sanskrit he would turn to the 
Ramdyana, and to Kalidasa's and Banabhatta's works. So when in 
1964 I could persuade members of the library staff at Visvabharati 
to show me copies of these works used by the poet, 1 was thrilled 
to find my guess borne out by facts. The copious marginal notes 
show the yarious stages of word-formation from the Sanskrit. 
They are not total physical loans or neologisms but adaptation and 
modification of Sanskrit words to suit the needs of a heavily 
charged emotive language. In the MeghadUta of Kalidasa we read 
Revam drakyasyupalaviame vindhyapade visiniam, "you shall see 
the thin stream of the Reva at the pebbly foothills of the Vindhya 
range." In Tagore's Meghaduta we have 6 : *the lean and clear 
stream of the Reba pained at every step by the pebbles at the foot 
of the Vindhya'. The emotive overtone is all his own. In Bana 
we read : "in the world deafened on account of the unceasing 
cooing of the sad doves*'. 7 Tagore has 'the sad dove moans in her 
nest. 8 The borrowing is clear but the evocative beauty is his 
own contribution. One also thinks of the image in MayQra's 
Suryasataka where "the chariot of the Sungod cruelly crushes the 
stars into smichereens under its wheels while it moves forward 
heedlessly. 9 In the late novel Sesher Kavitn the poet has : "Do you 

6. Vimala viSlina leva vindhyapadamiile upalavyathitagati, 

7. Katarakapotaktijitanubandhavadhiritavive Navavarsa. 
K$anika. v 

8. Kulaye kandiche katara kapota. 

9. Ksodo naksatraraseradayarayamilaccakrapistasya dhulihi 
Stanza 69. *-*../ 

hear the noise of moving time ? Its chariot moves on for ever 
sending pulsation through the firmament, the cry of the stars rising 
out of the crushed heart of darkness/' 10 The key image-making 
word *cakrapita' is common to both poems but the emotive 
element is distinctly more pronounced in Tagore where the cry 
rises from the rent hearts of the stars in the midst of the 
apparently indifferent dark nocturnal sky. The Sanskrit poet 
merely creates a cosmic image; the lyric poet makes it vibrate with 
the pain of broken hearts. Words which evoke emotive associations 
and suggest deeper connotations are more suitable for lyrics than 
mere connotative terms. 

In later life when the poet was running a school and also a 
University he wrote books on popular science fand for technical 
and purely denotative terms he turned to similar works in Sanskrit 
and made extremely suitable innovations. 


Tagore did not borrow many metres from Sanskrit prosody 
directly but modified well-known metres to satisfy the Bengali 
ear so accustomed to many variations of Apabhrams'a metres 
through works of Jayadeva and others. Many scholars have 
written on this aspect of Tagore; so I shall confine this discussion 
to a few analyses only. Jayadeva writes "Vadasi yadi kincidapi 
dantarucikaumudi/harati daratimiramatighoram.** Tagore has 11 
the position of two syllables shifted from that of the Sanskrit 
original; or (in Madanbhasmer Pwrve) 12 approximately the same 
quantitatively, but somewhat jarring on the Bengali ear which is not 
used to stretching the final vowel length to cover the expected 
length of the line. Its effect is tortuous because the vowels have 
to be artificially lengthened to fulfil the prosodic requirement. 
Then came the next poem Madanbhasmer Pare where a few 
more syllables are added to obviate the difficulty and we have the 
perfectly satisfying metre. 13 Even in a mature work like the 

10. Kaler yatrar dhvani sunite ki pao ? 

tari ratha nitya i udhao 
Jagaiche antarlkhe hrdaya-spandana. 
cakrapista Sndharer vakaphata tarar krandana/ 
The last poem in the Sesher Kavita 

\ I . Ekada prate kunjatale andhabalika/patrapute aniya dilo 

12, Ekada tumi a&gadhari phirite nava bhuvane/mari mari 

13. Pancaare dagdha kore koreche eki sanyasi, viSvamaya 
diyecho tare chadaye 

Sesher Kavitn he has made a significant experiment with rhythm." 
Here the even lines slightly stretch the final vowels but the odd 
lines do so considerably. The result is a kind of supplicatory 
effect bordering on music in which the quantitative lack is filled 
with the resonance of a longing appeal. Such experiments with 
metrical effect can only 'be carried on by a poet who knows the 
exact weight of each rhythmic structure and can make effective 
alterations to suit the emotional need of the theme. Metre thus 
became another medium for communicating the experience, it adds 
an extra dimension to the total poetic experience. The chief 
obstacle to imitating Sanskrit metres in Bengali, however, is the 
expectation for end-rhymes, a direct legacy from ApabhraniSa 
end-rhyme as found in Jayadeva. Classical Sanskrit poetry, except 
in a very few cases, does not know end rhymes. Tagore uses it 
extremely judiciously. Sometimes he avoids the apparently 
inevitable cheapness of eifect by introducing conjunct syllables; 15 
at others he lengthens and alternates the rhyming lines so that 
they stand at some distance from each other. 26 Or again he 
made the rhyming lines of unequal lengths so that the rhyme- 
effect is subdued in a subtle and complex sound-structure. 17 With 
an infinitely vaster range than Jayadeva or any of his predecessors 
he borrows with extreme care from Jayadeva and the doxologies 
which use rhyme for an incantatory effect, but also from the non- 
rhyming sonorous classical metres where the effect is due to the 
judicious arrangement of the vocables. Towards the end he 
reverted to the stark unrhymed glory of the Rgvedic verses. All 
effort at embellishing his poetry with artfice was abandoned; he 
relied on the innate grandeur of the experience itself and we have 
the hard gem-like structure of poetry after the Purabi. 

Considerable influence of Sanskrit poetry can be traced in 
Tagore's diction, arrangement of vocables to produce lilt, inner 
rhythmic structure and assonance. Certain passages read very much 
like Sanskrit because without repeating the Sanskrit construction 
or metres the poet makes deft and effective use of both. Some- 

14, Sundari tumi SukatarS./sudtira aila-gikharante/sarvarl 
jabe habe sara/darSana diyo dikbhrante/ 

15, Jedina himadrispige nami ase asanna asaqlha/Mahanada 
brahmapntra akasmat dftrdama durvara/du^saha 
antaravege tirataru kariya unmula/matiya khunjiya phire 
Spanara kula-upakttla/Bhaa O Chan da 

16. Duftkha peyechi dainya ghireche alHa dinerate/dekhechi 
ku&ritare ;/mnuera prane vis. a miSayeche manua apana 
hate/ghojeche ta barebare Patrottara. SENJUTI. 

17. Ghuma bhanganiya jyochana/kotha theke jeno akase kc 
bale ekatuku kache bosona Aspatta, Navajataka. 

times entire passages echo similar passages from Sanskrit, at others 
they are so much in the Sanskrit convention that one wonders if 
they occurred somewhere in Sanskrit poetry. 18 

The alliteration is of the best kind recommended in Sanskrit 
poetics. We have still closer juxtaposition of the alliterating 
consonants in Tagore but the unfailing artistry saves them from 
the cloying effect so common in decadent Sanskrit poetry. 19 His 
predilection for metres roughly divisible into feet of five or six 
syllables is also derived from many Sanskrit metres. 20 


In rhetoric, Tagore's poetry is marked more by departure 
than by adherence to the Sanskrit model. While the basic stock 

18. e.g. Snigdhasajala meghakajjala divase/vivaa prahara acala 
alasa avese/sasitarahina andhatamasl yamim/kotha tora 
purakamim ?" Kotha tora ayi tarum pathikalalana/ 
janapadavadhu taditcakitanayana ?/malatimalml kotha 
priyaparicarika/kotha tora abhisarika/ghanavanatale eso 
ghananllavasana/lalitanjtye bajuka svarnaraSana. 

Or Varsamangala, Kalpann 

Ayi bhuvanarnanomohini/ayi nirmala suryakarojvala 
dharani/ janakajananijanani/nllasindhujala dhautacarana- 
tala/anilakampita Syamala ancala/amlaracumbita bhala 
himacala subhratusarakirrtlm. Bharatalaksrnl, Kalpana 
19. Ohora ghananilagunthana tava/calacapalar cakita camake 
koricho cara^iavicarana/kotha campaka abharana ? 
phalgune ami phulavane vase gethechinu jato phula- 
hara. Avirbhava, Ksanikn 

Or Vatayane bosi vihvalavina vijane bajal haiya. 

Antaratama, Ksanikft 

20. And even from the prose construction of Baza's passages 
like Jalavagahanagatajayakunjarakumbhasindurasa- 

ndhya manasalllayonmadakalahaipsakulakolahala- 

mukharlkytakulaya vetravatya (Kadambari). Metres 

like Upendravajra with feet of 5 and 6 are very common 
in Sanskrit. Akhyanaki 5/6, Rathoddhata 6/5, Bhujanga- 
prayata 6/6; Drutavilambita 6/6 7/5, Hariruphita 6/6 
6/5, Vam^asthavila 5/66/7, Indravamsa 5/7 and 
ikharim 6/6/56/6/4 are the shorter metres more 
frequently used in the major Sanskrit Kavyas, The 
basic structure is a variation of five, six or seven syllable 
foot with the caesura changing place and determining 
the nature of the cadence and lilt of the rhythm. Tagore 
made frequent experiments with their potentialities but 
his experiments were always determined and conditioned 
by the existing rhythmic patterns of Bengali metres. 

( eu ) 

of the major figures (simile, metaphor, alliteration, allusion, 
pathetic fallacy) is common to all literatures, Tagore makes free 
L of them. The more complicated and artificial figures are 
avoided except when he ridicules them. Thus m the play Phalgunl 
the hypocritical pundit Srutibhu?ana says to the king : <My wife 
wishes to hear His Majesty's fame resounded in each of her limbs 
(meaning, she would like the king to give her ornaments for every 
part of her body). This artificial image is directly borrowed from 
the decadent Sanskrit tradition of hyperboles, but is put to banal 
use intentionally. As a romantic poet he has a healthy instinctive 
aversion for the baroque-type super-abundance of rhetoric so 
common in post-Kalidasa literature. For him Kahdasa remains the 
model for the essential balance in content and form and for the 
artist's taste that prefers the simple and elegant figures of speech 
which embellish without excess. Tagore's rejection of the decadent 
exuberance of rhetoric is a proof of innate good taste. As a poet 
who fared on the 19th century English romantic poetry he was 
repelled by excessively heavy and complicated rhetoric. His great 
contribution is the shifting of his legacy and the sense of inherent 
balance between form and contenta sense conspicuously lacking in 
post-Kalidasa Sanskrit poetry. 

Another contribution is the extension of the field of image- 
making. While the classical Sanskrit poet was progressively 
restricting the field from which similes and metaphors could be 
drawn because the artificial poetic conventions 21 were multiplying, 
genuine inspired poetry was moving more towards the dialects 
after the 10th. C. Besides, works of poetics were slowly but 
surely acting as a stranglehold to poetry so that Sanskrit poetry 
was fast becoming an excuse for grammatical and rhetorical 
exercises a pleasure of the blase elite and a luxury of the courts 
and coteries. The vast and bulky literature of this period is 
marked by increasing ardity and to compensate for the lack of 
inspiration poets take to verbal gymnastics or burden their verses 
with piles of tired and hackneyed images. The freshness of 
Tagore's imagery after this long period of barren ornate poetry is 
due to many factors, one of which is the expansion of the field 
from which he drew his images and this is mainly due to the impact 
of European romanticism. 


The subject of imagery brings us to Tagore's use of 
mythology which can be roughly classified under three heads : 

(i) simple allusions (ii) use in imagery (iii) symbolic inter- 
pretation and extension into neo-Puranic myths. Allusion is used 

2 1 . Kaviprau<Jhoktisiddhi. 

C 61 ) 

for illustration by reference to the stock of traditional myths, a 
storehouse which all poets before and after Tagore have drawn 
upon. Myths are also used in imagery where the Puranic conduct 
of the gods is brought in to illustrate the subject in hand. Then 
again, existing myths are given symbolic interpretation. 22 But the 
best and most creative use of myths is in images in which the 
conduct of gods and godesses are quite in character and where 
they serve to confirm or establish a statement of the poet (E. g. in 
the play 'The Card-land* the race of cardmen, weary and inert are 
said to have been born out of the gaping mouth of old Brahma 
when he yawned wearily at the end of a busy day of creation. 
Here the aged god busy with the task of unceasing creation is 
drawn from existing mythology; the. inert race of spiritually dead 
card-men being created from his yawn is the poet's own. And it 
is quite in tune with many Brahmanical and Puranic myths of 
creation where the character of the creature depends on the mood 
and condition of the creator at the moment of creation. 23 It is 
in such passages that we are suddenly made aware of the depth and 
thoroughness of his acquaintance with ancient mythology. 

Tagore's imagery frequently reflects a world of vanished 
glory, a world which may never have been a historical reality but 
which Sanskrit literature has made more than real to its readers. 
The poet's images are drawn from, an imaginary world where 
princes and princesses dream of and languish for each other, 
where woman walk stealthily in the darkness of the night to meet 
their lovers at rendezvous, where love-lorn maidens teach their pet 
parrots love-songs or play plaintive tunes on their lyers and sigh 
and shed silent tears when they string flowers for their absent 
lovers. It is a world of lotuses, lyres, sandalwood, rich jewellery 
and colourful costumes of bowers, music, moonshine and love. 
It is this dream-world of a by-gone age that most of his images 
are drawn from, images which so enrich his poetry. The colour 
and music of the sensuous images created by an exceptionally 
refined sensibility render them so haunting that quite frequently 
they seem to have a life of their own. This happens because they 
are reverberations of an age which is so very real to the poet's 
imagination that he feels nostalgic about it. 24 

Many of Tagore's themes are taken from Sanskrit literature 
from the TJpanisads, the epics, Buddhist Sanskrit literature and 

22. As Tth^jR<5m3j>0#0-story is symbolically interpreted in the 
preface of the Raktakarabl (the Red Oleanders) or in his 
article on Indian History in Bharatbarsher Itihnsa. 

23. Cf. the myth of Andhakasura, 

24. Cf. Sekal and Svapna. 

( 62 ) 

the Puranas.* 5 In Kahini we have tales from Sanskric literature 
made into poems enriched with the poet's own interpretation. 28 
In the poem Premer AmaravatI (Citra) there is a passage 27 which 
recreates the romantic age very vividly but at the same time it is 
essentially Tagore's own because he creates it out of the many- 
splendoured bits of description from different Sanskrit poets of 
vastly different ages. It describes DamayantI, Sakuntala, Mahagveta 
Subhadra and Parvati figures which lend themselves very easily 
to transformation into heroines of romantic poetry. Around 
each the poet weaves a thin but splendid haze of indistinct yet 
charming colour and leaves it there. Suggestion takes over 
where description leaves off and the pictures become immortal. 

This world was not a historical reality, it is essentially a new 
myth, entirely the product of glimpses of the past derived from 
heightened descriptions, recreated by a poet whose mind had early 
imbibed the impact of the 19th C. English romantic poets and 

25. Poems like Gdndhnrlr Avedana- Karnakuntisamvdda, 
Meghaduta, Puraskdra, Narakadar&ana, and Sekal are 
directly drawn from Sanskrit. Plays like Citrdfigada t 
Kdlamrgayd and Vdlmikipratibhd are based on the epics; 
Sydmd, Cdnddlikd, Aruparatana (or Raja) and 
Sdpamocana as well as numerous poems derive their 
themes from Buddhist Sanskrit literature. From the 
Avaddnasataka he took the plots of Sre$thabhiksd 9 
Pujdrini, Mulyaprdpti (Kathd O Kdhini)\ from the 
Chandogyaopani$ad that of Brdhmana (ibid); from the 
Mahdvastu Mastakavikraya and Parisodha; from the 
Bodhisattvdddnakalpalatd, Abhisdrd: from the Divyavaddna, 
Sdmdnyaksati and from the Kadpadrumdvaddna Nagaral- 

26. In Kalpand the poem Caurapancdsikd is a romantic 
transmutation of Bilhana's poem; madanbhasmer Purve 
and Madanbhasmer Pare are directly based on Kumdra- 
sambhava Cantos III and IV, and Tapobhanga in Purabl 
has echoes from Cantos II and III. In Mdnasl while 
Rahur Prema, Meghaduta and Ahalydr Pratt are direct 
extensions of epic-Puranic myths, Rdjdr Chele, Rdjdr 
Meye, Nidritd, Suptotthitd, Manasasundarl and Kalpand 
in Sonar Tan are the actual imaginative recreation of 
the past with rich romantic overtones; the themes are 
the poet's own but as a romantic he explores the 
remote past to find a suitable myth to communicate 
his experience adequately. The poem Vasundhard in 
Sonar Tari recalls the Bhumi-sukta (A.V. J5k XII). 

27. Beginning with Premer amaravatl yetha. 

( 63 ) 

who was quite at home in the atmosphere of European art, music 
and literature. 

As early as at seventeen the poet went to England and 
received impressions at first hand. Endowed with an innate 
refined sensibility he reacted in a creative way as is very clear 
from a comparison of his poems before and after his trip to 
England. Western culture was a living reality to him, a positive 
and formative force which modified and coloured his response to 
life. Much of his great creation is a direct product of the powerful 
tension between acceptance and rejection of his own past heritage. 
The urge to reject it partially came upon him when even at seven- 
teen he saw European life at first hand and wrote articles from 
England for the journal BharatI, revaluing accepted Indian values. 
Later he revisited Europe and came in closer contact with the 
Western civilization through his reading and through contact with 
European friends. He absorbed the influence of Western literature, 
esp. the 19th C. English romantic literature and the Indian tradition 
appeared to him as vastly different from how it had appeared to the 
medieval Bharatchandra or the classicist Madhusudana. A proof of 
this change of attitude is revealed in his symbolic and suggestive 
plays. 28 He could see why so much of the Indian reality had become 
static and dead. He ridiculed it in veiled or overt manner pointing out 
how and why the dynamism of social life had come to a stand-still. 
As a fair judge he was not blind to the evils and excesses of the 
highly mechanized existence in an industrial age and wrote a caustic 
commentary on it in the Raktakarabi (Red Oleanders) as well as 
in Muktadhard (The Released Stream). Significantly enough for 
both types of deadness he finds salvation coming through youth. 

The rejection of the dead and decadent values also permeated 
his poetry as imagery; for winter symbolized this deadness while 
spring stood for love, joy and life. 

Urbaxt in Citra takes the theme from the Indian epic-Puranic 
picture of a nymph, but the treatment clearly bears the mark of 
acquaintance with Shelley's 'Hymn to Intellectual Beauty'. The 
poem VijayinI (Citra) is based on the Mahasveta-episode in the 
KSdambari, but the treatment, the universalization of her grief as 
the eternal Inverts portion is essentially romantic. 

More directly connected with the traditional past are some 
poems in Chait&ll** These are poeticallay inferior except in 

28. Like Tasher Death, Acalayatana (Guru), Muktadhara, 
Kaler Yatra, Rather Rashi and many other compositions. 

29, Like Vane O Rajye* Tapovana, Pracina Bhdrata* 
Meghaduta, Rtusarnhara, Milanadr&ya Kumnrasatnbhava 

and Kzlidvser Pratt. 

patches. In them he lecreates the past simply as it appears to 
him and ends nostalgically on a note traditionally associated with 
the themes, sometimes with minor variations. The poems of 
Ksanika betray a satirical note, a sense of slight revulsion at the 
cloying image of the past. In them he humorously debunks the 
romantic past. Inherent in some of them is a rejection of and 
triumph over the vision of this past which was but an illusion 
and the poet as a champion of the present glorifies present reality 
and is not any the less happy. In Seknl he boasts that Kalidasa 
living in the remote past missed the glory and romance of the 
present, while he is both an heir to the past and is blessed with 
the attractions of the present. As we all know the Ksanika 
poems were composed after a period of bitter disillusionment, 
after the failure of various political and social ventures. Part of 
the process of spiritual recuperation was through self-mockery. 
The sarcastic smile still lingered when he composed these very fresh 
and very charming poems. The anti-romantic veneer is very thin, 
but it adds a new beauty to the themes and treatment. 

Still later Tagore's poetry draws heavily upon Kalidasa's 
Rtusamhara and other celebrated descriptions of nature. 30 Unlike 
the monotonous Shepherd's Calender type long poems, most of 
them concentrate on the advent and departure of cither spring 
or the rainy season. Natardja and RtUrangasala deal with the six 
seasons in an interpretative way and the interpretation is Tagore's 
very own. 

Tagore's nature poetry is quite frequently symbolic. We 
have already noted the symbolic significance of winter and spring. 
The obvious symbolism is present in many poets but in Tagore 
it becomes an extension of the myth of the Kumarasambhava where 
in Canto III the destructive forces win and in Canto V love and 
life triumph. The poet gives away the secret of the symbolism 
in the poem Tapobhanga which thus becomes an expanded 
metaphor : Winter is Siva practising penance in the cold 
Himalayas or appearing before ParvatI disguised as a mendicant. 31 
The whole drama was acted futilely with PSrvatl displaying her 
physical charm premature spring intruding on the scene of stillness 
and asceticism. Such fickle love is doomed to frustration; Siva spurns 
Parvatfs love, consumes Madana with the fire of his third eye; 

pieces, Nafaruja, RturangaSala, Navina, 
Se$qvarsaria, Sravariagiithn echo many passages of the 
poetry of the seasons in Sanskrit. 
31. ViveSa kaScijjatilastapovanam Sarlrabaddhalj prathama- 
iramo yatha / 

Vasanta flees and the drama ends in tragedy. In the next (IVth) 
Canto Rati laments for the dead Madan a - like Isis mourning for 
Osiris while in the background Parvati purifies her love through 
penance. Then in Canto V Siva disguised as a hermit appears 
to Parvati and provokes her against her lover. She affirms her 
unflinching love, he reveals his identity and they are united. 

To Tagore's mind this disguise motif is symbolic of the 
eternal drama in nature. Winter is nature's temporary disguise to 
conceal the approaching spring. This theme is repeated ad 
infinitum.** The symbolic play Phalguni has this theme and many 
passages strewn in poems, songs, novels, essays, letters and dramas 
repeat this idea. Similarly the theme of penance purifying fickle 
physical love which runs thiough many of his works derives directly 
from Kalidasa whose three dramas may be regarded as trilogies 
constructed on three aspects of this theme and whose Kumara- 
sambhava, Qtusamhura and Meghaduta are constructed on the 
opening bar of this theme. The disguise motif supplies a key 
theme to Tagore who sees the seasons revolving around it. His 
concept of summer 33 is of a harsh mendicant (the Siva of Canto I); 
the rainy season symbolizes separation (Canto IV) as well as 
fulfilment (Canto (VI). Sarat is the bride. To Kalidasa, the 
bride is Sarat 8 * and Sarat is a bride. 36 Autumn is the fulfilled 
matron. Winter the disguised lover and spring the bridegroom 
(Canto VII). One hears echoes from the Kumar&sambhava and 
J^tusamhara all through Tagore's poetry. 


In. his criticism of Sanskrit literature Tagore merely interprets 
the literary legacy and linds an inner conceptual pattern in 
the significant literature of the past. In the articles on Snkuntala, 
Ramayarta, Kadambarl and Kdvyer Upeksita he finds echoes of his 
own ideas. Or, conversely, it is perhaps safer to say that both 
belong to a common tradition and the later artist merely takes 
upon himself to reinterpret the aesthetically valid sections of the 
older ones. One misses maturity and complexity in the criteria 
which he brings to bear upon his subject. Criticism according to 
him is an appreciative appraisal which will induce others to read 
the works under consideration. Here, too, one traces the 
standards of Sanskrit literary criticism which at its most barren 

32. Cf* Songs Nos. 183-87, 190, 208, 238 and many 

othets in the Gltavit'&na. 

33. Or Vai&kha as in numerous poems and songs. 

34. Kumara, Canto, VII, 

35. fttu : Sarat ; I. 

level is an examination of conformity with the poetic norms. 3 ' 
If the poet conforms he is good, if not he is bad. At its highest, 
Sanskrit poetics judges a literary work by the best of criteria viz. 
that of rasa, poetic sentiment. Tagore, too, adheres to this principle 
and takes up time-honoured works of art pointing put how and 
where they have succeeded in producing the poetic sentiment, 


The field where the impact of the ancient past is most subtle, 
pervasive and significant is that of ideas. The tension between 
the urges to accept and reject is at the root of much powerful 
creation the best of which is the novel Gora where the issue is 
treated directly through dialogues and indirectly through symbolic 
action. The poet's nostalgia for the distant past is at once a living 
and deadening force. He frequently says that the abiding ethos of 
a nation cannot reject its past outright. The pivotal point, then, 
is the criterion for selection and rejection, the degree in which the 
past should be allowed to condition the present and the future. 
Tagore' s patriotism prompted him to shift the legacy, to critically 
evaluate the past, to select and reject. Thus in the field of ideas 
acceptance and rejection alternated periodically. His essays on 
Indian history reveal a sharp change in his attitude. While in the 
earlier essays he idealizes India's past and reinterprets its cultural 
heritage as one worthy of total emulation, in his later articles he 
is more cautious, critical and discriminating. Analysing some of the 
poems of Naivedya we find that the poet is disappointed with the 
state of affairs because he believes that much of misery and evil 
of modern India is due to deviation from the norm set up by 
ancient India. Needless to say he is rather uncritical and 
unhistorical in his conclusions because the values postulated by 
individual seers were ideals and not necessarily the actual social 
realities. The noble realization of the ancient Aryans that there is 
one immanent spirit in fire, air, water and trees 37 does not tell 
us anything about the world of men and the poet's assumption 
that men were united by the bond of universal brotherhood, is 
merely romantic. Hence his lamentation over the departure from 
the noble ideal and his conclusion that the wretched condition 
of the twentieth century India is due to that departure is not 
tenable historically. He compares the present and the past and 

36. As Iai4 down in works of poetics these norms are fairly 
exhaustive and most often quite mechanical, 

37. C/. poems nos. ^7, 58 ; Naivedya. 

says, "Where are we, in what distant, dark and dilapidated city 
of despondence." 33 Then quoting the well-known Rgvedic stanza 
he says, "O dead India, that alone is the way, there is no other 
way." 39 In his view the present is dreary and dismal because we 
have forgotten the Rgvedic message of joy. Salvation then lies 
in reviving the past. At the turn of the century in 1900 he was 
still harping on the "message" of the ancient Aryans. 

But this revivalism was not his permanent attitude. He 
developed and grew and changed positions several times. What 
is important is the inner dynamism. 

In poetry there is a direct attempt at reassessment of ancient 
values. 40 An element of healthy cynicism is noticeable in his new 
attitude to the past. In Gord his most significant work, he lays 
his cards on the table and through long, threadbare discussions 
weighs the traditional values against those of the Westernized 
sections. But even here Gora's values are not strictly traditional, 
for in him tradition confronts Western culture and the modified, 
refined and sifted tradition is Gora's own. The novel contains a 
phase of the poet's spiritual autobiography, his journey to and from 
the Indian past, and the 19th C. educated man's ideas in their un- 
modified forms. The poet-thinker traverses vast distances between 
the extremes of the traditional and the modern, and crosses all 
degrees and shades of modification conceptually. Almost each of 
the characters is a hypostasis of a particular conceptual position. 
He pauses before each and seeks to evolve a set of values valid for 
the spiritual needs of the age. An innate idealism, however, 
coloured all his concepts. 

In the Yogayoga, Chdr Adhyaya, Ghare Baire and Caturanga 
the same painful exploration is apparent. Like a true poet he can 
not choose a final position; his sensitive arid mobile soul wavers 
between the various positions .and much true art is born of this 
creative tension. 

One example of how he sought to translate ancient Indian 
tradition in terms of modern life is his protest against the eduction 
system introduced by the British rulers so that he set up an old- 
world hermitagetype university at ViSvabharati. A study of the 

38. Cf. poem no. 60. 

39. Poem no. 64 echoes nanyafc pantha vidyate* yanaya; 
also, poems 64-71. 

40. C/. poems like Mnydvada (Sonnr Tari\ Mukti, Khela, 
Bandhana, Gati, Aksama, Atmasamarpana Vairagya 
(Chaitali), Punyer Hishab, Devatar VidSya, Tattva- 
jnanahma and Karmaphala (Ksanika), 

history of gantiniketan gives us a glimpse into the troubled mind 
of the poet swinging like a pendulum between the east and west, 
between past and present. True, there were certain basic values 
from which he never swerved, but the process and modes of trans- 
lating these concepts into every-day practice changed frequently 
according to his attitude to the past. The model hermitage (tapo- 
vana) is a reconstruction from references in different literary works. 

The series of essays known as Santiniketana as well as the 
spiritual autobiography Atmaparicaya, his credo Manusher Dharma 
and his last testament Sabhyatar Itihasa contain records of his 
oscillation and search for a balanced and valid ethos. His quest 
for values lends itself to interesting and significant periodization. 
There are periods when he turns to the West and others when he 
veers more to the ancient Indian tradition but throughout his 
entire spiritual career there are some beliefs and values which acted 
as sheet-anchor. Vedic, epic, Upanisadic and Buddhist literature 
offered him something of abiding value and left an undying 
impression in his thought, work and art. Of these the contribution 
of the Upanisads is the most obvious and has been studied most 
exhaustively by many very competent scholars, although the impact 
of the fresh, vivid and moving imagery of the Upaniads on such 
an impressionable mind has not been adequately explored. From 
Buddhist Sanskrit literature he borrowed numerous themes and a 
general attitude that finds effective expression in Rajarfi, Mukufa 
and many other poems and stories. 41 


To me the most significant impact on Tagore was that of the 
ggveda. He came to inherit a tradition which had for many 
centuries been conditioned to regard renunciation as the supreme 
value. The basic tenets of the Upaniads as interpreted by 
Sankaracarya and the doctrines of the Vedanta philosophy posit 
that life is illusory ; only Brahman is real ; creatures are in essence 
nothing but Brahman** Appearance is Maya. The only right 
endeavour is for emancipation through the realization of the 
equation : Jzva, the individual self, is equal to Brahman the absolute 
principle. Man must discern the futility and illusory character of 
life itself and seek to disengage himself from all pursuits prompted 

41. cf. Ebar Chalinu Tabe, which recalls the Buddha's renun- 

42. SlokSrdhena pravak$yami yaduktaip granthakotibhifc/ 
Brahma satya^jagaumithya jlvo brahmaiva 

by Maya. This prevalent attitude coloured the Weltanschauung 
and literature for more than a millennium before Tagore appeared 
on the scene ; it was the basic assumption of all poets and philoso- 
phers before him. 

This attitude generates a negative view of life, for it regards 
the joys of earthly life as evil. A distinctly different note is struck 
in poem no. 30 in Naivedya which enunciates Tagore's belief in 
unambiguous language. It says "Release through the practice of 
renunciation is not for me. I desire to taste release fraught with 
great joy in the midst of innumerable attachments'*. This is a reply 
to the millennia-old attitude of self-abnegation, privation and 
turning away from the world of sensuous joys. Tagore repudiates 
this attitude in unequivocal terms. The true poet in him revolted 
at the idea of the barren existence which is advocated by the 
preachers of self-denial. In hundreds of poems he has stated his 
position : he loves life in all its myriad manifestations, in nature 
and man. Nothing human and nothing in nature is alien to him. 
He is proud of the privilege to be born in this world, even the 
minutest detail has a rich significance to him. Life has spread a 
feast for the senses, it is wrong and unnatural not to enjoy the 
delights offered by life. The sky, sun and moon and stars, light 
and darkness, trees and rivers, birds and beasts, joys and sorrows, 
hopes, dreams and even frustrations, all this constitutes life. 
This rich experience comes only once and it is sinful to spurn it. 43 

Tagore's predecessors had for many centuries been steeped in 
Vedanta and the doctrine of Maya. This doctrine is absolutely 
untenable for a poet to whom life is real, rich and significant. But 
the current attitudes had permeated the emotional and philosophi- 
cal atmosphere of the country for too long and the basic assump- 
tion was that life is illusory, and therefore an evil which deludes 
man into unending misery. 

He struck an entirely new note : Life is glorious for its own 
sake ; man is blessed with his span on this earth and should enjoy 
it gratefully and proudly, bearing in mind its fleeting nature. Life 
is hallowed by the splendour of nature and the richness of human 
emotions and relations. The same sense of glory and wonder in 
human existence is seen in the #F. There we have frequent 
references to the joy of life itself. Prayers for long life are 
common/ 4 Life on this earth is desirable. 45 We desire to live and 

43. Tagore never used the words Mnyn (illusion), mukti or mok$a 
(liberation) except derisively. 

44. Satamjivantu Saradab purucirantarmrtyu dadhatwn parvatena 
(RV X ; 18 : 4). 

45. Jlvam vrdtam sacemahi RVS : X 58 : 5, 

dwell here i.e. on this eartn*" is tne retrain 01 nymn ^ : ;>. .Death 
is sought to be warded off for as long as possible, man is not eagei 
to escape life into a condition of eternal spiritual bliss, for that 
bliss is now and here. Soma and other gods are supplicated so 
that the devotee can see the rising sun for long years. 47 To those 
ancient Aryans the rising sun was a symbol, the privilege of 
witnessing it was precious to them for it symbolized life. 48 Life, 
not death is to be coveted. 49 The famous prayer to Soma for 
immortality is a keynote to many RV prayers. "Put me in the 
region where there is resplendence, where the sun is placed, where 
there is no death or decay, where Vivasvat's son is king, where men 
enter the sun and where wide rivers flow, make me immortal 
there." 50 The desire for earthly joys and for the fulfilment of the 
eternal craving for happiness find eloquent expression in that 
hymn. 51 

People should rejoice in life and live in a full way, the simple 
delights are not to be spurned ; sense-organs need satisfaction and 
long life is to be enjoyed in this body. The famous hymn in the first 
book reiterates this attitude. 62 Nowhere is there a craving for an 
early quietus before one's time, and the normal span of life to the 
Vedic Aryans is a hundred years. 63 The famous Madhusukta is a 
hymn in praise of the humble items which make life what it is, if 
blesses the air, water, wind, trees, rivers, cows, day and night. This 

46. Tatta a vartayamasihaksayayajivase. 

47. Mo su nah soma mjrtyave para dah pasyema nu suryamucca- 
rantarn, Dyubhirhito jarima suno astu parataram su nirrtir 
jihrtam, X : 59 : 4. 

48. A ta etu manafc punafc kratvaya daksaya jivase, jyok suryam 
drfe, X : 58 : 4. Jyok pasyema suryamuccarcmtamanumate 
mrlaya nah svasti X : 59 : 6. 

49. Esa dadhara te mano jivatave na mrtyave" tha arisfatataye 
X '. 60 i 8. 

50. Yatrajyotirajasramyasminllokesahitam. Tasmin mam dhehi 
pavamanamrte Joke aksit indrayendo pari srava. Yatra raja 
vaivasvato yatravarodhanam divah. Yatrabhurjahvatlrapas- 
tatra mamamrtam Krdhi ... X : 113 : 7, 8. 

51. Yatxtaandfifca modafca prainuda asate Kamasya yatraptah 
Kamastatra mamrtam kydhi. ibid verse 11. 

52. Bhadram Karnebhib sryuyamo deva bhadram " pafyemaksabhi- 
ryayatrab. Sthirairangaistustuvamsastanubhirvyatema devahitam 
yadayufr* 1 . 90 : 8. 

53. *rjatfal:50:3c; Pasyema Saradab satam jivema taradab 
Satam sukhinab syama faradab satam ; #V VJI : 66 ; 16c. 

indicates a definite predilection for life as we know it on the earth ; 
it glorifies life and is a hymn tojoie de vlvre. 

This note was stiuck on the Indian soil after two millennia 
throughout which period life was tacitly regarded as a necessary 
evil by the unenlightened and as an illusion by the metaphysicians. 
Tagore upset this idea : "I do not wish to die on this beautiful 
earth", he said "I wish to live among men". 54 He fought a life- 
long crusade against the dry, sterile and negative attitude ; he 
ridiculed renunciation, questioned the theory of Mdyn. 6 If the 
universe is dreaming, then of what can the dream be'. 65 The 
refrain of this poem in Kari O Komal is "will that be in this lifeless 
loveless blind darkness*". This is how he sums up the Vedantic 
position which dismisses as illusion all that makes life meaningful. 
In the famous poem Ami (i.e. I) in Syamall he. repudiates this 
negative attitude as untenable because it contradicts the basic 
scheme of the universe, of existence itself. 

In song no. 77 in the Gitavitana the poet says that long ages 
ago he was invited in the bright heaven of the stars ; but it gave 
him no pleasure, so he came away to this earth. Numerous songs 
of his reflect his deep love and ever fresh joy in life on earth. No 
prospect of a happier existence in the next life in heaven or in a 
union with the Supreme Being could tempt him ; he never grows 
weary of life, for life with all its conflicting experience was to him 
a blessing, to be alive was the supreme privilege. 

Except metaphorically Tagore never speaks of transmigration, 
or life after death. Here, too, we have the influence of the -RF 
which, except in the latest book is never preoccupied with death or 
heaven and hell. It has a fresh and vigorous zest for life and 
healthy appreciation of the many-splendoured glass. 

It is a sin to lose faith in man this was his very last credo. 57 
Throughout the middle phase creatively the most prolific 
phase of his literary career he had leaned more on the Upauisads. 
Vai$riava poetry and the medieval devotional poetry, however 
counterbalanced what might otherwise lead to a negative attitude 
of barrenness and renunciation. But as he grew really old and 
matured in his Weltanschauung he steadily came closer to the 
Rgvedic attitude of thankfully accepting life and singing hymns to 
its glory. His last four books Rogasayvay : Arogya, Janmadine and 

54, Marite cahina ami sundara bhuvane/manavera majhe ami 
bancivare cahi The first poem in Kari O KornaL 

55. Viva yadi gvapna dekhe e svapan kahar svapan ? 
Ciradina : Kan O Komal. 

56. cf. Sabhyatnr Sahkata. 
57. Manuser opare vivasa harano papa. Sabhyatar Sankata 

Sesalekha are a glorious manifesto to his faith in life. And it is 
not accidental that sometimes one hears clear echoes from the RV 
in them. 68 

The first poem of the next book Urogya begins with an echo 
of the Madhu hymn of the RV. Poem 3 of that book speaks of the 
sun in exactly the same way as the RV does. Jt also says. "I have 
thought to myself that if 1 had the message of the Vedic hymns of 
the ancient age then my own chants would also mingle in this 
flood of transparent light. But alas : I do not have that language". 
Poem 5 is also a very clear echo of many -RF-verses. In poem 13 
ofJanmadine he uses the jRF-language 59 and says that he remem- 
bers the words of Vedic sages (15). Poem 23 echoes a Vedic hymn 
directly in the last five lines. In poem 25 he yearns for an echo of 
the ancient Saman hymns. Even in his very last poem in Sesalekha 
he is an ardent believer in the triumph of life. Even the language 
becomes redolent with the fresh aroma of Ijlgvedic poetry. 

58. cf. the last few lines of poem no. 15 Rogasayyay. In many 
poems in this book we find the poet's joy at the rising sun 
which here becomes the symbol of the victory of life over 
disease and death just as it was to the ancient Aryans. The 
entire book is a record of the battle between darkness and 
light symbolizing the struggle between death and life. Cf. poem 
nos 4, 5, 13, 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27, 28 and 32. Poem 36 
reaches its climax in the last two lines where the poet quotes 
from the Upani^ads. Ko *hyevany3t kafr pr&mySt yadesa Tika&a 
anando na syat. "Who would live, who would breathe if this 
sky itself were not pure joy ?" 

59. TamasSr parapare. ; cf. tamasafi parastat. 


. J. Institute, Ahmedabad 

I Influence on the Language 

The middle Indo-Aryan stage was on a point to be developed 
into Neo-Indo-Aryan dialects at the beginning of the llth century 
A.D. Thus the ApabhramSa with its dialects in Western India 
was in an evolving stage with some peculiar and new changes. 
The first authentic ApabhramSa grammar given by the famous 
Hemacandra at the end of his Siddha-Hema Vyakararia was a land- 
mark for the development of dialects of Western India. The 
remark at the end of his grammar is noteworthy. Concluding the 
treatment of the ApabhraihSa he said : 3fof 4K4cTlc[ fes^ What- 
ever you cannot find in the grammar about ApabhramSa is the 
same as what is seen in Sanskrit. And we can see that some pure 
Sanskrit words and forms were gradually getting prominence. 
The use of an extinct vowel ^ (y) draws our attention in words like 
TS~^ ( 329 )> W (336-1), *$*3 (341-2), ^s^tft (370-4), 
for (350-2), ^fb^ (394) qon? (422-15), The consonant T (r) 
as a second member in conjunction is peculiar to Sanskrit, and 
this is abundantly found in words like ^f^T (360-1), ^-sftcq* 
(391-1), 31(394-1), W* (418-3), a^r (422-4), SHT (422-4), 
SHTT-JT (438-3), ^Rf^ (414-2), ST|ffrr (36C-1), srfprs (420-2), 

sraRfe ( 404-1 ) , snsrfe ( 393-0) , srafP>r?re ( 422- 1 ) , srra-srT^-sm^ 

(41 7), 

There is no doubt that in the llth and 12th cent. A.D., not 
only in the present land of Gujarat, even in the vast tract of the 
present Rajas than and Western Madhya Pradesh including the land 
of old Nimad, the common language of the people was rather the 
Gaurjara ApabhratfiSa. There might be occasional dialectical] 
trends in the speech, yet we have little evidance to find out the 
difference. The works already found are from Gujarat, excepting 

one inscription from Dhar in M.P. near Indore. The Prithviraja- 
Rdso and VUdladeva-Raso are later works, Khumana-Raso, being of 
a very late date. According to Dr. Dhirendra Verma the language 
of the Paheliya of Amir Khushio represents a stage of a very late 
period. Jain Bhan<Jaras of North Gujarat and Western Rajasthan 
possess very important Mss. of the old period, majority of them 
being works of Jain authors. And we know well that in the 
histories of the Hindi Literatute, the works found in these 
Bha^ujaras have been considered as representing the old form of 
Hindi Language. This has no logical or historical basis. Rajasthani 
dialects, at present, are considered as dialects of the Hindi 
Language, but they have no family-relation with Modern Hindi. 
Their family relation is only with Gujarati. We know that the 
late Dr. Tessitori chose a common name of this language-stage as 
the Old Western Rajasthani. The reason is quite clear. We are 
not in a position to differentiate older forms of Marwadi, Jaipuri- 
Dhutfhadi, Mewati Hadauti, Malavi and Nimadl of the medieval 
period. All these old dialects were being separated in the 15th 
cent. A. D. as seen in contemporary Mss. material. We get pure 
Gujarati language in that century, in mss. found mostly in Gujarat 
and Western Rajasthan. In the period beginning from the time of 
Hemacandra, i.e. the latter half of the 12th cent. A D to the 
former half of the 15th cent. A. D. Sanskrit words made their way 
into the literature in their original form and/ or in a corrupted form 
which was quite an independent non-prakritic mode. J shall give 
here a prose passage found in a ms. dated V. S. 1330 (1274 A D ) 
wiitten at Afiapalli (which was in southern suburbs of modern 
AJamedabad) : 


~ . . . IdpeqiS Kavio Pt.I , p. 2541 

One thing is to be known that in poetry Jain authors were 

but the prose was highly 
. a period of 29 years the 

second version of the above prose writing is found representing the 
old Gujarau stage. It is be noted that it is a 

nown at n poetry Jain authors were 

still using old forms of ApabhraAsa, but the prose was highly 
influenced by Sansknt loans. Within a eriod of 29 

old Gujarau stage. It is be noted that it is a pure old Gujlrati 
vemon devoid of any trace of the allied dialects or languages. Vast 

fent he rD "S" W ** ^ tfau> f Ac ^ a Hemacandra, 
cent. A. D. the pure Gujarati stage paved its way 

iii the early decade of the 14th century A. D. Balavabodha, a running 
illustrative commentary by Tarunaprabha composed in 1355 A. D. 
is a fine model of the old Gujarati stage. The influence of Sanskrit 
language is clear as for example in the following extract. 


" \tbid* p. 351] 
Within fifty years, the prose develops and attains a recognisa- 
ble form. A passage from a Balavabodha of Somasundarasuri : 

*mr ^n^ g^fi i q^r g^sfl 
Trfsr ^nrff ^rftr^fl 1 ^g Tr'jfl- Prfr-^p pft ^rri i 
*rtff[ ^rrfr?ft ^^r^ft ^ J^T ^ 

[7Z?zW, p. 367] 

Though not found abundantly, a rhythmic style was also 
developed. For example a passage from Prthvi-candracarita 
by Manikyacandrasuri of this period may be given : 


[7/>zW, p. 372] 

Works of authors other than Jains are seldom available in that 
early period. Only two poetical works, Asaita Nayaka*s Hamsduli 
(1371 A. D.) and Bhlma's Sadayavatsa-katha (1404 A.D.) have come 
to light so far. A prose work named Ganita-s5ra (1393 A. D.) is 
also available in print. In these works also Sanskrit loan words 
are in abundunee. 

In this century, the language is mostly free from traces of 
contemporary dialects of the border-lands. In its early phase 
the Gujarati Language, was called *Gujara-bhakha by a prominent 
poet, Bhalana of the first half of the 16th cent. A. P., who contri- 
buted a few hundred lyrical and narrative songs. Some fifty years 
earlier, the language was fortunate to have a great devotee and a 
poet, Narasimha Mehta, who contributed hundreds of lyrical and 
narrative songs. He is the first poet of the Modern Gujarati 
Language. He was much influenced by the popular Sanskrit 
lyrical poem, the Gita-Govinda of Jayadeva and the BhQgavata Purana 
and the famous Marathi saint-poet Namadeva. Narasimha's 
famous Jhuiawa Metre is a copy of Namadeva's Abhangas. From this 
time onwards the works of non-Jain authors come to the forefront. 
Hundreds of mss. of the works upto the middle of the ninteenth 

cent. A, D. are known ; much of these have been prin.'ed separately 
and in collections. 

It is note- worthy that the famous Prakrit Grammarian 
Markanideya of the 15th cent. A, D., differentiating peculiarities of 
ApabhramSa dialects, mentions that the Gaurjarl dialect was full 
of Sanskrit loan words : cf*$3Tr<(in > ^ *fWf)r I We have seen above, 
how richly the Sanskrit vocabulary influenced the language. Here 
I shall quote only prose works, because generally they only 
represent the clear development of the language. A quotation from 
a heroic poem kanhadade Prabandha of Padmanabha a Nagar 
brahman of Gujarat, who composed it in the year 1456 A. D. at 
Jalor near Jodhpur (Rajasthan), runs as it follows : 

and so on 

[K. B. Vyasa's Edn., p. 157] 

And a passage from the prose work Pancakhyana-balavabodha 
(p. 3) of Yaodhira, a Jain author : 

^' 7 and so on 

As I said before, Jain authors were utilising Prakrit and 
Apabhramga word-forms relatively in a greater measure, while 
authors other than Jains are found leaning more towards Sanskrit. 

The language of Gujarat in its present form is found in Mss. 
mostly from the 17th cent, A. D. Jain and non-Jain authors freely 
used Sanskrit loans. The next stage could be seen in the beginning 
of the 19th cent. A. D. The famous Vaishnava saint Sahajananda- 
svami gave his preaching in a running Gujarati prose. The last 
representative poet of the old Gujarati Language, Dayarama, 
composes hundreds of lyrical songs as also some prose works. A 
passage from one of his prose works may be seen : 


" and so on 

[Anubhava maHjari^ p. 187] 

Uptb the middle of the 19th century, under the rule of *he 
British regular schools were opened and prose text books same 
into being. Two phases of modern Gujarati were prevalent 

( 77 ) 

simultaneously : 1. corrupted form and 2. of a rather pure form. 
In the latter the purity of the spelling was noteworthy. It has been 
found that the purity of spelling started in Bombay and came to 
Gujarat in the sixties of that century after the establishment of the 
University of Bombay in 1857 A. E>. Hope Reading Series laid a 
foundation stone in that direction and ultra-modern Gujarati came 
in existance. As the university education was increasing day by day 
students had chances to be familiar with the different branches of 
sciences. There was then the usage of various technical terms. 
Most of these words were coined from Sanskrit, while some were 
directly taken from ancient scientific writings in Sanskrit. 

Apart from this, there developed defferent forms of literature. 
Journalism had its own importance. To enrich the language the 
main source was and is Sanskrit. A common man now has no 
distinction in his mind, whether the words he or she uses in his or 
her daily usage are pure Gujarati words or Sanskrit loans. 

II* Influence on Literature 

(/) Classical Metres 

It is to be particularly noted that the variety of Sanskrit 
literary forms was not adopted even in the Prakrit stage, nor in 
the ApabhrarhSa stage. This was the case even when our modern 
Indo- Aryan languages were emerging slowly. As mentioned above, 
the Apabhramsa grammar portion of the Siddha Herna Vyakarana 
of Hemacandra was a land-mark for the literature of Gujarat. The 
majority of verses quoted by Hemacandra here are of folk type, 
orally current all over Western Rajasthan including Gujarat, 
Saurashtra and Kacch. The first noteworthy poem so far known 
is a Rdsa-Kdvya the Bharatesvara-Bdhubali Rasa of Salibhadrasuri 
composed in 1185 A.E>. This form, an off-shoot of a Samdhi- 
Kavya form of ApabhramSa language was unknown to Sanskrit. 
But the poetic form is quite like that of Sanskrit. Narration, 
figuers of speech, sentiments and other poetic elements are of the 
same nature, though not reaching to the richness of Sanskrit. The 
Rasa and other literary forms, developped chiefly in the stage of the 
later Apabhramsa, which may be termed as Uttara-Gaurjara 
ApabhrariiSa, were devoid of classical Sanskrit metres with the 
exception of some later Fhagu poems of the early Gujarati period. 
Local musical non-Sanskritic metres developed in the Prakrit stage 
and were noted in Bharatas* NdtyaSdstra as Dhruvas, which were 
found utilised in the 4th Act of VikramorvaSiya of Kalidasa, 
considered as later interpolations. In the 12th cent. A.D. we have 
the lyrical poem GTta Govinda of Jayadeva which contains 24 songs. 
The language is Sanskrit but the metres utilised in all the songs are 

purely non-Sanskritic. At that stage Duhas, Copais. Savaiyas, 
Harigttas, Jhulanas and such other rythmic metres became common. 
The last 'eight hundred years have given such local melodious 
musical metres continuously upto the present time. For a period 
of seven hundred years upto the last century, we come across a few 
works where the classical Sanskrit metres have been used. Such 
works known so far are Arbudacala-vi-nati of Jayasekharasuri (15th 
cent. A.D.) only nine Druta-vilambita verseb, and a few itpajati 
verses, the Tribhuvana-dipaka Prabandha, Virata parvan of Salisuri 
(15th cent., A.D.) using Svagata, Upajati, Malini, Vasantatilaka and 
Drutavilambita metres; some Phagus such as Suranga-bhidha Nemi 
Phaga of Dhanadevagani (1 446 A.D.), Caturmukha Adinatha Phaga 
of an unknown author (about 1501 A.D.) Rangasagara Neminatha 
Phagu (about 1400 A,D.) all these Phagus with stray Sardula 
vikridita verses; and two non-Jain works Riipasundarakatha 
(1650 A.D ) of Madhava and Bhasa-Vicitra of Gapala Bhatta (of the 
same century) are also noteworthy. The narrative style of a majority 
of these poets have the same touch as the classical Sanskrit 
style, e.g. 

n 1 isterc 

[ Gujarati SahityaMi Rekhadarsana, p. 204. ] 

The above is from Rupasundarakatha\ the following is from 
Bhnsavicitra : 

"FT f?P&3T*F 

[Ibid, p. 203] 

Three plays of the classical Sanskrit type, ascribed to the 
famous Gujarati poet Premananda of the second half of the 17th 
cent. A.D. were published in the fourth quarter of the 1 8th cent. 
A.D. These plays have been, however, considered apocriphal and 
belong actually to a later period. 

As I have mentiond above the modern Gujarati begins after 
the establishment of the University of Bombay. New literary forms 
were adopted and a new era started even in the case of poetry. 
Dalpatram and Narinadashankar are the known poets of that 
period, Both these poets used classical metres abundantly in 

their vast contributions. Both of them gave works on poetics and 
metres in which definitions as well as illustrations were given in 
Gujarati. Then a large number of educated poets came forward 
and some of them imitating foreign forms, used mostly classical 
Sanskrit metres. Narsimharao Divatia, Govardhanram M. Tripathi, 
Manilal Nabhu bhai, Ramanbhai Nilkanth and such prominent 
poets upto the present day used and the living ones do use classical 
metres in their poems, some of them have introduced new varieties 
in those classical metres also. 

(2) Themes 

From the beginning of the earliest phase of the modern 
Gujarati language, the themes were of Sanskrit origin. The 
Mahdbhdrata, the Rdmdyana 9 mo$t of the Puranas, later Sanskrit 
Story Literature like Kathd-saritsdgara, stories about Yikramaditya 
and such other legendary figures in Sanskrit were the source books. 
Most of the non-Jain authors and some Jain ones from the second 
half of the 14th cent. A. D. to the end of the middle half of the 
19th cent. A. D. took their stories from the above-mentioned works. 
There arose a few philosophical poems also, based on works like 
the Bhagavad-gitd and Yoga-vdsistha Rdmdyaria. ISTarasimha Mehta 
had also sung some philosophical songs. Most prominent were 
Akho and Oayaram, Akho being conversant in the Advaita Philoso- 
phy of Samkara and Dayaram in the Suddhadvaita Philosophy of 
Vallabhacaryaji. It can not be ascertained whether both of them 
were scholars of Sanskrit ; however they were able to get proficiency 
enough through their teachers. 

Narasimha Mehta translated some Sanskrit verses from the 
Bhagavata Purana independently in his Rdsa-sahasrapadl and imita- 
ted Jayadeva's GUa-Govinda in his Caturls. After him several 
authors contributed their vast musical literature taking stories and 
incidents from Sanskrit Purana literature. Virasimha Karmana, 
Man4ana, Bhima, Bhalana, Srtdhara, Nakara, Kasl-suta, Haridasa 
Visnudasa. Sivadasa, Avicaladasa Vaikuitfha, Bhau, Premananda, 
Ratnesvara and others were fully indebted to Sanskrit Purana 
literature. Most of their poems all narratives, i.e., Akhyanas 
established a new form in the medieval period. Amongst these, 
Bhalana of the first half of the 16th cent. A. D. and Ratnesvara of 
the later half of the 17th century A. E>. were translaters also. 
Bhalana translated Durga-saptasati verbatim and Kddamban of 
Bana *Bhatta in an abridged form. Ratnesvara translated the 
Bhugavata Purnna and Jaimimya Asvamedha Parvan verbatim. 

Original writers are also in abundance during these centuries, 
utilising the matter from Puranas mostly. On the Lyrical side* 

Narasimha Mehta, Bhalana, Mira, Gopala, Akho, Raje, Ranchod, 
Raghunatha, Bapu, Dhiro, Muktananda Brahmananda, Niskula- 
nanda, Premananda Premasakhl, Sivananda and Dayarama are also 
noteworthy for their following the theory of sentiments (Rasa- 
Siddhanta) in a general way. Most of them were under the influence 
of the songs of Kabir and Astachapa Vrajabhasa poets. 

Even modern authors are highly indebted to the Purana 
literature. Authors like late K. M. Munshi went even to the Vedic 

With the ever increasing college education new forms of 
literature appeared in Gujarati as in other New Indo-Aryan 
languages. The novelwriting as well as story-writing is an 
imitation of the western literature. Though foreign, the style of 
narration was and is of a Sanskritic nature. Karana-ghelo of 
Nandshankar Mehta, Sadhara Jesing of Mahipatram Nilkanth 
Ranakdevi of Anantprasad Shri-Vaishnav are all of such a mixed, 
nature. Inscriptions of different situations generally follow the 
Sanskrit model. In several other contributions even themes are 

In the field of Dramas, the beginning was from Dalapatram 
and Narmadashankar. Both of them adopted foreign trends, even 
Navalram gave *Vlramati' is in the same line. Ranchhabhai Udiram 
wrote a number of plays in the classical Sanskrit style leaning to- 
wards western trends, giving verses mostly in classical metres. In 
last hundred years hundreds of stageable plays were written and 
were being performed on a grand scale, but a few have been 
published. The opening of all these plays was marked for their 
Introduction in the classical style, a feature not found in the 
western stage. The number of Acts was limited to three generally 
but each and every Act was divided in western style, into several 
scenes. The notable thing is that several plays had their themes 
from pauranic sources. Such is the case of the works in the poetic 
field also. 

In conclusion I must say that the modern trend is leaning 
towards westernism, and the different forms of western literature are 
predominant, yet the language is becoming enriched by using easy 
Sanskrit loan words. The majority of the technical terms, old as 
well as newly formed, are Sanskrit. The Gujarati Language has 
one noticeable peculiarity. In its long course it adopted words 
from all the languages with which it came into contact, yet the 
words so taken as loans became quite common and intelligible 
whether they are in their pure form ie. 'tatsama* or slightly altered 
so as to be suitable to the Gujarati tongue. No bombastic words 
whether they are from Arabic. Persian, Portuguese, French English 

or from any other modern Indian languages, have been and are 
being honoured. Generally simple woids are being taken as loans 
from all these languages, giving preference to Sanskrit and used as 
if they are of this region. The peculiarity of Gujarat people is m 
their adaptability and simplicity in each and every mode of life. The 
soil oft his region has no fanatism of any sort. It is a fact that 
modern poets, play-wrights, novelists, short-story-writers, authors of 
racers and articles, critics, even journalists and others have adopted 
ie mode and style from the vast English literature and other allied 
sources and developed it to a large extent, yet when we hear and 
read their writings, we feel as if they are written in the Sanskrit* 
atmosphere, because of the richness of the language and its natural 



Rurukshetra University 

Harya^vi, a dialect of Hindi, belongs to the Indo-Aryan 
Branch of Indo-European family of languages. It is spoken in the 
State of Haryana and the rural areas of Delhi Administration. Its 
speakers approximately number seven to eight millions. We are 
not sure of any literary activity at any particular period of the 
history of the dialect. But there is always a possibility of unearthing 
some old literature, as some religious sects would prefer to record 
their tenets in local idiom. However, folk-literature of present day 
is available in plenty. It is composed chiefly in verse and printed 
in Devanagari script. 

The present day Harya$vi has evolved from the ancient 
dialect of Vedic Sanskrit spoken in this region. The process of 
evolution is spread over several millenia. In the absence of records 
representing various stages of its development, to reconstruct the 
history of the dialect is well-nigh impossible. All that we have are 
the two extreme of along revolutionary process : the Vedic literature 
on the one end and the spoken dialect of today on the other. And 
to what extent does the language of the recorded documents of the 
intervening period reflect the every day speech of the people is 
difficult to say. In fact the claim that the literary idiom mirrors 
contemporary colloquial speech does not appear to be justified in 
the first flush* The literary Hindi of today for instance, would be 
a poor source for reconstructing the history of Harya$vi, say, after 
five hundred years later from now, since Hindi as a medium of 
literature is employed over a vast area where dialects of divetse 
structures such as Bangru, Rajasthani, Bundeli, Avdhi, etc., are 
spoken. Naturally it could not be related genetically to all of them 
simultaneously, in fact to none of them for that reason. 

However, the story of the literary vehicle through the ages will 
certainly give us an idea of the general tendencies of phonological, 

( 82 ) 

grammatical and semantic developments in related dialects. The 
observations made here thus are not in the nature of systematic 
chronological treatment of an evolutionary process. These are based 
simply on the comparison of two extremes of a long historical 
process and should be taken only in this sense. The purpose of 
this study is very limited, namely, to show that the present day 
Haryarjivi has its source in the ancient Sanskrit speech, that it has 
inherited in the normal course of its development a good deal, that 
it has preserved some distinctive features of its parent language and 
that it has continued to be influenced by it through out the ages to 
the present day. 

We should not however lose sight of the fact that in the course 
of its long history, Haryanvi came into direct or indirect contact 
with various other languages, Indian and foreign. Long contacts 
with them have influenced it and some of the features borrowed from 
them are well established in it now. Influence of Perso- Arabic, and 
English particularly, is visible in its vocabulary. The core, neverthe- 
less, remains Sanskritic. With the neighbouring Indo-Aryan dialects, 
namely, Rajasthani, Punjabi, Khari Boli and Braj it shares besides 
vocables, some grammatical features also. 

We may now present here a synoptic statement of comparison 
of their sound system, grammar and vocabulary. 

Sound System : 

Vowels : 

Haryarjivi has a system of twelve vowels, namely, /i!j;eaBuuo 
o 9 a/while Sanskrit has the simple vowels/i I u u a a/, the dipthongs/ 
ai ai au au/ and the vocalic liquids /r r 1 1 / , totalling up fourteen in 
all. However in Sanskrit /I ?/ are of rare occurrence and /?/ is very 
infrequent. The diphthongs /ai au/ were reduced to monophthongs 
/ e o / respectively long ago. (Henceforth the diphthongs / ai au / 
will be represented as /ai au /.) 

The Sanskrit diphthongs in Haryanvi are reduced TO monoph- 
thongs and /r/ is generally resolved into /rj/. Harya^vi has 
developed two centralized front and back short vowels // and /a/, 
which normally correspond historically to Sanskrit /i/ and /u/ 
respectively. A few examples to illustrate these correspondences 
may be given here 

jg-veda rjgbed "Rig Ved" 

yna rjp "debt" 

rsi rjsi "seer*' 

kprpa "compassion" 



















































f purana 








ai > SB 







"a blade of grass" 





"inclination, disposition' 1 



"make-up ; adornment" 

"God Indra" 

"a ray" 



"a stone" 



"a pretext" 


"good, interest" 




"an ear-ring" 


"the scriptures purana" 

"goddess Durga" 


"a son" 


"the name of a mountain' 

"one of the four castes" 

vaidya baed **a medical man** 

vaidyaka bsedsk "science of medicine'* 

vaidika dharmi baedsk dhormi "a follower of vedic 


bhairava bhserd "the god bhairava'* 

vairiava baesnu "relating to vis^u" 

caitra cast "the month of caitra" 

vaiakh bsesakh "the month of vaigakha" 


au > s 

auadha okhsdy * 'medicine** 

kaurava koru "the sons of Kuru" 

gaurl gori "Goddess Gauri** 

mauna mon "silence** 

bhauma bho (bhai) "relating to earth** 

paundra boda "the sugarcane" 

gautanaa gotom "the sage Gautam" 

III. In Sanskrit according to Indian grammarians the simple 
vowels (excluding a) have two more grades, namely guna and 
v^ddhL These grades of vowels however should not be confused 
with short and long or laghu (light) and guru (heavy) varities of 
vowels. Thus in Sanskrit we have 

Simple guna vyddhi 

i e ai 

u o au 

j ar ar 

J al al 

These are illustrated in the following formations : 
ji-ta "conquered** ; je-tum "to conquer** ; ajaiam "I conquered" ; 
gru-ta "heard** ; ro-tum "to hear** ; a-grau-sam "I heard" ; 
ki-ta "done" ; kar-tum "to do" ; a-kar-sam "I did'* ; 
klpti "formation** ; kalpana "imagination" ; kalpanika "imaginary**. 

/a/ and /a/ are designated guna and vrddhi vowels respectively 
by Indian grammarians. The corresponding simple grade is inter- 
preted to be zero : These are illustrated in the inflection of the 
nominal stem rajan "king" : rajan-i "" : rajan-am "acc-sg" : 
rajfL-as "*% 



In Haryanvi, on the other hand, the following ablaut pattern 
is available : 


i e ae 
u o o 



Examples are : 






















"cause to cut" 
"cause to grind** 
"cause to erase" 
"cause to sit" 
"cause to pulverize" 
"cause to dig" 
"cause to return" 

However, in a few cases three grades are also retained; 
nevertheless these are not the same as found in Sanskrit e.g. tor 
"break" ; tut "be broken" ; tur-wa -cause to break ; dekh see >, 
dikh "be seen" ; dikh-a "show". 

It may also be pointed out in passing that while Sanskrit 
does not tolerate any vowel sequences Haryanvi has occurrence of 
all sorts of such sequences. Examples are : /au/ "may I come", 
/aie/ "please come in"; /koe/ "some one", /dhuaie/ "have it 
washed", etc. 

Consonantal System : 

The consonantal system of both the languages share the 
stops (k kh g gh n c ch j jh n t th d dh n t th d dh n p ph b bh m), 
the semivowels (y r 1 v) and the fricatives (s h). Sanskrit has 
additional fricatives /S s/ while Haryanvi has the flaps/r I/. The 
consonant clusters occurring in Sanskrit are res olved variously. In 
case of individual consonants there is not much variation. // 
gives place to /s/ while /s/ goes to /s/, /kh/ and /eh/ in different 
environments; initial /y/ and /v/ change to /j/ and /b/ respectively. 
Lexical frequency of retrofiex stops and flaps has quite considerably 
increased in Haryanvi. Examples given further under 30 illustrate 
these observations. 

Grammatical System / 

In grammar Haryaiivi, like any other modern Indian speech, 
shows marked divergence. There are in Haryaijvi, for instance, 
two genders masculine and feminine; two numbers singular and 
plural and two vibhaktis direct and oblique besides vocative. 

e is reassignment of gender in the inherited vocables. Almost 
suters in Sanskrit are masculine in Harya^vi. Some masculine 
5 like mirtu (-< mrtyu) become feminine. Distinction of 
er in pronominal forms of "this" and "that" is preserved in 
t singular yah (iyam) "she", yoh (ayam) "he" and vah (s) 
" and oh (sab) "he" only. 

? System : 

The various case (karaka) relations in Haryanvi are expressed 
neans of post-positions, a small class of words, used after 
tcted nominal forms. For instance, in the sentence /ram nse 
h piya/ * 4 Ram drank milk", the post-position /nae/ expresses the 
it, while in /ram me hula lya/ "Call Ram" it denotes the 
;ct (karma) and in /ram me de dc/ "give (it) to Ram", dative, 
pradana. Similarly /ram to*/ "by Ram", /ram mse/ "in Ram" 
n pas/ "on Ram"*, etc. denote instrumental, locative, etc. 

However, certain nominuls largely expressive of place and 

e take a locative suffix,, e.g. /burn-as/ ""out of doors", /ag-se/ "in 

nt'% /pach-se/ "in the rear", /kandh-&/ "on the shoulder", 

r-ae/ "in the village common", /dhor-s&/ fi *in the vicinity", /mhar-ae/ 

, ourV% /toj-k-ai/ "in the morning, i.e. tomorrow", /bskht-ae~ 

cht-e/ "in time, i.e. before time, early", /agl-ae(sal)/ "in the 

lowing (year)"*, /p$*rar k-ye/ 4 *in the year before last", /purk-ae/ 

L the last year". In the utterance /kis-se k-se bharos-se na rshie/ 

>o not act on the reliance of others", the pronominal form /kls/, 

5 post position /k& / and the noun /bhsrosa/ admit the locative 

fftx /SB/. Haryai.ivi thus has retained locative in certain cases 

ly, otherwise the inflectional system, of Sanskrit has given way 

reduction of inflection and use of postpositions. 

;rbal System : 

Sanskrit and Harya^vi show still wider deviation in their 

jrbal systems. The distinction of atmane and parasmai padas 

herited in Sanskrit from the Indo-European is lost in Harya^vi, 

or instance, the situation described in Sanskrit by /devadattafr 

atam karoti/ "Devadatta makes a mat for another" and 

ievadattafr kafam kurute/ "Devadatta makes a mat for himself" 

\ taken care of in Harya^tvi syntactically, /devdot catai bsriawse 

x/simply means : **Devdatta makes a mat". It does not specify if 

he mat is being made for his personal use or for someone else. If 

he former need be specified the phrase /apni khatory/ "for one's 

>wn sake" has to be inserted in the above sentence to make it read : 

devdat aprju khatory csfai bsnawas sae>/ **J>evdatt makes a mat for 

limself". Alternately the use of /le/ "take" and /de/ "give" with 

the main verb in the verbal phrase also express the same distinction; 
e.g., /podhy lyii ga/ "I shall read it for myself" while, /psdhy dyti ga / 
"I shall read it for you". 

The tense and modal system in Haryarivi is largely syntactic 
rather than inflectional. The verbal phrase is pretty complex in 
formation and several types of distinctions are packed in it. For 
instance, the phrase /katya ja sskas sae/ "can be possible cut" 
expresses the distinction of passive, capability and possibility besides 
present tense. 

Inflectional suffixes in Sanskrit fall into two groups : 

(i) those which are employed for tenses and moods other than 
perfect and 

(ii) those for perfect tense. The former are further distingui- 
shed as primary and secondary. These primarily denote person 
and number. The distinctions of various tenses and moods are 
expressed by means of formation of special stems, may be in certain 
cases in conjunction with inflectional suffixes. For instance, 
compare a-bhu-t and a-bhava-t ; bhava-ti and bhavisya-ti ; a-bhava-t 
and a-bhaviya-t, etc. 

The set of suffixes for parasmai-pada for the sake of illustra- 
tion are reproduced below : 

am va ma 
tam ta 
tarn an,ur 


I mi 

vas mas 


II si 

thas tha 


III ti 

tas anti 



a va 


tha athus 


a atus 


Haryaijvi has just one type of inflectional suffixes. As stated 
above the distinction of atmanepada is not expressed morphologi- 
cally. Here we have only two sets, one definitively for second 
person singular and plural imperative and one for optative (which 
expresses present tense also with some verbal stems). The suffixes 
along with the forms of kat "cut" are given below : 

Singular Plural Singular Plural 

(a) I ti a kaf-u 

I 1 & ? kat-a? 

III 3e se kat-ae kat-as 

(b) II y o kat-y kat-o 

Further two more modal distinctions are expressed by 
verbal forms, namely, distinctions of polite imperitive and potential. 
These are denoted by special stem formation as in Sanskrit. In case 
of polite imperative the stem forming suffix /i/ is added directly to 
the verbal stem, primary or derivative. To the stem thus formed 
the second person suffixes from set (a) above are added. It may be 
pointed out that /se/ after /i/ is realized as /e/. The forms made 
from /kat/ are /kat-i-e/ and /kat-i-o/. The second person pronominal 
forms indicating respect are used with these forms. Examples : /to 
jorur aie/ "Please do come" ; /sccha botaie.../ "Please just tell 
(me)...'% etc. 

The distinction of potential mood is denoted only by a single 
root, namely, /cah/ "desire" in Haryanvi. (This is true of Hindi 
also). To the root is added the suffix /i/. The stem /cah-i/ admits 
suffixes of set (a). The auxiliaries are also used with it to specify 
time reference. 

I cah-i-u cah-i-S 

II cah-i-e cah-i-o 

III cah-i-e cah-i-e 

A few examples to illustrate its use are : /mannas ek kjtab 
cahie/ "I should have a book", /des nae tae ham cahiS sa/ : "The 
country needs us," /torn nae meri bat smini cahie/ "you should listen 
to me." 

Haryarivi has also retained the distinctions of karma-kartari 
and passive. The stem for karma-kartari is formed from 
most of the transitive roots by ablaut change. The general pattern 
of ablaut change is the same as described above. The stem from 
/kat/ is /ket/. It takes suffixes of both the sets. Further polite 
imperative stem may be formed from this. To denote tense use of 
auxiliaries is made. A few examples of its use are : /ped ksttae sse/ 
"The tree is being cut" ; /to ks^-y/ "you allow yourself to be cut" ; 
/us tse moty pjt-i-e/ "Please do not allow yourself to be beaten by 
him. i. e. do not let him beat you." 

Passive stem is formed from all roots, transitive or 
intransitive by the suffix /i/ (which incidentally is homophonous with 
the potential and polite imperative). The stem from kat is kat-i. 
This admits suffixes of set (a). The inflected forms thus obtained 
obligatorily take auxiliaries. The paradigm of /kat/ in passive is as 
follows : 

kat-i-u kat-i-a 

kat-i-e kat-i-o 

kat-i-e kat-i-e 

A few examples of its use are : /ped kat-i-e sse/ "The trees are 
being cut" ; /torn pit-i-o ge/ "you will be beaten" ; /horn jur-i-a ge/ 
"we will be bound down". 

Passive is expressed by phrasal structure also where the stem 
/ja/ "go'* occurs after the main verb (transitive and intransitive) to 
which is added the suffix /y/, e. g. /ped katyaja// "let the tree be 
cut" ; /ib soya ja/ "let it be slept now L e. let us go to bed now". 

Haryanvi like Hindi and other Indo-Aryan speeches has 
two stems in causal formed by suffixes /a/ and /wa/ respectively. 
Before these suffixes the vowel in the root is reduced to the weak 
grade while in Sanskrit on the other hand the causal stem has 
vjddhi. Compare for instance., 

pSc-aya- : psk-wa "cause to cook" 

go-aya- : snkh-a ''cause to dry" 

sec-aya- : sjc-wa "cause to water" 

There are three krt suffixes extensively employed in 
HaryanvL These are added directly to the verb stems to express 
distinctions of various tenses, modes and aspects. Forms made with 
/y '<f>/ 9 /d^~ 'nd/ and /sn^n/ may be respectively called perfect, 
imperfect and obligative participles. These take gender and number 
suffixes. The forms from kat in masculine singular will be : kat-y-a, 
kat-d-a and kat-n-a. 

These participales in Haryarjivi appear to be reflexes of the 
past passive (kta), present (Satr) and potential (anlya) participles. 
The present participle (Satr) survives in another form, namely, /ot/in 
such usages as/ratat bjdya, pscst kheti/ "By committing to memory 
one acquires knowledge and by working hard one suceedes in raising 
crops", /ot/ appears to be the archaic form preserved in folklore 
only. The extended perfect and imperfect participial forms with the 
suffix/6/ illustrate the use of locative absolute; /kat-y-5/ "on cutting, 
i.e., when the action of cutting has been completed**, /kat-d-e/ 
"immediately on cutting". 

The obligative participle in/o^/is used either by itself or with 
the tense auxiliaries. The former usage denotes a sort of future 
imperative or request; e.g. /yah cjtthi patfh-n-a ra/ "Please read 
this letter (for me)". With the auxiliaries it conveys the sense of 
"ought to, must, etc." For instance /ram nae pothi patfh-n-i s^/"Ram 
has to read the bc*>k"; /ham nae bsteu jj;ma-L~e the/ "We had 

to serve meals to the guests"; /tana nse horn korna hoga/" you must 
perform the sacrifice". 

The suffix /on <ana/ added to verbal steins to form 
nouns is very common in Haryanvi; e.g, /koron/ "doing" 
/m^ron/ "dying"; /poddh-on/ "reading", etc. Similarly the suffix 
/u<u/ is added to all verbal roots in the sense of "desirous 
of .-.", "anxious to" e.g. /kor-u/ "anxious to do"; /ja-u/ "desirous 
of going", /poddh-u/ "desirous of reading", etc. 

Summing up, in grammatical structure Haryanvi has preserved 
only a few features such as locative, locative absolute passive, Satr, 
potential and obligative besides a few derivative suffixes. 

Vocabulary : 

Stems in Sanskrit may be classified into two or four classes, 
namely nomlnals (nama) and verbals (akhyata, or into nominals, 
verbals, verbal prefixes (upasarga) and particles (nipata). From the 
point of view of their internal structure these are derived or 
underived. The former are built around a nuclear element to which 
affixes are added. Or there are compound stems where two or more 
constituents are involved, i'n Haryanvi stems may be classified into 
nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, post-positions, connec- 
tives, particles and interjection. Compounds and derivatives here 
too have the same type of morphological structure, /on-ho-n-i/, a 
nominal meaning "something which is unlikely to happen" is made 
on the verbal stem /ho/ "be, became" with nominalizing suffix /on/, 
the feminine gender suffix /i/ and /an/ the prefix of negation. 

As regard to the sources of vocabulary in Haryanvi, the 
larger part has been inherited form Sanskrit. It has preserved items 
typically reminiscent of rural and ashrama base of Sanskrit culture. 
We shall like to illustrate here such items which are close cognates. 

hoi "plough" <hala 

holosy "the pole of a plough <halea-hallsa 

s^moly "the pin of a yoke" <amya 

badhi "a leather strap" <cbadhrl 

me^hi "a pillar in the middle of the threshing floor to which 

oxen are tied <methi 

syuasony "of marriageable age (of a girl)" <csuvasinl 
neta "the string by wich a churning stick is whirled around" 


dhenu "milk cow" <dhenu 
bulhod "bullocks" <ballvarda 

nath "the string passed through the hole bored in the septum 
of the nose; the golden nose ring" <Cnasta 

ukhol "a wooden mortar" <:ulukhala 

musol "a, wooden pestle" <:muala 

doi "a wooden ladle" <:darvl 

taku c 'a spindle" <:tarku 

dat "a chopper" <datra "a sort of crooked knife" 

dati "a sickle" <cdatra 

sa^ "a whet-stone" <:aigLa 

cakh-j-a "a wooden ring on the top of the churning pot through 
which the churning-s tick is passed "<:casala" a wooden 
ring on the top of the sacrificial pot." 

soral "a shallow dish." <: Sara va 

bassn. "utencil" <vasana * fi a receptacle for water" 

from Hindustani < Bengali <:Portguese 

bhanda "utencil" <bharida 

khur "hoof" <ksura ; khura 

korua "a water jug with a spout usually made of earth" 

kadam "uproard" (figurative use) <kardama "mud" 

athsmna <e west"<:astamayana 

chlka "a basket suspended with a rope, etc."<gikya 

ssta **difficult"<:asti "the stone of a fruit"? 

nyar "fodder 9 *<nikara 

samsk "a particular grass <yamaka. 
muj "a particular grass" <cmunja 
bo^iosti "the cotton plant" < van a-yasti 
kspas "cotton"<karpasa 
asamedh cc pregnancy"<avamedha 
bokksl "the bark of a tree"<:valkala 
arna "dry cow-dung" <ara^yaka 
syar "a die" < gar a 
gu^y "a sack"<gonl 

ppesy "the village assembly hall"<pariad 
dhtira "shaft of a carriage" <dhur 
musa "a rat**<:mtzsa 
mldha *'a ram"<mendha-ka 
a skeleton "<karanka 


"the edible bulb of a creeper " 
jhar "a bush"<:jhata 
jhama "a burnt brick" jhamaka 

Quite a large number of verbal stems in Harya^vi are 
from Sanskrit. Some of these have suffered very little phonetic 
change. As would be clear from the examples given below. Some 
of these are derived from simple roots, some from causais, some 
from past passive stems, while some from atmanepada forms and so 
on. Examples : 

















"run away" 







<:jan 9 jay ate 





"give birth" 






"urge, push" 

<pel a "go" 






<muh ; mohaya-(causal) 



<cmi, minati 



<:ma, mapaya-(causal) 


"grow old" 

<jur, jhy 












<cma, mimati 


"dry up" 












"carry out 

<dham "blow" 



"show resistence" 



94 i) 











"bore a hole" 

<Cchid ; chedaya- (causal) 









<pat ; pataya (causal) 





<dhu "shake" 


" squeeze" 







<cbudh ; budhya- 









<cman, manaya- (causal) 











* e he angry" 


r l s 


<:rig "tear, injure" 



<Crudh, runaddhi 



<Cropaya (causal) 



<:vyadh ? vidhyati 



<Cvrdh, "grow" 



<cvrdh "speak", vardhate 



"direct not to 

<cvrj, varjayati 



"be able" 




<:mrj ; marjaya (causal) 



<;ru ; griioti 






<Csidh, sadhaya (causal) 


"propitiate (a 


etc.) stop ; support" <csev 



<mus khatwjane, "break, divide" 






<cvac, vacaya (causal) "read" 







"look at" 



"observe, look it" 



, drakyati 
















"tighten ; 

"be annoyed" 
"string together" 
"be aware" 
"keep awake" 
"be alive" 




<Cka <c punish'* cf ka-a "whip" 

<kas "scratch" 



<khur "cut" ksur "scratch" 

<Ckhid, khidyate 





<ctul ; tolaya 



<chad ; chadaya (causal) 
i ; jita 



jit "conquer" 

sumor "remember" 

We may also give a few examples of verbal sterns in 
Haryanvi which have developed from verbal roots preceded by 
Upasargas in Sanskrit. 

r}tar "strain, cleanse" 

n ISl "devour" 

njkhar "make clean" 

njstar "stoop down" 

bskher "scatter" 

bySp " pervade* cover" 

ssma "contain" 

"get married" 

<ni-tf (causal) 






< sam-ma 

<Cvi-vah, vi-vahaya (causal) 






"throw up and 


"open, divulge" 


"make visible" 

6 ,) 

<vi-jan, vi-jayate 


<vi-kr, vi-karaya (causal) 


puch pujh "wipe out 





<ud-gha{. (causal) 


<ud-jval (causal) "cause to 


* e uproot, pull out" <ut-khid (causal) draw out, 


<ut-pad, ut-padyate 

<ut-cal (causal) 
<ut-sr (causal) 
<vi-vas (causal) 

"be produced" 
"be produced" 
"be visible, come 
on the surface," 
"speak, utter" 

"throw up" 
"raise up" 

"test, to find if 
one is trustworthy" 

Through out the ages Sanskrit has been the language of 
religion and culture in this region. Thus there have been countless 
centres of learning here. The very fact that the river Sarasvati 
came to be deified as "Goddess of learning" speaks of the literary 
activities carried on along its banks. We can visualize a time when 
me banks of the river Sarasvati were dotted with ashramas, the 
seats ol learning, resounding with the recitation of vedic 

anH /-j~\l 1-1 -**,_ . ^ 1 ... v**v 

P through the 



> kam 


"actions that count towards future 

recompense; fate." 
dham, e.g. kam-dham "work, etc." 
ahsrem "religion, religious "virtue" 




> cak 



> paka 



> tekhmi 



> tekkhsn, 



> khstri 



;> sajh 



> mal 



> ram-lokh9i]L 



> djchna 



> bhikh 



> sadh 

sadhu (moh 


> tirla 







"a public feast given in honour of 

one's dead ancestor" 

"work, purpose" 

"earthen wheel" 

"circle, perambulation" 


"hard, baked" 

"usually proper name of a male" 

"Goddess of wealth; name of a 

"sign, traits" 
"symptom, traits" 
"a sub caste" 
"'the warrior class" 
"the string around the wheel of the 

spin 11 ing- wheel" 
"garland, rosary" 
"Ram and Laksamana" 
"proper name" 

"offering to one's teacher" 
t alms" 

<C"an ordinary mendicant" 
ma "a respectable renunciate" 
"woman (derogatory sense)" 
"a brahman guide at religious 


"a learned brahman" 
"a mendicant brahman" 
"a teacher in a gurukul" 
"a rich man" 
"worthy, excellent" 

(l 98 i) 

ram cond "Ram Chand" 
ram condor "Ram Chandra (the hero of the 

In recent times the socio-cultural movement of the 
Arya-samaj tended to revive the Vedic culture. It gave a great 
fillip to Sanskrit studies in the region. Gurukuls and Pathshalas 
for boys and girls were started in various places to impart education 
in Sanskrit. In quite a few of them Sanskrit was adopted as the 
sole medium of instruction. Moreover temples were established 
in urban and rural areas where weekly meetings were scheduled to 
recite Vedic hymns. Religious preachers moved about from village 
to village propagating the message of the Vedas. Lively discussions 
and debates were organised. Such extensive use of Sanskrit language 
and religious literature is responsible for diffusion of Sanskrit 
vocables which were commonly used by the learned on such 
occasions. Thus we have sondhya<sandhya "prayers ; howan 
<chavana "sacrifice,,, howsn montora<Chavana-mantrah "a book 
containing the Vedic hymns recited in performing a sacrifice ; suami 
<lsvaml "a religious renunciate,, ; goruktil<;gurukula "seat of learn- 
ing,., pathsala<rpatha-ala "a school" ; bedi<vedi "alter" ; mondhep 
<Cmandapa "canopy"; asrom<aSrama "the four stages of life" ; 
birhomcari<brahmacSrI "an unmarried student 6 , ; bjrhomcarni 
<;brahmacarini "a female unmarried student" ; ghjrsthi<cgrhastha 
"a house holder" ; baporosthi<vanaprastha "hermit" ; sonnyasi 
<sainnyasi "a religious mendicant" ; mohatma<:mahatma "a highly 
respected religious man" ; bhs>jon<bhajana "religious songs": 
sastrarath<:astrartha "polemics to settle the import of gastras" ; 
arye somaj<:arya-samaja "the association of the aryas, a socio- 
religious reformative movement" ; s];ksa<giksa "education" ; konya 
pathsala<kanyapathala "girl school" ; podet<pan4ita "a scholar"; 
gjronth<:grantha "a book of scriptures" ; sotyaroth-porkas<satya- 
rthaprakaSa "a book of this name written by Swami Dayananda ; 
acmon<acamana "sipping water for purification ; 3tyacar<!atyacara 
"committing excesses ; doksna "offerings to a teacher ; nomsste 
<namaste "the exclamation 'namaste' to wish another ; mhasa? 
<mahaSaya "gentleman, used as mode of address ; sjriman 
Srpnan "mode of address ; potibhsrta<pativrata "chaste and 
virtuous wife ; npdes<upadea "religious sermon ; su r aj<svarajya 
"ones own government", etc. etc. 

Hindi in its highly Sanskritized form has been accepted 
as the official language in the State of Haryana. It is taught in the 
schools and is increasingly employed in the administration. Thus 
more and more Sanskrit words through literary Hindi are being 
p!cked up by the native speakers of Harya^vi. Coupled with this, 

the policy of the Union Government of India to borrow technical 
and scientific terminology from Sanskrit is responsible for introducing 
such words as montri -jivantrl ^minister"; psrdhanmsntri <pradha- 
namantri "prime minister 11 ; mukhy nwntrl "the chief minister"; lok 
ssbha <loka-sabha "parliament"; bldhan ssbha <vidhana-sabha 
"the state assembly 1 ' msndoj <mandala "circle", etc* etc, 

The influence of Sanskrit is equally pronounced on folk- 
lore. Stories from Epics, Puranas, Upanisads are quite common. 
Also stones of bir Bjkarmajlt (<vlra vlkramaditya). Raja Bhoj, 
Harischandar (<HariSchandra), DharuBhagat (<Dhruva Bhakta) 
Mahade.ParbatI (xMahadeva-Parvati) are household. Motifs 
and themes of folk-drama and songs are largely drawn from Sans- 
krit literature. Quite a few of these are available in printed form 

Sanskrit scholarship continued i > flourish in this region, 
through out the ages. Teaching was organised in a temple or at 
the residence of an individual scholar who would attract advanced 
students in his Held of specialization. Students repaired to KaSiji, 
the renowned centre of Sanskrit students in India, for advanced 
study* Such scholars were held in high esteem for their learning. 
Most of the centres whether based in an individual or located in a 
temple were financed by the local chieftains or philanthropists. The 
river Sarasvati the perennial source of learning, never dried up in 
Haryana. It continued to flow from ancient times to this day. 
Thus original works in Sanskrit and commentaries in Sanskrit on 
ancient literature were produced from time to time. A survey of 
such literature in modern times is attempted by Satya Vrata Shastri 
and is published in Halvasiya commemoration volume (Hindi), 1971, 
Halvasiya Trust, Calcutta. 


Retd. Principal, Bangalore. 

The Karnataka country was known as Punnata, Kuntala, 
Mahisama^4ala etc. from the days of the Mahabhdrata and the 
Mahavamsa. The Nandas ruled some portions of Kuntala right 
up to Banavasi. The Mauryan kingdom later inherited it, Asoka 
sent his missionaries, Rakkita and Mahadeva, upto the Chitradurga 
district in the modern Mysore State. His edicts are formed at 
Siddapur, Jatinga Ramesvara and Brahmagiri; at Koppla and 
Maski. About the 2nd Century B.C. a Jaina saint Bhadrabahu 
came down from Bihar with among others, a disciple of the Royal 
Mauryaa line, Samprati Chandragupta by name. He remained 
with the Master while a section of the Guru's followers went 
further south to Punnaja and to the Tamil regions. The Tamilnad 
has some literature connected with Buddhism. Kannada does not 
have any such. But from the time the Jains settled down in 
Sravana Belgola, the Jaina doctrine was spread among the people; 
and their learned men wrote in Samskrt and in Ardhamagadhi, 
even as they wrote in Kannda. The earliest rulers known to the 
Kannada country are the Satavahanas (C. 250 to 550 A.D.) who 
trace their names from Mothers than from Fathers. Their 
patronage for Samskjt was firm and continuous. Practically all 
the rulers of the Kannada country trace their descent from the 
is, from the Solar and the Lunar families or from the Yadavas, 
Their titles and Prafastis liken them to the famous names in the 
Vedic or the Epic periods. The Vedic Dharma along v/ith the 
performance of Ydgas and Yajnas is common and social life was 
organised on the Varnasrama-dharma pattern. What elements 
there were of a southern Dravidian influence, were gradually 
assimilated into the Aryan pattern, at least among the middle and 
upper classes, and this process was complete by the 6th century 
A.D. The earnest inscription in Kannada, that of Halmitfi (C. 450 
A.D ) is only partly in Kannada; the opening part is in 
Sanskrit : v * v 

( 100 ) 

Jayati Sriparisvanga sannga (myanati)r Acyutaft 
Danavaksnoryugantagnih (sistanantu) sudarsanah 
The Kannada portion is itself not easy flowing or idiomatic and 
the words are in early old Kannda, But by the time of the first 
great and extant work in Kannada, Kavirajamarga (C. 850), the 
language has become capable and sophisticated. The Kavirajamarga 
is a work on Poetics and mentions many earlier writers in Kannada 
Prose and Verse, while it owes its own substantive content to 
Bhamaha and Dandin. It intends to instruct poets on Language, 
Grammar, Metre and the principles of Composition, Guna, Dosa 
and Alarhkaras and on the cultivation of style and taste. The 
poetic style is that of 6th and 7th centuries and many beautiful 
stanzas in Varna Vjrttas are seen. There are other stanzas of 
native modes like TripadI, Kaoda and GItika which get a recogni- 
tion from the learned. 

The Sanskrit Epics were very well known to the Kannada 
people by then* Possibly the Bfhatkatha had been familiar, 
directly or indirectly. The religion and philosophy born and bred 
under the Vedic and the heretical Buddhist and Jaina systems had 
exerted full influence on the life and thought of the Kannada 
people. Along with the Vedic Gods Agni, Varuna and Indra came 
those of the later pantheon, principally Vinu and Siva. The 
Pasupata and the Puncaratra sects developed centres and strong- 
holds of influence. And among all the kings of Karnataka (the 
Satavahana, the Kadamba, the Ganga, the Calukya, the Rastrakuta, 
the Hoysala, the Kalacurya and the Vijayanagar Kingdoms and 
later the Odeyors) there was much tolerance and patronage of all 
religions. The popular Samskrt Sloka "Yam Saivas samupasate Siva 
iti" etc. inscribed on the walls of the temples at Belur reveals the 
tolerance of the great Hoysala kings. 

In. social relationships as well there was much free mingling. 
The supreme feature of Kar^ataka tradition and culture, habits 
and ideals of living, have made for a reconciliation of conflicts in 
gods, religions, philosophical doctrine and even in linguistic 
tendencies. In the North of the Karnataka country, i.e. Maharaja 
to the North-west and Andhra to the East North and North-east 
came much more under the influence of Samskrt, there was in the 
Kar^ataka country a balanced and healthy influence of Sanskrit. 
Without losing its native idiom, Kannada accepted and developed 
the Samskrt models. This more or less built a bridge between the 
Northern and Southern factors. 

The Kannada country has many associations with the 
Mahabhdrata and the Ramayana. Many kings claim descent from 

( 102 ) 

the Yadavas. Kiskindha of the Ramayana gives Hanuman to India 
and to Indian Culture ; Gokarana is a place associated with Ravaria, 
who being unahle to carry the ivalinga for his mother further 
South, seems to have set it down there as Mahabalesvara. The 
Mahisaman4ala became a seat for Durga. Banavasi as Vaijayanti- 
pura is connected with the Mahdbhdrata. Kings and heroes, donors 
and leaders were proud to compare themselves with _Sibi and 
Bhaglratha, Arjuna, Visriu, Siva and ParaSurama. The Adivaraha 
and Narasimha Avataras and the Mahisamardini are favourites as 
much as Games' a and Hanuman. 

Learning meant Samskrt learning and it was rarely neglected. 
The most intellectual section of the community essentially cultivated 
it and expressed itself in it and carried on discussions and works 
of many classes in it. Powerful Saiva and Vaisnava sects built up 
institutions and centres of learning in the Kannada country. To 
old Saiva schools of Lakulisa, PaSupata and Kalamukha, 
Karnataka contributed something new. A new vital Virasaiva 
movement from the 12th centuiy onwards arose from Kalyana, 
and it was democratic and reformative, taking in Saiva influence 
from the Vedas and Agamas and assimilating the forces coming 
from Kashmir and Gujarat and drinking deep the Saiva Siddhanta 
on the one side, the Nayanmars and the Periyapurcinam of the 
Tamils on the other. 

The Vaisi^ava sect developed two systems, the Silvaisnavism 
which got into Karnataka from Kanci and Srlrafiga under Sri 
Ramanujacarya, introducing the Prapatti school of Bhakti into our 
life, and the o.her wholly native to Karnataka, that of Si I Ananda 
Txrtha, known otherwise as Sri Madhva. Both the Vai^ava 
schools were monotheistic, whereas the Vedantic system propogated 
by Sri Sankaracarya was Monism, Advaita. Sankara set-up his 
Pltha at Spageri ; Madhva at Udupi in South Kanara and 
Ramanuja, at Melukote. Philosophically and from the point of 
view of worship, there were differences in docttine and message, 
but the Smftis held sway over the people in matters of conduct and 
law ; for the ethical and social system derived from them. Only 
the Srivaisijava faith made social conditions more flexible. The 
Madhva influence inspired a special spiritual type of Bhakti in 
Orissa and Bengal which lead to the Caitanya and the Goswamis 
of Mathura and Vrndavan. The Virasaiva movement threwofF what 
were deemed the inequalities of the caste system, and enfranchised 
women and those called the castes outside the Varria-pale. The 
Bhakti doctrine of Ramanuja threw open the temples of Visnu- 
worship to these. The Azwars being recognised as equal to the 
Bhaktas of the Epic and the Puram"c period like Prahl^da, Dhruva, 

Bali, Vibhlsana, Narada, and Bhlsma. Samskrt came to be the ins- 
trument of all this dynamism for the extension of this new influence 
which pervaded the whole of Karnataka. 

Along with the Vedic and the Epic influence came the Agamas 
and along with Samskrt, the Prakrit, both in Pali and Ardha- 
magadhi. The stories of Udayana and Dasakumaracarita, 
Pancatantra etc. were directly and/or indirectly a source of affection 
for our people. Along with literature., secular, religious and 
philosophic, the study of Language, Prosody, Poetics etc. estab- 
lished themselves in the writings and curriculum of studies of 
scholars. The authority of Kautilya and Brftaspati was felt in the 
organisation of political and economic life and Vatsyayana was 
studied. Manasolldsa, an early work, spoke of many aspects of 
life and thought and art. VijnaneSvara added a commentary 
Mitaksard, to the Ydjfiavalkya SmrtL Manu was still accepted as the 
great Law-giver. Kings and chieftains declared themselves as 
protectors of the Varriasrama Dharma, which was nothing but 
the 'Srauta-Smarta,'* which came to be known in later days as 
Hinduism. Not only Panini and Patanjali were studied, but a 
Kannada Satavahana ruler was the patron of a Sarvavarman, who 
gave the Katantra school which sought to simplify the Parunian 
system. Jainendra and Sakatayana systems also were studied. 
There were great grammarians in the Kannada country. Two of 
our grammarians wrote their Kannada Grammars in Samskrt 
Sutras. Grammar and Logic were particularly dear to the Madhva 
system. Prosody was as much a field of study and practically all 
the Kananda writers who came after Nrpatunga were conversant 
with the principles enunciated in Pingala and the other writers 
on Metres. Indeed they revelled in exhibiting their skill in the 
many forms of Vrtta, in the Kannada Campu which arose almost 
simultaneously with the Nala Campu in Sanskrit by Trivikrama in 
the Ratrakuta Court. In the handling of the Vrttas, the Kannada 
poets made the four-line structure more flexible and integral; 
introduced a />rastf-pattern at the second letter in each line and 
added an Arthayatl in addition to or supersession of what was a 
necessary Yatt in lines beyond the Tritubh lines. The Karnataka 
people were familiar with the Nafyasastra. All the speculations of 
the masters of Poeacs and all works on Poetics in Karnataka 
closely follow or are based on the Masters of Samskrt Poetics. 

To Music, Drama and Dance, Nafyasastra was a never-failing 
source of reference and inspiration. High was the prestige of 
Samskrt and of the Masters who weilded the Samskrt language, in 
interpretation arid disputation to win prestige and distinction m 
courts and learned sabhas. Many of our poets and writers were 

well versed in these technical subjects wanted to distinguish them- 
selves as at least equals to the Sanskrit writers in those branches. 
In a beautiful stanza Raviklrti of the Aihole (C. 600 A.D.) inscrip- 
tion mentions Kalidasa and Bharavi which indirectly helps to fix a 
date limit for Kalidasa. One of our writers speaks of his being 
greater four-fold than Kalidasa himself ! A Karnataka poetess by 
name Vijjika, is so self-conscious as to say that if only Daridin had 
seen her, he would not have described Sarasvatr as fi Sarva-ukl&* 
a.nd she goes one step further : 

Eko* bhun nalinat parastu pulinad anyastu valmlkatat/ 
te sarve kavayo bhavanti tebhyonamab kurmahe/ 
Arvanco yadi gadyapadya-racanais cetas* camatkurvate 
tesam murdhni dadami vamacaranarh KarnatarajapriyaH 

Some of the Kar^iataka poets speak of themselves as being masters 
of three or four languages. Their knowledge of Jaina Literature 
made them use the Kagavaka metrical patterns in what they wrote 
as Ragales which only Halayudha mentions as 'Raghatd Bandhairf ', 
and which Jayaklrti possibly a Kannada Jain writer defines 
as Kannada part of metric form in the 7th Chapter of his 

Kannada language uses all the alphabets of the Samskrt 
language, dropping / and 1, adds a shorter form each of e ando 
and two essentially Dravidian letters r and / and so Kannada 
language can use all the letters of the Samskrt language in its 
choice of words and in composition and is fitted to articulate 
clearly and distinctly any and every sound of an Indian language. 
The practice of young people was to get by heart the three Kartgas 
of Amarakosa in the olden days and that enabled youngsters to 
master not only words, parts of speech, mythology and varieties of 
meanings and grammatical structure in Samskrt but enabled perfect 
pronunciation. It built up memory and helped them in later years 
to understand even the most recondite writings in Samskrt and to 
express themselves through Slesas and other clever and learned 
forms of composition. 

Except when a show off is intended Kannada writers simpli- 
fied Samskrt forms and used what are called Tatsama and Tadbhava 
words freely in addition to the Desi words. Writers who have 
desired pride of place among learned men have affected the Mnrgi 
style but quite a number of them have rebelled against the use of 
too much Samskrt. One or two go to the extent of saying he is 
writing pure Kannada. Generally a fine balance of Samskrt and 
Kannada has been the feature of many of the best writers of the 
country. The Tadbhavas are formed directly from Samskrt or 

adopted through intermediate or Prakrt forms. Even when the 
language and the metres used are Desi, like Ragale, $atpadi and 
the Snngatya, the conventions and technique of the Marga literature 
are usually accepted and followed. 

Among the activities of the Kannada people, I have mentioned 
the patronage extended to Samskrt by the Kings as noteworthy. 
Learning Samskrt was rarely neglected. Under such patronage 
works like Bilhana's Yikramfinkadevacarita were composed. Bharavi 
is known to have been a guest in the court of the Ganga king 
Durvinita ; the king, in addition to writing a few good works in 
Samskrt himself, seems to have written a commentary on the XV 
Canto of the Kimtarjuniya. A Vijayanagar Queen Gangadevi wrote 
the Vlrakamparnyacarita on the conquests by her husband in the 
South. Scholarship in disciplines ancillary to literature and to the 
Vednnta and in the studies of the Jaina religion, in the Tantra and 
Gaktl cults found many followers and propagators. In the 
Vedangas, both for the exposition and clarification, much work was 
done here. The studies in Natya, Silpa and Citra based on N&tya 
Sastra, Abhinayadarpaya, Dasarupaka, Bhavaprakasana etc. have 
yielded special forms to sculpture, architecture, painting and 
dancing. [Sangltaratnakara by] Sarngadeva, Somanatha, Kallinatha, 
Yidyaranya and Madhava, Pundarlka, Vitthala, Nijaguna Sivayogi 
and Purandaradasa established what is called the Southern or 
Karnataka School of Indian Music. 

When North India could barely defend itself for the daily 
tasks of life, the best part of the conservation of the Veda, Sastra 
and Literature, Cultural institutions, modalities and practice were 
all preserved here. 


Director, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, New Delhi 

Kanriataka Philosophy as all Indian Philosophy goes hand in 
hand with religion. It will be difficult to stamp doctrines enunciated 
by Karnataka thinkers exclusively as philosophical or as religious. 
Philosophical doctrines are coloured with religious fervour and 
religious practices embody philosophical truths. 

In Karnataka philosophy and religion, we find two types of 
writers, those writing in Sanskrit and those writing in Kannada. 
The philosophical and religious ideas found in Kannada literature 
are deeply influenced by Sanskrit which is veritably the watershed 
of all philosophies and religions developed in different languages 
in India. Ideas inherited from ancient Sanskrit literature are so 
much in the air that we do not realise what influence they wield on 
us. The wisdom that has come down from Sanskrit thinkers has 
become a part of our being. r ^/e do dot know the great debt we 
owe to Sanskrit tradition ; for, it is impossible for us to separate 
ourselves from it. So too our customs, traditions, outlook on life, 
ideals, the individual and social systems of behaviour are so much 
rooted in Sanskrit that Sanskrit has ' ecome the very sap of our 
life. We are so wrapped up by ideas coming from Sanskrit that it 
is difficult to talk of mere influence of Sanskrit ; Sanskrit is the 
elan-cmn-ethos of the whole of Indian Culture. 

Sanskrit lore is a significant ingredient in our intellectual life 
the development of which cannot be appreciated apart from that 
background. A study of Sanskrit literature is a precondition of 
the understanding of thought in the regional languages. 

Sanskrit writers touched all aspects of life, theoretical and 
practical, aixd discussed them with equal acuteness and thorough- 
ness. They had known different theories of knowledge like realism, 

( 106 ) 

idealism, and criticism ; formulated various metaphysical doctrines 
like absolutism, dualism, theism, pantheism, monism or pluralism ; 
examined the status of the world and the individual in relation to 
the ultimate reality ; discussed the divergent ethical theories of 
hedonism and asseticism reconciling them in eudaemonism; analysed 
threadbare the religious pursuits of man and determined the place 
of Jnana, Karma, Bhakti and Dhyana in attaining to the highest 

If we study the history of Karnataka philosophy and religion, 
we note that there are two strands in its development, viz., one of 
the Acaryas who wrote scholarly Sanskrit commentaries on the 
scriptures, and the other of poets writing in Kannada. The 
influence of Sanskrit on the Acaryas need not be reiterated as it is 
too obvious from the fact that they have commented on scriptures 
in Sanskrit itself. The poet-saints of Karnataka have taken many 
a doctrine from, Sanskrit though they have written in Kannada, In 
some of them we find an exposition of the traditional doctrines 
while in others there is a good deal of contribution from personal 
experience. Phraseological and methodological impact makes its 
appearance everywhere. These writers have also borrowed profusely 
from Sanskrit philosophical and religious vocabulary. 

Even a glance at Kannada literature in general will make 
clear the impact of Sanskrit on it. Kannada works of the Mahak&vya- 
type are the direct descendents from Sanskrit. Kumaravyasa's 
Bhurata and Torave^s Rdmayana may be cited as examples. Many 
of the great Jain a writers have owed their inspiration to these epics 
though their versions of R&m&yava and Mahabhdrata are slightly 
modified perhaps to suit the Jain a ideology. Pampa, the greatest of 
the Jaina poets, has narrated the story of MahabhUrata in Kannada 
and Nagacandra has written on RnmUyana. There are direct 
references to Sanskrit texts in Kannada works. Mahipati of 
Kakhandki says : "I consulted the four, the six and the eighteen." 
meaning thereby the four Vedas, the six Sastras and the eighteen 
Purartair. Such writings are rooted in orthodox tradition. The 
Vacanas of Vlraaiva poet-saints are called Kannada Upaniads 
which indicates the desire to raise any profound philosophico- 
mystical treatise to the status of an TJpanisad. Many of the 
philosopher-saints of Karnataka are writers of great Vedantic 
learning, not to speak of their insight into Yogic physiology. In 
the strain of the traditional Acaryas, Nijagunaivayogi makes a 
survey of the a<ldaranas and then puts forth his own philosophy 
of Advaita in his Viveka-cintnmcwi and Anubhavctsara. Ranganatha 
wrote the Anubhavumyta to develop Advaita philosophy. Advaita 

Vedanta has reached even up to Kannada folk songs : n-rr 
?rfterc<rr ^?rq- ij^Tr by the poet Sang is an example. A number O f 
Siddhas like Ravanasiddha and Kadasiddha famous in Karnat Ir 
were great Yogins. Vaisnavite saints of Karnataka who a * 
Dvaitins owe the origin of their doctrine to Madhvacarya. In th 
Haridasa literature, we clearly discern the basic doctrines of Dvait 
philosophy. Jagannathadasa's Harikalhdmrtasara can well be said 
to be a Dvaita encyclopaedia. 

The impact of Sanskrit in the field we are dealing with maybe 
methodological, phraseological and ideological, not to speak of its 
deep stamp on religious practices. As regards validity of knowledge 
we have in Kannada literature both faith and reason, faith exhibited 
in the elucidation of scriptural teachings and reason found mainly 
in the subtle dialectics of the Vacana literature. For Kumaravyasa 
the authorities are : the Vedas, Vedangas, Puranas, Smrtis, the 
Purva and Uttara Mimanasas and Nyaya. Dialectics of a' high 
order is found in the argument and counter-argument put forth by 
the parties in debate, a veritable intellectual warfare, as in the 
conversation Prabhudeva has with Siddharama or Muktayakka. 

The different methods found in Sanskrit philosophical and 
religious literature find their replicas in Kannada literature as well. 
To note a few of them : we see the enigmatic method in a Vacana 
where it is stated that a merchant of Jambu isle gathering his fares 
set up his stall. He was overcome by insatiable thirst. A baby 
carries his mother's dead body on its back (^q- *fqr^ I. 15). This 
is to be understood as the Jiva, carrying the burden of the" body 
accumulating past Karmas with desires and passions which are 
unquenchable. Similarly we come across a song of Purandaradasa ; 
* 'there is a silent being in the assembly of saints : it does not appear 
does not eat, does not demand. It knows every thing but does not 
speak ; it does not go any where". This silent being must be 
interpreted as the Nisprapanca Brahman which is aloof from the 

^sin^v air ^ We are familiar wit > the use of t*e symbolic method 
fc * w eXample > in the ^tasvatara Upanisad (I. 4) there 
is a remarkable account of a great circumscribing felly with three 
tyres, sixteen ends, fifty spokes and so on, which if to be^nlrstood 
as Reality with three Gunas, sixteen Kalas and fifty Bhavas, 

^ et 7 mol g'~ cal ^thod which depends upon 
meamng to ev ^ tetter of a word. For example, 
" 21 explain the -tymologicai moaning of 
> AUM. The first letter A (ofctf) of the 
r * p *** a ttainment, the second letter 

means Utkarsa or exaltation and M (rnakard) means Miti 

<, 109 ) 

6r measurement. So too the letters of the name 'Allamaprabhu* are 
interpreted by Kannada writers. "A" will lead to Aisvarva <T " 
to Lakullsa or Siva ; "Ma" stands for crossing t^ Mn^abdhi or 
Ocean of Mayn, "Pra" leads one to the vision of Prabha or splendour 
and "Bhu" will lead to Bhutesvara or God iva. 

In the analogical method the lesson is brought home by way 
of examples. The Chandogya Upanisad talks about the rivers flowing 
into the ocean and losing their individuality to show the non- 
difference of the individual from the universal souL The same 
analogical method is found in Kannada, many times developed into 
a continued metaphor, as in Sarpabhusanasivayogi who says that 
the body is the field, tranquillity and self-control are the oxen, 
equanimity is the manure, the seed is the teacher's instruction, and 
you reap the harvest of firm and continuous freedom of the soul 
(s th iramukti) . 

As many of the philosophical topics are discussed in the form 
of dialogues (Samvadd) in Sanskrit, so too we find the dialogue 
method used profusely in Kannada literature. The famous characters, 
Yajnavalkya and Maitreyl who figure in Sanskrit literature are 
found in Kannada also. 

Alongside is the monologic method too where the person is 
engaged in a conversation with himself. Here a saint loses himself 
in a revery and almost thinks aloud as in the post-ecstatic 
monologue ; Cf. Ha vu ha ..... Ahamannam...(Jkzm>fyfl III. 10. 5-6). 
Similarly MahTpati of Karnataka exclaims : 'When the highes.t 
desire I could ever contemplate is fulfilled, what else now remains 
to be achieved ? The knowledge of the real nature of the Jiva and 
Siva and their inter-relation has dawned upon me and I experienced 
the truth of So*ham\ 

We now proceed to the phraseological impress. Though 
Kannada literature has contributed to religious and philosophical 
thought and though VlraSaivaism in particular might have added to 
the religious practices, the diction throughout is dominated by 
Sanskrit. The philosophical terms like 

or the psychological terms like 
and q^^r^^fpSTZTs or the Yogic physiological terms 

like 5^ftr*fv, 53T, fq-*rsnr, 3*^1,, fw^, sr^nc ^^ or ST^T-^ST are 
found again and again in Kannada literature. Look at the descrip- 
tion of an ideal Yogin given in Kannada : 


-M <*fftM| fa' ^ff^ fif*r; or again a 

( no ) 

Kannada lyrical prayer : iTWl^Fr *W * * 
or yet again *ft "' 

Are not these lines likely to be taken as instances of Kannada 
words used in Sanskrit passages rather than vice versa ? 

Sanskrit sentences are taken verbatim and used tactfully i n 
the course of an argument : ST^ftr^^tg^t*^ sjf^ ifteg (^ *f. III. 
116); 2f^r^T f^r^ fa:^ ^^=sq% (g;. *f. ill. 119); 


Phraseological identity is not confined only to a few phrases 
or terms referred to above. In most of the cases ideological identity 
which we shall presently notice, is also seen. Sanskrit terminology 
has been so profusely woven into the texture of Kannada language 
that these Sanskrit terms have commanded a permanent place in 
Kannada thought. 

The ideological impact is far too important to be summarily 
treated. We shall therefore note this impact in different branches 
of philosophy like epistemology, metaphysics, ethics and religion. 

Coming to some of the Karnataka epistemological doctrines, 
we find them asserting that those who boast about their knowledge 
are away from God ; they really do not know. This is similar to 
the Upaniadic assertion that those who think they know, really do 
not know. In line with Sanskrit thought, in Kannada literature 
also Ajnuna or ignorance is taken to be the root- cause of all 
bondage. In fact all Indian philosophy has always subscribed to 
.this. According to ordinary psychology all senses are opaque, 
The eye cannot hear ; nor can the ear smell. But in supersensuous 
experience, this is not so. We read in the Upaniads about vision 
without eyes and audition without ears : q-^^iTErer: ST ^J'rftcirW: 
We find such expressions in abundance in Kannada literature. 
Purandaradasa goes a step further and points out the fact of 
interchange and apperception in mystical experience. He says that 
the eye is not only able to hear but is also able to smell, taste and 
touch. This is true of all the sense-organs. This unique experience 
Purandaradasa attributes to faofrfcOT. This ft^T ^fc&X is what Kant 
termed original, synthetic, transcendental unity of apperception, the 
central sun of knowledge by whose light and attraction discrete 
.sensations are raised into form and system. In Bhngavata, Dhruva 
$ays that the immanent God enkindles all our sensory and motor 

( ill ) 

organs. Likewise we find Siddhalingesvara holding that God is the 
inspirer of all external and internal sense organs. He uses the 
expression : 

We find in the Chandogya Upanisad a conflict between the 
claims of intellect and will for supremacy. There are passages 
which lay stress on Will as the primary reality while in others 
intellect becomes supreme. Similarly there is a controversy between 
Reason and Will in the dialogue between Prabhudeva and Mukta- 
yakka. Prabhudeva stresses the necessity of identity of Jnana and 
JtLriya (reason and will) after one has annihilated the sense of ego. 
The theory that knowledge is of two types runs through Kannada 
philosophy. The distinction which the Advaita Vedanta makes 
between Vy U vahurika Jnana and Paramarthika Jnana* the Buddhists 
between Samvrti and Parinispanna and the Jainas between Vyavahara 
and Niscaya is expressed in, Kannada as Upadhika and Upadhirahita 
Jnana. These are the two degrees of truth, the empirical and the 
transcendental which are too familiar to need elucidation. 

We come across the analysis of mental processes when we are 
told that those who claim that they have cleansed the mind are 
still in the domain of mind. For Prabhudeva mind has no absolute 
existence. It is to be transcended. In fact it has to cease to be 
for the attainment of the absolute. Gaudapada has already said 
that to realise the Advaya principle, mind will have to be transcended. 
Mind works in the domain of Maya and creates the appearance' of 
duality, Dvayubhnsa. When the objects of the mind are gone Manas 
ceases to be i.e. it becomes Amana (III. 21-32). 

The poet-saint Mahanta in his poem cT^T 37 %ft>^ *f ^ r efers 
to the epistemological aspect of cosmic consciousness and tells us 
that he was himself the subject-world and the object-world as well 
as the subject-object relation. This is nothing but the famous 
Vedanta doctrine of Tripulilaya where the distinction between the 
subject, the object and the subject-object relation is wiped out in 
the unitive experience. 

We do not want to make a plea that Kannada literature is 
just a replica of Sanskrit and that it has borrowed everything from 
Sanskrit. We want to show that the roots of Kannada philosophy 
and religion are in Sanskrit though the development of these ideas 
is in Kannada. Regional genius has enriched them and for the 
nourishment of what has been inherited from Sanskrit, they halve 
provided a healthy environment, 

Coming to the views of Kannada philosophers regarding the 
nature of the ultimate reality, the reality of the world and the nature 

( 114 ) 

and destiny of the individual soul, which three constitute the 
fundamental metaphysical problems, we find the Absolute being 
described as the subtlest of the subtle, immaculate, indivisible and 
omnipresent. The absolute is not only self-luminous but also self- 
conscious. Interestingly enough Kannada writers term the Absolute 
as Mahvkaranabrahman or Parataravastu. Brahman which is 
(non-dual), tpynr (unparallelled), f*ra?T* (partless), 
(untainted), *rf5*reFre (truth, consciousness, bliss), and 
(eternally perfect) in order not to remain alone, created in itself, 
by an act of its own spontaneous sport, myriads of macrocosms and 
microcosms. All this seems as if taken from the Upanisadic 
description of Brahman (Chandogya VI). Both the Sanskrit and 
Kannada writers agree that the ways of the Absolute are inscrutable. 

Further the Absolute is described in the Upanisads as that 
which the eye is not able to see, but which enables the eye to see 
and in Sunyasampndane (III. 78) as that which reveals everything 
but itself remains unrevealed. Agnostic tendencies, as in Sanskrit 
philosophy, are not wanting in Karnataka thought. If the Upaniads 
declare the Absolute as that from which the speech and the mind 
return back without appropriating it, the Kannada philosophers 
regard it as beyond the grasp of speech and mind. Even the 
expression used is src^TiftScffa' (*?TO *fo III. 112). As in the 
*NasadIya Sukta* which delineates the mysteriousness of creation, 
the ViraSaiva mystics hold that GuheSvara or the ultimate reality was 
there when the primal ground or support was not there, when 
neither void nor non-void was there, nor that which moves nor 
moves not was "there. 

According to Kumaravyasa as according to Nicholas of Cusa 
there is in God the coincidence of opposites. Thus according to 
him Kj-sna is both ^04^ an d spszpfcT manifest and un manifest ; 
He is both Sat and Asat, being and non-being (Adiparva 11-10). 
He creates the world but remains uncontaminated by it. He 
devours the world but is not cruel. He protects the world but does 
not become infatuated (Udyogaparva IX. 70-71). On such a 
positive-negative characterisation of God and ascription to the 
God-head of the three functions of creation, preservation and 
destruction, the influence of Sanskrit is obvious. Kumaravyasa 
makes an important point that Krna whom he regards as the 
ultimate reality is simultaneoxisly present in all four states of 
consciousness, viz^., ^mra;, ^r, ^rfer and gaf. Further we find in 
him the different philosophical theories like DvaUa, Vii$tadvaita 
and Advaita as well as a synthesis of Jnuna, Bhakti and Karma. 

As to the status of the world, there are frequent references to 
the Maya doctrine in Kannada literature. Everybody including 
Brahma, Visnu and all creatures are under the spell of Maya. The 
Bfhadnranyafca Upanisad recognises the moral order which governs 
the cosmos (III. 8-9). Similarly the Saint of Nimbargi refers to 
the cosmic law in his song f%rcirT^> TfT^1% where he says that it is 
God who supports the canopy over our heads and directs the 
motions of the sun and the moon. Kumaravyasa in his Mahabharata 
says that the world is empirically real because it is experienced ; 
but transcendental ly ideal because ultimately it is grounded in 
Paratattva which is Nirguna or formless. 

The realism of Samkhya is accepted by theistic thinkers of 
Karnataka who trace the evolution of the world to Prakrti. 

Coming to the nature and destiny of the Soul, the terms 
'Bayalu* and 'Nirbayalu* in Kannada literature signify Jiva and 
Brahman. The famous phrase 'Bayalige Bayalu Nirbayalu indicates 
the mergence of Jiva in Brahman, The Sajsthala Siddhnnta of 
VIraSaiva philosophy describes the stages by which the Jiva 
approaches the Brahman. Though the exfoliation of the stages is a 
special feature of Virasaiva philosophy the central idea running 
through the whole doctrine is a familiar concept of the process of 
Jiva becoming Brahman. 

Side by side with this Advaitic philosophy there is also develop- 
ment of Dvaita theory. In Jagannathadasa we find the fundamental 
tenents of Ovaita philosophy. The doctrine of Bheda that Jiva is 
not one with Brahman even in moksa stands in bold relief in him. 
There is also a great stress that Paramn tmabhakti leads to Mok$a. 

Prabhudeva points out that when one realises J&rahman, all 
doubt in Karma* Jnnna and Bhakti is expelled from one's conscious- 
ness. Brahman cannot be realised unless the tie between body and 
soul is broken. Has not the Upanisad said : 

H *The knots of the heart are loosened, 
all doubts vanish when ultimate reality is visualised.* The song 
OTft ! ^rf^r: I^Rf re-echoes the teaching contained in the Brahma- 
satra III. 4-1 which says that Vision itself is liberation. 

In their ethical teachings Kannada writers have freely borrowed 
from Sanskrit. They advocate that in a virtuous man the five 
senses (qps?%fesrs), the seven passions (srepsoreFTs), the six tiemies 
(*rff! s )* and eight kinds of pride (spss^s) are vanquished. The 
idea that senses lead to destruction is present in the famous Vacana 
of Alcha^4e5vara : ^r^f^rf^nrf^^T; due tcr the fcttr Action of tfie 

object of the eye, the moth is destroyed ; of the ear, the deer meets 
its doom ; of the nose, the bee is caught in a flower ; of the skin, 
the elephant is subdued ; of the tongue, a fish is entangled. 
AkhandeSvara puts forth that only one sense leads these creatures 
astray and bewails that he himself is oppressed by all the five senses. 
Does this not appear to be a reproduction of the verse : 

ft^r 1 1 

The idea that one has to become a devotee and leave aside all 
egoism is a familiar concept in both the literatures. 

In Basava we find an echo of the Nisk&ma Karma doctrine in 
that he emphasises the reconciliation between activism and renunci- 
ation. He prescribes that all work should be done in. the spirit of 
service to God. Again we find the synthesis of Bhakti, Kriyn, 
Jnana and Dhynna in the $atsthala Siddhunta* 

One of the ethical problems, viz., the freedom of Will is 
discussed by Jagannathadasa. He classified men into three types. 
In the first place some people believe that everything is done by 
God, whether good or bad. This is exactly what the Kausitaki 
Upanisad says : ^ f ? qcf *rrf p*f 37rOTf5T"<T V rrcf 5^75 *tf 
tTXflf[a U (III. 9). The doctrine of predestination in the Gita is 
clearly reflected in Kumaravyasa who says that the Jivavrata or the 
multitude of souls has not any Svatantrya or freedom (Udyogaparva 
IX. 73-74). If God does not intend a thing, it will never come to 
pass inspite of the best intentions on the part of the individual to do 
it. Secondly, there are some who regard man as responsible for 
all actions good or bad ; this speaks for complete freedom for man 
man 1S the architect of his own destiny. ^fAr g^cf fttrffcRTT 37 
3%feaTr^5T ?nc nMPa echoes the same idea. Jagannuthadasa talks 
9f the third type of 'men who say that they do bad actions while 
God does good actions. But he does not only classify men. He 
grades them He says that those who take the agency of actions 
upon themselves are the lowest, who own bad actions and give the 
credit to God of good actions stand in between and those who 
attribute both good and bad actions to God are the highest. 

i religious practices, we may note that the very 
T*T which we ar.e enjoined to meditate upon, is 
Itself in Sanskrit, Tfep a^votee is looked upon as the bondsman 

( 115 ) 

of God. The word Jagannathadasa uses in this connection is 
which is common in Raman ujian philosophy of religion. The 
whole mode of worship right from invoking the deity in the image 
(?rr^T^) to respectful send off to the deity (fro^r) through the 
Vpacaras is again in the spirit of Sanskrit tradition. 

The virtues we are asked to cultivate are silence (*?>?), 
equanimity (*T*T3T), detachment (^FZT). Cittasuddhi or purity of 
mind is also stressed. Basava in one of his Vacanas says that truth, 
absence of self-flattery, non-hatred is what constitutes internal 
purity and external purity. It is no wonder if the whole gamut of 
virtues is the same here as in Sanskrit literature. The virtues taught 
in Sanskrit philosophy are universal. There is no reason why the 
Kannada writers should not accept in toto what has come to their 
hands ready-made as part of their cultural inheritance. 

Narasimha gives an allegory on the process of shooting at the 
target of Brahman. The gun-powder is the initiation by the spiritual 
teacher. Further, a steady posture is prescribed. The body is the 
gun and Bhakti, Jnuna and Vairagya are the three fingers. The 
same allegory is found in the Upanisad : 

IT. 2. 3-4) : shoot at Brahman with an unswerv- 
ing mind. While stressing the necessity of concentration for self- 
realisation, Gurus iddha prescribes that mind, breath and sight 
(*Ff, 'TsnT, ^fcs") must DC focussed together. The emphasis laid in 
the Yoga philosophy on trspnicrT or one-pointed concentration need 
not be reiterated. 

Cidananda in his song rrq- *rrefk*rr ^5^ sa y s that having lost 
all bodily consciousness he became the spectator of all existence. 
We see here the infiltration of the idea of Snksi of Samkhya 
philosophy. The Yoga ideal that after realisation the self abides in 
its own nature ^rSTT &*&: '$4 ^S^^TT?n^ is met with in Kannada 
literature times without number. 

Ananda or bliss is the spiritual ideal in many a system of 
philosophy. So too in Kannada literature, we have Nirupadhisiddha 
who enunciates the ideal of M<cKM?^. The account given by 
Prabhudeva of an ideal saint is full of traditional ideas : wherever 
the saint casts his eye, that place becomes sanctified ; whatever 
falls from his lips, constitutes the highest instruction ; whatever 
water he touches, becomes a Punyatirtha (holy waters) ; those who 
come into contact with him are liberated at once 


The Vedas extol the released soul as the over-lord 
ruling in the kingdom immortal (nipt jfa), while Kannada 
mystics enthrone him on the ^qfifyOT throne of the infinite in the 
or spiritual assembly. 

We find similarities in many fields ; but every time we find a 
similarity, we need not say that it is due to the impact of Sanskrit, 
The expression may be similar because the experience itself is 
similar. This is particularly true of the spiritual experience which, 
as Dr. R. D- Ranade points out, is universal. The similarity of 
expression is due to the universality of mystical experience. That 
is, spiritual experiences like Anahata Nada (the subtle sound), Rupa 
(form), Tejas (Light), Amrtarasa (ambrosia) are repeatedly found in 
mystical literature. The words particularly found in Kannada 
literature are Nada, Bindu and Kato. 

Thus it will not be an exaggeration to say that there is not 
merely an impact of Sanskrit on Kannada philosophy and religion 
but Kannada philosophical literature is just a further elucidation of 
Sanskrit philosophy in local language. Here ancient doctrines ara 
taken up, accentuated, transformed and adopted ; they are thus 
given anew garb and handed on to posterity. 


Lalit Kala Academy, Srinagar (Kashmir) 

517 ^r^nr *f srftrs TT i q-|t % 

?fV ^f^J TO ^cr ^TT^: "^rr^^f^ % f^rq; 
n i 

% ^TST^? ^nf % 
: f% Of^: 


g *TT 

i ^ ^ar srenfMf % 

goff ^ 
?ft ^r^nTrcrT (ppftflr) 


TT^T ftr I ^Ff^f STfTjfN' cTSfT feP^7; % STTH^r cf^F ^f^T ^f sft 

-*ft ^c^r i ^JTOTVK % 

( ?voofo) 

|) i 


*nrcnr * ^ TnTT ^rrar | i a Tf^ ^CTT^- % g^nn^ 1 ?f 

vrocr Rrft- 8f Rmr 

TOT i 


r 11 
iftr srfe 




^rr^rr i 


i ^& j* ^ft ^cTTs^t ^ ^T^^T qft srfeg: 

TT ^f ^fir ^TWT ^rmr | f^r^f ^ ^T^Fftfr ^r^ ^r srrft^r 

ftrcr srftre nm '^rc* % 

sft m H^^^r % rrnr ^r ^ft 5r%^c I, 




( ^ ) ^ET^ 2TT 


) ^^t ^t ^rr^rr 

^rr ^3: 'Pm % ^TT^Tcrf^rff ^f ^rftfVq- q-f^nr^ (Indo 

European Family) ^r^ *rTnp ft^^gr q^ ^^: % i *f*rrc 

t ^rf 
f i 

wnr ftr^- I i % ^ft *rrer-f^T- rf 5f ^rfi^rf^r 
f i firar^r % ^ET ^t ^r ?rnr TsrnfV w^rr ^nf 

^rror ^T^T ZTT qsrrsft ^^rpft i 

"[Elements of the sciences of language, By Taraporewala p. 362] 


OTT ^Tr^to ^nqruff ^ srmfirar | i 


f^^r ft i T^ ^T^^T I 

^^^ % 
?fir fe ^ ^^^ft ^tf^cr ftr 

|, ^rPicf T^f i 
f, ar^r fe^ff ^T smr?r ^T ftFr% ^r^zr ^f TO^ft ft* 


^* wft i 

VT m^rnt 5rT^f CTTT 
ft rf ^: T^ftft^rtrr $f ^rf ^r^ sriwar OTT 

* ^T 

T ft 

Wt 5TT WWft 


HP* ^*r fca* f PP 

Sr 'r' rtr wrfW * 'OT' ilnur | i 
vrofrtt ^IWT ^r ^ ftrarer | i ^r <ss*r' w snwr 


fterr |r ftr ftp^r SRHT 


:, *nwRiRi?iT, 

, S^TThC, TT^ c ftT, 

cf % ^g?r PT^S f r 

^f qr% ^n% ^ i ^Ef^Rra' 
& Verbal Derivations) 
^ft ^f 

'STTcTT | I 

cTrr ^^?cff (Nominal Derivations 
*tT**JI<i' qr g^^T q~T | I ^ 



Indeclinable Participles) 

| i ^f 

IY WIT q~f r f?TT ferrf %cTT | | ^%:~ 


of imperfect past) grqr ^fte 


i ^f^^r % 
(Imperative Mood) 

f ^ 

% (use 





^JT | 




: ^f^fr^r % 

wort ^T^^T srr^cr ^f WIVK 'i' ^f tfVafira 1 51? I 




cTTq- cTFT 



( 125 ) 






( 126 ) 



w 3% 

*fcnfr i ^^ 

(O : ^r % 

srn^r ^ rr^ T v ^ f 




( 127 ) 




*r5r *r*r 

^rr ^ftcq-fer i 





^rr ^-nq-^r i ^-TTTO- ^tr crfar 


5=r" ?=Trf ^Tcf^ t fq- ^Ff T^ ftf 


i qTTW ^r 1% i 

i *r> TT 3f?T 

( Syntax) vMm ^TW^?TT % 

( 128 ) 



C 129 ) 






[<rrqra>) SP?T 

% qmr : 


q-uf q-UUT 

4ft Vf ^| i 

f Tf 


^137 3?fr srnsft 


Hi^4 < H<4 ^ **'*' 

( 132 ) 

- T, 


W % OT <ffl flT flflWr 






Reader, Allahabad University. 

The History of Mithila has been singularly free from wars and 
conquests. 1 With the exception of about a dozen occasions, the 
Kings of Mithila have been mainly engaged in building up traditions 
of learning and art. Indeed, Plato's ideal of 'philosopher Kings' 
has perhaps been fulfilled in no other country of the world except 
Mithila (e.g. Janaka and MM. Mahes"a Thakkura). 

Before 1 ,000 B.C. Mithila was the great centre of Vedic and 
Upanisadic lore; it was the age of Janakas and Yajnavalkyas. Then 
followed the foundation of at least five of the six orthodox systems 
of philosophy; from about 1000 B.C. to 600 B.C. Mithila, 
according to some scholars, had the proud privilege of having the 
rare galaxy of Gautama 3 , the author of Nyaya Sutras, Kanada 8 the 
propounder of Vaisesika System, 4 Jaimini, the founder of Mimamsa, 
Kapila the propagator of S&nkhya Szstra, and Vyasa the first 
author of Vedanta philosophy. From the Sixth to the Third 
Century before Christ, VaiSall, a town within Mithila's borders, 
became a renowned stronghold ofJaina and Buddhist Philosophy 
and Logic. Thereafter we find a gap of about five hundred years. 

1 Darbhanga District Gazetteer, p. 22, 

2! Shyamnarayana Singh, History of Tirhut, pp. 190-2 ; and 
Ganganstha Jha Commemoration Volume (Poona) p. 38S. 

3. Vindeshwan Prasad, Introduction to VaUe?ika-DarSana, p. It ; 
and Mithilamoda, UdgSra 80, p. 4, f. n. 1. 

4. Gang&natha Jhz Commemoration Volume, p, 388. 

5. Ibid. It is not clear ifKakarauda and Kapilesvara are both 
relics of his residence in Mithila, 

6. Mithilamoda, Udgara 114. p. 11 places his ASrama at ViraulL 

(, 133 ) 

( 134 ) 

By the Sixth Century A.C. or so we have again unmistakable signs 
of great literary and philosophical activity. According to Maithila 
tradition, Uddyotakara, Marujana, Kumarila, Prabhakara, Vacaspati 
Udayana and later Gangesa, Paksadhara and several others 
Naiyayikas and MTmamsakas were engaged m combating the 
Buddhists, and ultimately re-establishing Brahminical thought in the 

After the invasion of Turks ( = Muslims) another occasion 
arose when Maithila scholarship asserted itself. While the 'Turks' 
succedded in coming down the Ganges as far as Bengal, they some- 
how bypassed Mithila, which, therefore, remained for centuries the 
home of Hindu learning and culture. Maithila writers of Digests 
(Smrti Nibandhd) came forward with Codes of Law and with Hand- 
books of Polity 7 wherein they recognised the new conditions and 
tried to protect the purity of their ideals and traditions. Of course, 
the greatest writers in this field are Ca#dewara and Vacaspati 
Misra II. 

Even to this day Mithila has been able to preserve her interest 
and love of the traditional scholarship. There are spread all over 
the country Tols or Catu$p&thi-s (popularly called caupacft-s) where 
pandits impart education on the old lines. Hundreds of palm-leaf 
MSS. and paper MSS. are read and commented upon in Mithila 
even in these days of brisk printing. The official examination 
system of Darbhanga Raj (Dhauta pariksn*) is based on the old 
Maithila systems of Safakft-PariksaP where the candidate is allowed 
even to have his books by his side when experts take his viva-voce; 
of course, the old system of taking a SarayantrdP is no longer 
current. In the latter system the scholar was even required to 
present himself for examination by the public; the scholar who 
intended to take a Sarayantra could be asked any question on any 
, topic the people liked. From what we know of the last person who 

7. See Introduction to Mithila Mss. Catalogue Vol. I and Intro. 
to Ca$desvara*s Rajamtiratndkara by Dr. EL P. Jayaswal. 

8. Vide, for example, the syllabus for a Dhauta-parik$n published 
under the supervision of the late Sir Ganganatha Jha. 

9. Vide Satishchandra Vidyabhushan, History of Indian Logic -, p. 
522 f. n. 1 and M.M. CJopinatha Kaviraja, Saraswatf Bhawana 
Studies VoL IV, p. 62. 

10. Sir Ganganatha Jha, Kavirahasya, Dr. K. P, Jayaswal Intro- 
duction to Mithila Mss. Catalogue Vol. II ; and R. Jha, 
Twelfth All-India Oriental Conference (Benares), proceedings 
Vol. I, part 2, pp. 310, 325. 

( 135 ) 

is known to have taken ii, it seems that it was a sort of intelligence 
or General Knowledge Test by the public. Similarly, the institution 
of Upadhyayus, Muhopfulhyayas, and Mahamahopadhyayas 11 as 
graded degrees of seniority among Professors is today extinct. 

The marks of this aspect of Maithila Culture are found in 
various things. Most of Maithila place-names are commemorative 
of the particular branch of learning that has been perfected or 
specialized at those places, 1 - e.g. Yajuara (seat of Yajurvedd), Riga 
(seat of Rgveda), AthurT (seat of Atharvaveda), Mau-behata (seat of 
Undhyandim-sakha). Bhaitasimarl and Bhattapura (seat of Bhatta 
School of Miniums;!). Names and even surnames of men, such as 
Upadhyaya or Jhii as common surname, indicate the same thing. 

Most of the customs and practices of Mithila are also rem- 
nants of this very feature. For example, a peculiar custom 
mentioned in the Sattiputha Brahmana (IV. iv. iii. 19) is still observed 
in Mithila in its original form. On the day after the Sukharatri 
festival (corresponding to the Diwali festival) a pig is tied to a post 
or tree outside the village where all domestic animals, such as the 
cows, buffaloes and bullocks, are brought by every farmer. Then 
these animals are given a chance to play with the pig, strike it with 
their horns and, it is believed, the more the pig cries the better are 
the fruits and harvests of the people (called "Hura-Hurl"). 

Similarly, there are various customs and usages which can be 
traced to the fact that the roots of Sanskritic studies or Brahminical 
culture are deeply engrained in Mithilu, Pandita Bhekhanatha Jha 
has recently completed his monumental work on this subject after 
twenty years' research, called the VyavahdTa-vijft&na. I shall, 
however briefly describe one such Maithila game where the 
principles of phi losophy are used for dialogue : it is called 
"Pheholcla-chhoo" 1 ** It begins with a number of boys throwing 
water on all sides. One of them takes up some water in his hand 
and asks : "What is in my hand ?** He is told : "Water". Then 
comes a second boy who also asks : "what is now in my hand" ? 
The answer given is '"An egg*\ Another boy is made to ask : 
"who hatched this egg ? % * and he receives the reply that "such and 

11. See M. M. Dr. Sir Gangan&tha Jha's Foreword to Kashi 
Mishra's edition of MM. Sacala Mora's commentary on 

12. I am indebted to the late Ft. Baladeva Mishr^ Librarian, Mss. 
section Raj Darbhanga for his information, 

13. See Ft, Buladcva Mishra, Khela-mtn Brahma-Vidya (Mithildnka 
number of the Afithtt&miMra, Darbhanga). 

( 136 ) 

such a boy (hatched it)". Then follows the query : -Who will 
destroy it?" and he answers "such and such a boy (will destroy 
it)" Then asks the original questioner, who kneads it ?" and 
they will not let him rest till the latter accepts defeat. 

Now it is pointed out that the dialogue refers metaphorically 
to the first creation of Brahma, viz. water, then it describes the 
Brahmanda (cosmos) which can be destroyed by Siva the great 
destroyer at the time of Pralaya, and lastly it describes the knocks 
and kicks (Dheha) which ajiva gets in this world till he realizes his 
defeat and * begins to strive after "mitkti". Such is also the case 
with plays like Sataghara, dolabati and other Mithila sports and 
pastimes which are based on some philosophical concept or the 

The cumulative effect of this extraordinary devotion to the 
Sanskrit learning has been on the whole very fruitful in keeping 
the lights of scholarship and culture burning throughout the ages. 
Nevertheless, it must be said that it has also been responsible for 
the excessive orthodoxy and conservativeness that are found in 
Mithila. "They (Maithilas) are guided by the mint, anise and 
cumin of the Brahminic Law in their everyday life 14 . They view 
everything that runs counter to it with great suspicion. The result 
has been that when the majority of Indian Provinces were giving 
new lease of life to their languages and literatures and customs by 
imbibing new influences with the study of Western languages and 
liteiatures, Maithilas had remained comparatively static for a long 
time. This explains the delay in the introduction of Journalism 
and various other forms of literature hi Maithili. This also explains 
the almost complete neglect of the local language in the Educational 
and Administrative spheres of the Province today. 

The exclusive and excessive cultivation of Sanskritic ideals is 
also responsible for the archaic, complex and comparatively 
synthetic character of the mother-tongue of Maithilas. The verb- 
system of Maithili is extremely complicated unlike other Indo- 
Aryan languages, with a peculiar combination of honorofic and 
non-honorofic forms in the subject as well as in the object of the 
verb its nouns continue to take inflexions, and its peculiar 
pronouns and certain other features preserve many obsolete links 
in the study of Modern Indo- Aryan Philology. 

"The practice of using the pronoun of the third person with 
an appropriate verb for that of the second person in an extremely 
high honorific sense continues to this day, especially in the conver- 

14. Grierson, Linguistic Survey, Vol. V, Pt. 2. 

sationtbat takes place bet \\ccn a son-in-law and elderly persons 
O fhis father, in -law's family and among the Kabirapanthis and 
servants class. This goes to suggest that originally, like Sanskrit 
bhavW, the word apane, a noun, was used in the sense of the 
pronoun of the second person with verbs of the third person, and 
gradually with the passage of lime the idea of its being a noun or 
pronoun of the third person disappeared and it began to take, like 
ah&> the verbs of the first person. 

"The word apunc is also found in the nominative in the passive 
voice, an idiom in which the nominatives of different persons take 
the same form of verb. 

"A very extreme form of high respect is indicated by using 
the proximate demonstrative pronouns for the second person. In 
this case the verb is of the third person. Such a use is generally 
confined to the KtrhTrtxpanthis of Mithila and to that of women and 
man of the higher classes in course of their conversation and vice- 
versa and that of servants and upper classes/' 15 

MaithiiT literature has been very closely associated with 
Sanskrit* In fact the earliest use of Muithill words has been found 
in the form of equivalents of difficult Sanskrit words in early 
Sanskrit works such as Vaeasputi Misra^s famous commentary 
Bhamati (9th century A JX) or Rucipati Upadhyaya, Jagaddhara 
and Vidyapati O*Hh -15th centuries). When we find Maithili emer- 
ging as the leading literary language of the whole of Eastern India, it 
was Jayadevu's immortal Sanskrit lyrics in Gitagovinda that inspired 
the great lyric poets of Maithili Jyotirivara and Vidyapati. Indeed 
VidyapatTs eminence as one inspired by Jayadeva's Sanskrit lyrics 
was regarded by the award of the title **Abhmava-Jayadeva" by 
his illustrious patron Maharaja Siva Shyiha of the Oinivar Dynasty 
(1414 A, IX). in VidyapatTs love lyrics* moreover, we may seethe 
very essence of Sanskrit love poetry. Kaiidasa, Amaru, Govardhana, 
and other Sanskrit pouts of love have provided images and themes 
to Vidyapati and his followers* through the ages. Often one may 
find allusions and such borrowed images taken for granted by 
Vidyapati and one may not follow the argument of the poems if one 
does not remember the Sanskrit poetic conventions and images, and 
if one remembers them one's enjoyment of their diction and 
argument is immensely enhanced* 

In the middle period of Maithili literature, Maithili poets 
began introducing Maithili translations of Sanskrit verses in the 
dramas. Soon they introduced independent Maithiii songs also in 
form of the dialogues or introduction of various characters when 

15, Dr. Subhadra Jha, Formation of Maithili Language* 

they make their appearance. In course of time Maithili prose was 
also introduced and both in Mithila and Nepal wholly vernacular 
plays came to be written. This is how the great Kirtaniya Drama of 
Maithili was brought into being. In the secluded Hindu courts of 
Mithila and Nepal Maithili could thus develop a new stage and a 
new dramatic tradition different from that of the Sanskrit drama. la 
subject-matter of "regular" and "irregular" Maithili dramas the 
various Puranas and Epics of Sanskrit have provided the 
material. In the 18th century, Manabodha began a tradition of 
condensed translation of Sanskrit Puranas in long poems. 
Manabodha produced the entire \Harivamsa in 18 chapters only, and 
in the 20th century Canda Jha wrote the Ramdyana condensing 
Adhyatma Rdrnayana. Such long poems made a great impression 
on the Maithili readers. More effective than this has been the 
revival of Modern Maithili literature by a series of translations 
and adaptation of Sanskrit Puranas in the 20th century. Of 
course, in modern times foreign languages and sister Indian 
languages have also provided inspiration. But the work of trans- 
lation from Sanskrit has not been given up. Almost all important 
Sanskrit classics have today been translated or adopted into 
Maithili, and some very abstruse and difficult philosophical texts 
have been also rendered into Maithili e.g. Sriharsa's Khangana- 
khandakhadya and Udayanacarya's Kirandvali, the Brhadnranyaka 
Upanisad and the Brahmasutra along with detailed commentaries. 

In the end it may be said that like many Modern Indian 
literatures Maithili has writers who follow the forms of Sanskrit 
literature closely. Not only the plots and themes are from Sanskrit, 
the imagery, the prosody and the diction were basically associated 
with Sanskrit and Prakrt till recently, and the treatment of 
subjects was frequently on the lines of Sanskrit classics; but also 
the style of early scholarly works in Sanskrit is perpetuated in 
several ways. Thus, the greatest Grammatical Treatise in Maithili 
today by Pandit Dinabandhu Jha is written in Sutra-form and has a 
long Dhatupatha attached to it in the Paninian manner; the Maithili 
Dictionary compiled by the Editor of Mithilamihira is on the lines 
of the AmarakoSa and lastly such types as the Mahakavyas and 
Kharida-kavyas and Camp&s are still the common forms in which 
quite a sizable number of poets in Maithili take pride. Even the pious 
Folk Tales (particularly the Vratakathas) are inspired by the ideals of 
Sanskrit works, Puranas and Epics. There is a very old custom 
m Mithila of obeying a strict procedure of writing letters in 
Sanskrit: Vidyapati, Vararuci, Ratnapani and several others have 
written hand-books on letter-writing in Sanskrit. In special the 
letters of invitations on all social and religious occasions are well 

( 139 ) 

graded to suit all ranks and relations of the host. Now this has a 
counter-part in the numerous specimens of letters in Maithill which 
form the bulk of medieval Maithili prose, 

In one way the literature of Maithili has suffered very much 
by the high esteem in which Sanskrit has been held in Mithila, The 
Sanskrit scholars have always considered Maithili as the Apabhramfo 
language and therefore only lit to embody light literature. This is 
w hy we had in the past rarely any serious or scholarly writing in 
Maithili. The lit vehicle for it was Sanskrit alone, It is only now 
that people are prepared to write serious works also in the 
vernacular, Of course, this meant also that the less scholarly of the 
Brahmins, the Kayasthas and other classes of society took greater 
interest in cultivating Maithili literature, and have thus balanced 
the otherwise over-burdening of the language with models and 
ideas of Sanskrit literature, and have ultimately brought it nearer 
the masses than could otherwise have been possible with its courtly 
and aristocratic patronage in the past, 


Professor, Patna University 

Mithila is an old country. The Satapatha Brahmaria (1000- 
600 B. C.) refers to its boundaries and states that the river Sadanlra 
divided the kingdoms of Videha and Kosala. Mithila of to-day was 
known by the name of Videha in the Purarias and the epics. In the 
Bfhad-Visnu-Puraria (5th Cent.) twelve names of this land are 

r i^rfte ^^^fF^rrsfe ii 


Of these Videha, Mithila and Tirhut are the names most 
widely used, Videha being the earliest. The land borrowed the 
name of king Videha Mathava, its ruler, who brought Agni, 
performed sacrifice and made the region holy and happy. The 
capital city of Videha, the modern Janakapur in Nepal territory was 
perhaps given the name of Mithila. According to the Ramayana and 
the Pwmias, the name originated from its king Mithi. It is derived 
from VManth=to churn and explains as 

that is, the place where enemies are vanquished. 

The geographical boundaries commonly given for Mithila are 
sharply defined consisting of the Himalayas on the north, the 
Ganges on the south and the Ga$dak and the KoSl on the west and 
east respectively. It is to be noted that the northern and southern 
boundaries are of special significance. It is not only that the 
Himalayas and the Ganges are two of the most sacred geographical 

symbols ot Hinduism, but the Ganges has historically represented 
aboundry against competing religious practices from the south. 
Over the millennia the land north of the Ganges has been a strong- 
hold of sandtana dharma, Yedic orthodoxy. The language of this 
historical land is known as Maithili, which is grammatically a 
distinct language with an independent literature. 

Mithila is famous for the study of the different branches of 
Sanskrit learning. In ancient times, it was the centre of Vedic and 
Upanisadic lore. The foundations of several systems of Indian 
philosophy were laid here. Maithili literature has been undoubtedly 
influenced by Sanskrit, Almost all notable writers of Maithili 
literature were well-versecl in Sanskrit. They followed the lines of 
Sanskrit literature closely. Not only has the subject-matter been 
taken from Sanskrit, the imagery, prosody and thought have also 
been taken. The Maithili grammar has been written in Sutra-form 
by Paiidita I>Inbandhu Jha in the Paninian style. Types of Sanskrit 
literature, mahnkavya> khavcta-k&vya, campiikavya, have been 
imitated. They have been inspired by the Sanskrit Pura^as, and 
the epics. 

In the following pages J propose to give a brief account of 
some important works of Maithili which bear the clear imprints of 
Sanskrit literature and tradition, 

1. The Var$a-ratnakara > $ description of ocean is the oldest 
prose- work in MaithilT. Jt is of the 14th cent, and is preserved in a 
unique manuscript on palm-leaf in the library of the Asiatic society, 
Calcutta, The manuscript is written in old Maithili characters. The 
author of this great work, KaviSckharacarya Jyotin&vara fhakur is 
quite a well-known figure in Sanskrit also. He is the author of the 
Prahasana called Dhtirtasamftgama and the works on erotics 
PaRcasSyaka and Rangatekhara. Dhurtasam&gama is quite a popular 
drama which has been published and mentioned in works on 
Sanskrit drama by European writers. From the prologue of the 
Dhurtasatnngama we learn that Jyotirivara*s father's name was 
DhlreSwara and his grand-father was RSmes"vara. He was in the 
court of Harisimhadeva, a king of the Karijata dynasty who defeated 
the Mohommedan invader. Sultan. JyotiriSvara was an accomplished 
Sanskrit scholar and a successful writer. His work Varva-ratndkara 
is divided in Chapters called kalhlas as follows : 

1. Nagaravarnana, 2, NSyikavanjana, 3. Asthanavanjana, 
4. tuvar$aua, 5/ Pray$akavarnana, 6. Bhattadivarnana and 
7, SmaSSnavarflana. 

This important prose work of Maithili literature is written in 
g vernacular speocb with T&$wn# ^d TarfMtfva forms of Sanskrit, 

( 142 ) 

Much of its materials are taken from Sanskrit Puranas and epics. 
It is a book in the set pattern in the orthodox Sanskrit style 
cultivated by Bana and others. 

2. The most famous literary figure in Maithilf history and 
the central symbol is the great 15th cent, poet Vidyapati. He was 
followed by a long line of poets who imitated his style and who 
maintained an unknown literary tradition for more than five 
centuries. He has many works to his credit written in Sanskrit, 
Apabhrams'a and Maithill. The Paduvdll of Vidyapati is in pure 
Maithill language and is preserved in several mss. in the libraries of 

Nepal and Mithila. 

Vidyapati was born in an age when Sanskrit was the language 
of culture and learning in Mithila. He was a contemporary of 
renowned Sanskrit scholars, like Pakshadhara. Vidyapati, however, 
took bold steps and began to write his songs in a language actually 
spoken by the people of his land. He tried to simplify Sanskrit 
which was getting difficult to be understood by a man of average 
learning. The secret of Vidyapati's popularity lies in the fact that 
he brought the true delight of poetry to those who did not under- 
stand Sanskrit, especially the womenfolk. Vidyapati has been kept 
alive in the throats of lacs of ladies all over Mithila for five 

The themes of Vidyapati's songs may be classified as 1. songs 
depicting love, 2. songs of devotion to Lord Siva and 3. songs 
appropriate for social functions like marriage and upanayana. His 
songs on the love of Radha and Krna are jewels of Indian lyric 
poetry. They exerted a tremendous influence on the lyrics of Bengal, 
Orissa and Assam. Vidyapati is a poet of love and while writing 
love poetry, Jayadeva's Gltagovinda and the Bhagavata were models 
to him. The influence of Sanskrit is no doubt great on his poetry 
which is clear when we compare his poetry with the Sanskrit authors 
who preceded him. It has been mentioned that while writing lyrics 
Jayadeva's Gitagovinda was his model and rightly Vidyapati has 
been called <Abhinava Jayadeva*. He has made an abundant use 
of the figures of speech such as vakrokti, hyperbole, simile and 
metaphor, prevalent in San ski-it. His imagery is influenced by the 
conventions of Sanskrit. The imagery is what is inherited from 
Sanskrit. A critical and comparative study of Vidyapati shows that 
he has been greatly influenced by Sanskrit poets like Amaru, 
Govardhana, Bharavi and Magha. 

3. In the 17th and 18th centuries many contributions were 
made to different forms of Maithill litetature. Many scholars -of 
Mithila and Nepal wrote dramas, They are written in Sanskrit 

Maithill, generally the speeches are in Sanskrit and songs 
^ vernacular. Amongst these Umapati deserves to be men- 
are jft rs t. He lived in the court of Hariharadeva and belongs 
tl0 h 17th cent. His drama, the Parijataharana was published with 

English translation by Sir George A. Grierson. This drama is 
based on the well-known Pauriimc legend. 

4. Manabodha wrote the Krsna-janma which was published 

Grierson in 1882. It is written in pure and simple Maithill 
language and narrates the story of the 10th Skandha of Snmad 
mgavata of Vyusa. Ramiinati's Rukminixvayamvara, Devananda's 
UsQharana also Jesene mention. Sri Chunda Jha's Rcimayana is the 
most famous of all works \\riUen in recent years. All these derive 
their themes from ancient Sanskrit sources, the MahabMrata and 
the Ramayaija . 

Among the modern writers of Maithill, names of Kavisekhara 
panflt Badrlnalh Jhu, Tan trail fit h J ha, Munsh! Raghunandan Das, 
Yatri and Suman deserve mention. Kavisekhara Pandit Badrlnatha 
M has composed the I-'kavallpariijaya, a Maithill Mahakavya in 
fifteen cantos. It strictly follows the conventions of Sanskrit 
MahSknvya and is written in a language full of tatsama words. It 
contains descriptions of natural objects the sun, the moon, the 
evening, the six seasons, the river, the hermitage etc. in conformity 
with the rules laid down by Sanskrit rhetoricians. Sanskrit has 
thus exercised its patent influence on Maithill literature. 



Commissioner, Jalpaiguri Division, 
Jalpaiguri, West Bengal. 

Poetry has always remained an effective, attractive and appeal- 
ing medium for sending messages to the beloved. The fact that 
Adikavi ValmBd himself used it speaks for itself. A new dimension 
was however, given to Sandesa Kavyas (message-poems) with Maha- 
kavi Kalidasa's Meghadutam. The sigh of the Yaka eking his 
existence on the sacred rocky terrain of Ramagiri a sigh burning 
with passionate longing, moistened with tears yet fragrant with 
fond nostalgia shook the poetic world as never before. History 
gave the role to the poets of regional language to develop the 
Sandesa-Kavya as a regular class of poems. This is illustrated bv 
Malayalam literature also. 

The earliest Sandesa KSvyas of Kerala were not certainly 
modelled on Kalidasa's work. Popularly known as 'SandeSa- 
ppftttnkaT (message songs), these were written by amorous young 
men to get the attention and favours of their beloveds who were 
flirtatious and rather free with their love. This later developed 
into a regular class of poetry (San&Sa Kavya Prasthana) with explo- 
sive popularity. Hundreds of Sandefo Kavyas written during these 
centuries have been lost to posterity since no attempts were made 
to preserve them. The oldest among the Sandete Kavyas of Kerala 
available to posterity is the SukaaandeScf written in Sanskrit by the 
gifted poet Laksmldasa. y 

Before commenting upon the Sandesa Kzvyas of Kerala it 
^lh 0t tK e Ut f P 1 ^? menti a ^thing about the society in 
which the poets flourished. Whatever might be the general 

s^rh 60 ^ 0118 . '/ 116 C0mm n man there exitedfrS 
society which comprised the Nambudiri Brahmins, the rulers 3 

kmgd oms .ad principalities, petty chieftains and affluent landiorcfc 
With assured mcomes from estates or temples tbey ha<J enough. 

( 144 ) >; 

( 145 ) 

time for literary pursuits and pleasing pastimes, amorous exercises 
getting precedence over anything else. So far as women were 
concerned, with the exception of ritual marriages prevalent among 
certain classes, it was a period of free love. The hetaerae had the 
pride of place in the society and were much sought after by princes 
and priests, poets and philosophers with equal fervour. They were 
well educated and trained in all artistic pursuits. Many of these 
'geishas* of the middle ages were eulogised by poets and often 
accepted as consorts by some of the rulers of the period. With the 
enviably influential position enjoyed by the hetaerae ic is but natural 
that poets often found in them the heroines of their compositions. 

In Suka Sandesa the heroine is the charming hetaera Ranga- 
laksml. It is supposed to have been written by poet Lakmidasa, 
possibly in the second quarter of the fourteenth century. It faith- 
fully follows the model of Kalidasa's Meghadutam, but the separa- 
tion in this case is only in a dream. The author belonged to the 
"Karin gamp ally Swaroopam'% an affluent Brahmin family. As in 
many subsequent Sandesa Kavyas, the hero and the author are 
identical. While sleeping in the arms of the beautiful hetaera 
Rangalaksmi on the terrace of his mansion at Trikkanamtilakam 
the hero is separated from her in a dream and finds himself in 
distant RameSvaram. The poet chooses the uka (parrot) as the 
carrier of his fond message, giving the bird clear directions of the 
route and the text of his message. We get more than a bird's eye 
view of such places as Trivandrum, Quilon, Tiruvalla, Kaduthuruthy, 
Tripunithara, Trikariyoor, Mahodayapuram and Trikkanama- 
tilakam besides a panoramic view of the Periyar river. The pastime 
of the ladies of Mahodayapuram also finds ample expression in the 
poem. This reminds one of Kalidasa's description of Ujjayinf. If 
any Sandesa Kavya has come within approachable distance of 
Kalidasa's great composition it can be undoubtedly said that it is 
the '^uka* of Lak$mldasa, 

"Unnuneeli Sandega" which was written in the third quarter 
of the same century can easily get the pride of place among the 
Malay&lam Sandes"a Kavyas. It can also be assumed that this was 
the heyday of * Manlpravnla Sande&a Kavyas because the Koka 
SandeSa which can be considered as a close rival to the 'Unnuneeli* 
must have been written within a reasonable span of time after the 
latter. It is an unfortunate fact that a large number of SandeSa 
KSvyas of this period is lost to posterity. Running into near 
about 240 Slokas, 'Unnuneeli SandesV is one of the most exquisite 

*Poetry in which Sanskrit and Malayalam words are blended 
together like coral and ruby. 

( 146 ) 

literary productions in Malayalam. The story is purely imaginary 
but it is abundantly clear that the poet had pictured himself as the 
hero. While the hero is sleeping after his amoral exercises with 
his beloved on his chest a wicked female spirit, jealous and passion- 
ate, carries away the hero and proceeds south in an aerial route. 
When he suddenly wakes up to find himself in the clutches of a 
wicked spirit he recites the 'Narasimha Mantra" which had the 
power of frightening away the evil spirit. Unfortunately, when he 
escapes from her clutches and drops down near the Padmanabha 
Temple of Trivandrum he sustains physical injury and finds it 
impossible to return to his beloved very soon. While groping 
about with a confused mind the dawn breaks out in all its glory. 
The description of the vanishing night, the stars losing their lustre 
and the glory of the approaching dawn is remarkably beautiful 
It reminds one of Kalidasa. Luckily, he chances to meet his inti- 
mate friend Aditya Verma of the Quilon royal family who had 
come to the temple for his usual worship. Here is now a situation 
where a human being is himself sent as the massenger of love to 
the heroine. The royal messanger is requested to make a journey 
which will take him three days to go to Mundakkal where the 
beautiful hetaera Unnuneeli who is supposed to have descended 
from the clan of the celestial dancer Urvast, had her abode. A 
clear direction is given of the path to be followed but the route not 
being aerial, the description also takes a new dimension. Quite 
often, the descriptions of landscapes are associated with exotic 
ideas. The moomise on the Atamudi Lake with dusk descending 
on it like unbraided tresses of hair finds comparison with the 
beloved in the excitement of dalliance. The description of the 
heroine is also on the model of Kalidasa, but there are inevitable 
variations, the heroine being a hetaera. 

In Koka Sandesa, also written near about the same time, we 
have been able to recover only less than 100 Slokas. The author 
seems to belong to South Malabar. Every grain of sand at Ponnani 
is familiar to him and his descriptions are delightful. Here also, 
the separation is not real. While in the arms of his beloved the 
T* & ets into a fainting fit. On recovering, he tells his beloved 
mat he felt he was separated from her and taken to a place in 
fcouth Malabar by a spirit. From there he sent a message through 
a cakravaka bird. The route is described in meticulous detail and 
tne imagery here is intimately domestic. The description of the 
mouth of the Periyar river is unforgettable. 


Hundreds of Sandela Kavyas followed uka-Unnuneeli-Koka 
y. The situations of separation differed in each case. Some- 

( 147 ) 

times, it was real and in other time* made up for the sake of sending 
the message. Almost m%uunb!> the message is sent by the hero to 
the beloved, but there are rare eases in which messages were sent 
by the heroine. In Kokila-MtnJc^am, the hero was moved away to 
Kanclpuram from Marakkara b> the mischievous Varuna Puran- 
dhris. In Jifin fi.\uh' i of Udaya Snkantha the prince of Manak- 
jtulam and his beio\ed Taehapulli Uti Umfi are mistaken for Lord 
giva and Parvatl making love. Indignant at the mockery indulged 
in by the hero they cursed him and brought him to Trivandrum. 
In liraiiiti''ii-~ <**'* * ' r:: v^hieh is a blind imitation of Unnuneeli- 
sandesam the hero is carried auay by a Yaksa to Trivandrum. In 
Subhaga-aandc.sufn the hero is carried away from Trichur to Kanya- 

Imitation is said to be the best form of flattery. In that case, 
the poets of Kerala have paid most flattering tributes to the author 
of Meghadutam because they have blindly imitated him in all the 
Sandesa Kfivyus. 'I he Yaksa tells the messenger that he should 
first understand the route to be followed. This he does in the 
first part. Sub -^queniiy he is to listen to the fond message itself. 
This is clone in the second part. All the Sandesa Kavyas, just like 
\Tezhadi~ii a:i: are written in lv\o parts, the first one dealing with the 
circumstances of the ^-p.irati>n itself and the route to be followed 
by the nio-^sei-^or. In the second part, the heroine is introduced 
along with the message meant for her. In most cases, the 'Manda- 
kranta metre so appropriately selected by Katidasa to suit the situa- 
tion has been adopted by the Kerala poets. Except in Hamsasandesa 
and Cntaka-iwmU'xa, the I ti'itiliunMui is the dominating Rasa in ail the 
Sandesa Kavya->. In the former* the pix-xalent Rasas are Santi and 
Bhakti and the latter is written in the form of a panegyric address 
to Rama Verma NKil'.uMi.i of Truvuneore by a Namboodiri, Princes 
and parrots, animals, birds and insects of various types were 
imposed upon by the later poets. 

An innovation brought in by LuksmTdasa in his uka-sandeia 
was that the separ.iiit.n was only in a dream. This seems to have 
influenced some of the later poets occasionally. Bringing about 
such a situation might mean that the poet wanted us to understand 
that the love druinu as \\eil as other material themes were only a 
transient dream. It might also be that the poet wanted to impress 
upon the reader* the unbearability of separation even in a dream. 
When we consider the nature of the society in which the poets 
flourished the latter conclusion arrived at by some of the commen- 
tators appears to be less controversial. 

While Kalkiasa's heroine was a model of chastity and the 
Yaksa a devoted and faithful husband, the Keiala poets were not 

( 148 ) 

prepared to accept these norms. The hetaerae were the central 
figures not only in Sandesa Kavyas but in other compositions too. 
These were well-educated women and were great exponents of all 
forms of fine arts. Possibly, upto the eighteenth century, women 
other than the hetaerae did not venture to be educated in these 
sciences. These women who practised sacred prostitution were 
having a position of pre-eminence in the society. Unniyachi, a 
Devadasi of the thirteenth century, was married by Raja Kerala 
Verma of Vendu. A hetaera of the same temple. Kuttati, was 
married by Odanadu Kerala Verma in the fourteenth century. The 
hetaera Unniyadi became the consort of the prince of Perumpa- 
dappu. Maracemantika, the heroine of Mayuradutam is depicted 
as "Vesyakularatnam" (the gem among prostitutes) and was the 
wife of the Raja of Manakkulam. Poets did not even want to call 
her by the real name Tachapalli Itti Uma, but gave her a sophisti- 
cated and meaningful name Maracemantika. 

Many of the gifted poets of this period were the constant 
patrons of these hetaerae. Great poets like Punam, Damodara 
Cakkiar and ankara Warriar wasted quite a bit of their talents by 
composing poems in praise of these women. Sankara, the author 
of Sri-Krishnavijayam, had as his paramour the celebrated courtesan 
Manavi Menaka. 

It was at a time when the situation had gone to such an 
extent that the Candrotsava was written by one of the most talented 
poets whose name should unfortunately remain unknown for ever. 
Written about 1500 A.D., it is an exceptionally brilliant composi- 
tion. Irony and sarcasm are so subtle while the author ridicules 
the entire stratum of the elite who were doing nothing but hanging 
round the hetaera's salons. The hetaera Medinl Vennilavu i s cele- 
brating the moon festival at a village near Trichun There is a 
grand assembly of all the famed hetaerae. The poet conveniently 
and purposely ignores the lapse of time to introduce them. The 
renowned Namboodiri Brahmins, many of them well known poets, 
rulers and chieftains assembled there for the Candrotsava ready to 
attend to the slightest wishes of the hetaera. The hetaerae came 
physically carried on the shoulders of aristocratic young men. The 
great poet Punam carried on his shoulders the beloved Maralekha. 
A ridiculous situation indeed ! 

After the age of Candrotsava, no work of notable quality 
seems to have appeared among the SandeSa Knvyas till Mayura 
sandeta by Kerala Varma Koilthampuran in the present century. 
Hundreds of Kavyas have been written but their quality had become 
worse than mediocre. In May&ra-sanfcto the situation of separation 

( 149 ) 

s real and a historical tact. FromHaripad Kerala Varma sends a 
message to his beloved at Trivandrum. By the beauty of its senti- 
ments, the melody of its verse and the intensity of feelings to which 
it gives expression Mayura-sandw reached a fairly high water 
mark of Malayalam Poetry, Mention may also be made of the 
flrifttfandesa by Sirdar K.M. Panicker and the Xlik Canto of 
Urn Keralani by Ulloor which is in the form of a Sandesa Kavya. 

Though many of the Sandesa Katyas written after Candrotsava 
are nothing but trash it cannot be denied that the really good ones 
have enriched Malayalam literature to a great extent, 

Among the Mtiniprmk Kavyas of Malayalam literature some 
of these have a distinct place. It is also possibly true that Kalidasa's 
^eslutdutont has influenced Malayalam poetry more than that 
of any other Indian language. Though they have tried what may 
practically be called a blind imitation many of the poets have been 
able to do it with a touch of genius, The Sandesa Kwyas can 
certainly claim a unique p'ace among tk Manipwwla Knvyas d 
Maiayalam literature, 



Director of the State Institute of 

Languages. Trivandrum. 

Malayalam, the mother-tongue of the people of Kerala. 

Malayalam is the mother- tongue of more than 25 million 
people living mainly in the State of Kerala on the West Coast of 
India. A narrow coastal strip lying in between the Western Ghats 
in the east and the Arabian Sea in the west, Kerala was supposed 
to extend from Gokarna in the north to Kanyakumur! in the south, 
However, the mother-tongue of the people inhabiting the northern 
half of this region is not Malayalam, but Tula. Having been 
conquered and administered for long by the rulers of Mysore, this 
Tulu area came under heavy influence of Kannada which became 
the language of administration and education here. Discarding its 
former script which it shared with Malayalam, Tulu adopted the 
Kannada script. This completed the cultural separation of the 
Tulu area from the Malayalam area, and naturally at the time of 
the re-organisation of States, the Tulu area was finally incorporated 
in Mysore, Kasaragode thus became the northern boundary of 

The Kanyakumar! area in the South had always been under 
strong Tamil influence, because here the western Ghats tail off to 
the plains with the result that no natural barrier separates the Tamil- 
speaking area from the Malayalam-speaking area at this point, 
Since Malayalam developed as a medium of literary expression only 
^ comparatively late, Tamil remained among large sections of the 
t people of Kerala as the medium of higher education and administra- 
tion. This was especially true in the southern half of the native 
State of Travancore which was comparatively less amenable to 
Brahmimc influence. Consequently, at the time of the re-organisa- 

( 150 } 

tion of States the Kanyakumarl area was ceded to the State of 
Tamil Nadu on the basis of the numerical preponderance of Tamil - 
speaking people, and the small town Parassala in the Trivandrum 
District came to be the boundary of Kerala in the South. 

The majority of the Malayalam-speaking people are now densely 
packed in this small State of Kerala with an area of 38,900 sq.k.m. 
and a population of 2,12,80,397 (1971). 60.16 of this population 
is literate. Malayalam-speaking people can also be found in all 
States of India, in Pakistan and Bangla Desh and also in the former 
European colonies of Asia and Africa. Outside Kerala they are 
scattered among the local population and do not form anywhere 
sizable blocs of linguistic minorities. 

The relationship hetween Malayalam and Tamil. 

Geneologieally Malayalam is a Dravidian language and is 
closely related to Tamil. Malay alum developed from an old Tamil 
dialect current on the West Coast towards the 10th century AJD. 
From this period onwards we have epigraphical records which enable 
us to trace its d^w-lupinem, while the earliest literary compositions 
in Malayalam date from the 12th century A.D, 

There are various theories as regards when and how Malayalam 
separated from Tamil and assumed the status of an independent 
language, but all are agreed on the circumstances which led to this 
decisive break. The separation was solely due to the overwhelming 
influence exerted by Sanskrit. Owing to this influence the dialect of 
the West Coast cut its connections with the mainsprings of Tamil 
and started on its career as an independent language. 

This transformation might have been slow and might have 
stretched over several centuries. We have absolutely no record of 
this formative period in the career of the language. The earlier 
epigraphical records are all in the VATTEZHUTHU script which 
provides graphemes only for the Tamil phonemes. Hence we cannot 
be absolutely sure that the written forms were also current in the 
speech of the people* for conscious attempts by scribes at approxima- 
tion to standard Tamil forms cannot be ruled out from these 
inscriptions. Still, the increasing use of specifically Sanskritic 
phonemes and abandoning of personal and numeral terminations 
in verbal forms, which together with progressive nasalisation and 
palatalisation as well as a preference for certain forms of case 
endings and primary (krt) suffixes no longer in vogue in standard 
Tamil, are evident in these inscriptions. And in these features the 
influence of Sanskrit is clearly discernible. 

When we come to the earliest literary works, the transforma- 
tion of Malayalam into an independent language is fully achieved. 
The earliest available literary composition in Malayalam is perhaps 
BHAAKAUTALlYAM, a prose commentary on Kautalya's 
Arthasastra, written, most likely, in the 12th century A.D. The 
current script of Malayalam, which is an adaptation of the Tamil 
Grantha script introduced by Pallavas for writing down Sanskrit 
works and commentaries on Sanskrit works in South Indian Lang- 
uages, has been used in writing this work. This Malayalam script, 
which incidentally is closely allied with the Singalese script current in 
Ceylon, provides distinct graphemes for all the phonemes in Sanskrit 
and Tamil. The use of this script facilitated not only orthographi- 
cally correct representation of Sanskrit words in Malayalam, but 
reversely also approximation of many purely Malayalam words to 
somewhat similar Sanskrit words. This "Sanskritisation" of Mala- 
yalam words gained quick currency. Use of Sanskrit terminations 
along with purely Dravidian stems was the next logical step. How- 
ever this is found only rarely, and was soon discarded. 

Mani-pravdla Style. 

All this contributed to the development of the so-called Mani- 
pravala style. Use of local dialects along with Sanskrit has been 
a very ancient practice on the Indian Stage, as testified by Bharata 
in his NajyaSastra and Abhinavagupta in his commentary on it. 
Abhinavagupta has pointedly referred to the Marii-parvQla style 
current in Dak$inapatha. Even before Abhinavagupta the term 
Mavi-pravala has been used by Jain authors, but the Mcmi-pravala of 
the Jains seems to have been Sanskrit passages interspersed with 
passages of Prakrt. Mixing of Sanskrit words . with words of local 
languages in the same sentence must have been a later development, 
the application of the Grammatical devices of Sanskrit to the 
local dialects being the culmination of this process. 

At the dawn of the history of Malayalam language, however, 
we find this mixed literary dialect of Maiii-prawlam in its fullfledged 
form. The earliest use of this dialect must have been for presenting 
Sanskrit plays m temples in what is now known as the Kutiyattam 
style and for commenting on and expounding epics and scientific and 
philosophical works in Sanskrit The problem of finding Malayalam 
equivalents to Sanskrit words was solved by indiscriminate borrow- 
ing from Sanskrit, with the result that the boundary line between 
Sanskrit and Malayatam got blurred to such an extent that all 
Sanskrit words with Malayalam terminations added to them were 
pronounced as Malayalam words by the author of LlLATILAKAM, 
a 14th century work on the Grammar and Poetics of Mani-pravala. 

IVSI/:^" In Kerala. 

The intcnsi\e cultivation ^ofjSanskril in Kerala must have 
tarted even before the birth of Sri Sankara in the 8th century A.D. 
t continued for the slice-ceding 12 centuries without any interrup- 
ion. Thus "Sanskritisiilioir* in its widest meaning has been going 
m in this region for more than a millennium. Almost all available 
vorks in Sanskrit were collected, copied and critically studied by 
reneration after generation. Most of these were also commented 
jpon in Malayalam, for the medium of Sanskrit education had, 
rom the earliest times, been the local language. Gradually Kerala 
dmost forgot its Tumi! heritage. So much so that even classics 
ike cilapputikliratn* composed by Keralites in Kerala went out of 
/ogue in the region of their origin. It is only recently that we find 
i revival of interest in this Tamil heritage in Kerala. 

During the long period of intensive cultivation of Sanskritic 
ore, certain families in Kerala developed into reputed Gurukulas 
specialising in particular branches of knowledge. The A$ta Vaidyas 
3r the eight families of Physicians and their numerous disciples kept 
the torch of Ayurvcda burning. Original texts in Sanskrit were 
studied, but commentaries which supplemented the texts and 
practical manuals were mostly written in Malayalam. This was 
also the position in Astronomy-Astrology which was another vast 
field of knowledge to be systematically cultivated in Kerala. The 
study of Vedas and Dharmaxastras was also not neglected. One 
of the earliest works in Malayalam is YAOAM BH&SA, a manual 
on the performance of Vedie Sacrifices. There were also families 
specialising, generation after i*cnei at ion, in MTmarhsa, . Vydkara^a 
and Sahitya. 1 hero were communities entirely devoted to the 
enactment of Sanskrit plays, which also included expounding of epics 
and Prabandhas based on stories taken from epics, in temples. Even 
such specialities as 'I oxieology and Veterinary Science were not 

One fact which deserves special mention in this connection is 
that this cultivation of Sanskritic lore was not confined to the 
Brahmins. All communities had free access to the secular part of 
the Sanskritic lore, while certain non-Brahmin communities 
specialised in teaching Sanskrit and the practising of Medicine and 
Astrology. These included communities considered as untouchables, 
Christians and Muslims. 

System of Rural Education, 

As education meant the exclusive study of Sanskrit texts, the 
entire system of rural education was Sanskrit-oriented. Well-to-do 

families considered it a point of prestige to maintain teachers 
in their turn provided free education to those who cared for >0 
Boys and girls started with mastering Malayalam script by writ' 
with fingers on sand spread on the ground. This was soon follow! 
by practising writing on palm-leaves with an iron stylus. Aft 
mastering the scripts the students memorised a few Stotras ' 
Sanskrit which served as material for oral practice of corr 
pronunciation. The study of Stddharupa (Sanskrit declensions and 
conjugations) and Amarakosa and the Cdndra Vakyas of Vararu ' 
which provided the foundation for practical Astronomy wasth* 
next stage. After this those who wanted to continue took up th 
study of a few cantoes of the three Easy Kavyas (Laghutrayl - 
Kjsna Vilasa of Sukumara, Raghuvamsa and Kitnmrasambhava of 
Kalidasa) and the three difficult Kavyas (BihuttrsLyititfupalavadha 
of Magha, Kiratarjunlya of Bharavi and NaisadhTyacarita offo 
Harsa). The system followed was a kind of integrated course. The 
students were required to memorise the verses, separate the Pados 
decline fully every Subanta and conjugate fully every Tinnanta, find 
out the prose order by the Akanksa method, repeat the prose 
order in Malayalam, dissolve the compounds and state the meaning 
of every word and finally explain the idea contained in the Slokain 
Malayalam. Thus gaining sufficient mastery over the language 
students selected their fields of specialisation. The system TO 
liberal, both from the point of the opportunities it provided to all 
sections of the community and from the point of view of the variety 
of subjects brought under it. This was the general pattern of 
education in Kerala until the modern system of school education 
came into vogue. 

Influence of Sanskrit on Malayalam Literature. 

The influence of Sanskrit is stamped as a birthmark on the 
Malayalam literature. The most important of our early works are 
either translations of Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata or 
based on these three classics. Our medieval literature is mainly 
Campus in Manipravnla style expounding the stories of Rama or 

In the latter half of the 19th century A. D. when there was a 
e f Malayalam literature, an era of neo-classicism was 
, d ftranSlationS ofSans *rit JBfrjwandFIaj. 
"^ landsca P e ' T1 * same work was translated 
an / XampIe> more <han a dozen translations of 

, a a v Untala has been P" blished "> Malayalam. 
Sanskrit supplied the models which were indis- 

( 155 ) 

cr jmitHitely imitated by writers. Even the best of our poets composed 
huge Mcthakavyas which no one bothers to read now. This state 
of affairs continued till nineteen thirties, when the attraction of the 
western models began to present a powerful alternative. 

The points emerging from the above discussion may now be 
summarised. Though geneologically belonging to the Dravidian 
group of languages, Val:i\;J.M.i has been profoundly influenced by 
Sanskrit both phonetically and morphologically. Besides, almost 
the entire lexical stock of Sanskrit has been incorporated into 
Malayalam. The use of Sanskrit words, i. e. nouns and verbs and 
indeclinables, with Sanskrit terminations, has been very common, 
Now this sort of excess has been bridled, and Sanskrit case-endings 
are used in Malayalam only in certain exceptional instances. But 
there is absolutely no ban on the use of Sanskrit loan words with 
Malayalam case-markers. And it appears that when necessary 
Malayalees prefer (o take a Sanskrit word on loan rather than 
coin a new word from a Malayalam root. Recently there has been 
a massive exercise in the creation of a technical and scientific 
terminology in Malayalam, and it was found that the people of 
Kerala prefer a Sanskrit-based terminology with possibility of All- 
India currency rather than creation of purely Malayalam words 
coined from Dravidian roots. This provides a marked contrast to 
the practice in Tamil Nadu where the tendency is to discontinue 
the use of even simple Sanskrit words and to coin instead recondite 
words of pure Tamil origin. 

The literature in Malayalam has been moulded, for centuries, 
after models in Sanskrit. Mot only the literary norms, but also 
figures of speech, conventions and even the most popular metres 
have been those of Sanskrit. Even though this situation has 
changed of late, and the main models are now supplied by the 
more relevant literatures of the West, and in the realm of expression 
pedantly has been replaced by simple native idiom, the rich Sans* 
kritic tradition is still very powerful and it can be safely assumed 
that this tradition will continue to exert its beneficial influence for 
as long a time as we can envisage. 



Ministry of Education 

The Southern part of India was, from very ancient days, 
known as the Dravida Country. The Mahabharata speaks of 
Dramidas in several places sfo^r: gwr ^FSFT; gfiret tftftrarf HRT; 
sfoiTPf cFT ipft etc. ASoka, the great Buddhist Emperor speaks 
of the Cola and Kerala-Putra as the southernmost parts of India. 
The word Dravida or Dramida can linguistically be recognised as 
the Sanskritised form of Tamil, i. e., Tamil >Tamila>DamiIa> 
Dramila>Dravida>Dramida. Kumarila, the great Sanskrit scholar 
of the 7th Century, speaks of Andhras : (^^STfaf^gr^^ Wft} 
Dravidas as speaking the mleccha languages. 

In the literature of the Sangam Age we find that the 
Dravidian Country was divided into the North Dravidian and the 
South Dravidian. The North Dravidian portion included the 
Karnatic and Andhra regions and the South Dravidian part consti- 
tuted the three regions Cera, Pantjya and Cola. This portion (i. e, 
Southern Dravidian) was also called Tamilakam, which included 
the above three southern kingdoms. In the Tamil grammar 
Tolkappiam written before the first century B. C, it is mentioned 
that Tamil is the spoken language of the country between Cape 
Comorin and the Tirupati Hills : "Vada Venkatam Ten Kumari- 
yayidai Tamizkuru Nallulakam." 

Kannada and Telugu separated from the ancient Dravidian 
much before Malayalam separated as a distinct language. In the 
Sangam Age, ancient Tamil which was current in the Pandya 
country round about Madura, was called Centamil; ancient 
Tamil or Pure Tamil and the Tamil of the other two countries (i. e. 
Cera and Cola) as Kotum Tamil, Mixed Tamil Cera was the 

r^o a n tnTr f ^ C Untry n W Called Kerala and we have every 
reason to beheve that this mixed form of Tamil was the common 

( 156 ) 

( 157 ) 

language of the Cera country for a long time even after the 
Christian Era. 

When and at \\hat time Malayalam seperated out as a 
distinct language from Tamil cannot be said decisively ; but almost 
all scholars in this line such as Dr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao, U. V. 
Swaminatha Iyer, M. Raghava lyengar, Messrs K. N. Shiv Raj 
Pillay, Vayvapuri Pillay, Ullur S. Parmesehwara Iyer, A.R. Rajaraja 
Varma etc., are agreed on this point that the present-day Malayalam 
emerged out of what is called Mixed Tamil in the literature of the 
Sangam Age. 

The earliest specimen of written Malayalam is found in a few 
copper-plate inscriptions belonging to the four centuries from about 
885 A.D. to 132O A. IX The language of these inscriptions is a good 
guide to the development of the Malayalam language. The oldest 
copper-plate is assigned to 885 A.D. and pertains to a King of 
Quilon making a grant of lands and other facilities to certain Jewish 
settlers in Kerala. It begins as follows : 

Aruliccaita sakfibdam fiyiruttu Orunurriyczupattu munnil 
mal Cclifmin kolluni nanui ri\ irupiUli aramatu meta jiiayar 
pattonpatu cenna vya/.a/.euyum mulavum aparapaksattu pancamiyum 
sivanityayoguvum pcrrayinnudu Veruidu vazuaruluna..,z...ppettur 
sri vira ilara iraya matyandavarma sirava,..etc. 

This language is more akin to the Tamil of the Saivite and 
Vais^avite saints \vhose songs aie available in Tamil. 

The earliest literary work in Malayalam that has been 
discovered so far is the poem called Rawacarita. The author of 
this work is not known and its date is supposed to be the beginning 
of the 1 3th Century. Its language is so closely related to Tamil 
that, even today, scholars argue as to whether it is a Tamil work 
or a Malayalam work. 

The next work of importance that we have in Malayalam 
is a prose translation of Kaufilyn's Artha-Svstra, Here also, there 
is a large number of 'I ami! words and usages ; but the struggle to 
cast oft the influence of Tamil is very pronounced as will be seen 
from the following quotation : 

Adhyuk-ar kao paivurum kalamarritu. Atuttingal varuvitu. 
Anru vannu "kariukku kaMuvatum ceytu. Vyayam ceytu muijiya 
dhanam vaippiccitum ceyvTtu. Mutalu celavu ezutiya kaijakku 
pettiyiliUu ilaicciccakoncivaruvitu. Avarule kattumidattuninru 
purattupokulC \fituUappkvntu. 

This is a specimen of the technical language used in translation 
and commentaries in the 13th Century. 

8. Next we have got works like Attaprakciram and Krania- 
dipiku which give certain rules and directions for the Cakyars for 
the performance of Sanskrit plays called ^Kudiyattam: Here is an 
innovation peculiar to Kerala in the stage-performance of Sanskrit 
dramas. The dramas selected for this purpose are ail in Sanskrit 
like the Subhadra-dhananjaya, Nagananda, Mattavilasa-prahasana, 
altogether thirteen plays. 

These Attaprakarams appear to have been written by different 
hands in different ages and they also provide useful material for 
studying the development of the language and the influence of 
Sanskrit on it. 

Next in chronological order come certain verses written in 
the Manipravdla style, composed in Sanskrit metres. The word 
Manipravala itself means admixture of jewel and pearl", meaning 
thereby Sanskrit and the regional language. Vaisikatantra is one 
such work containing about 200 verses. This is full of not only 
Sanskrit words but a number of figures of speech according to the 
Sanskrit rhetoricians. Here is a specimen taken at random. 

Tarunyamavatu sule tarunljananam Marasl runic mazanilavatu 
nityamalla Annarjitena Mutalkondu katakkavcndum Vardhakya- 
menmatoruvan katalundumunpil. 

Coming to the 14th Century, we find the three *Niranam' 
poets vying with each other in their translations of the Mahabharata, 
Ramayana, Bhfigavata and Bhagvad-Gitz. Any of these works will 
show the increasing influence of Sanskrit in their language. There 
is no dearth of long Sanskrit compounds such as ^ 

and whole this in Sanskrit 


The only difference in these poets is their use of Tamil metres 
instead of Sanskrit metres. 

During the same period, i.e. the end of the 14th Century, we 
have a number of stotras, songs, translations of Purarias and some 
astrological and medical works. To illustrate the increasing 
influence of Sanskrit one or two extracts are given below : 


% % fonftn- TO: This 

is a 

description of the rise of the moon which is a common subject for 
all poets. The prose translation of Brahtnarida Puriina begins thus, 

.- Veda\}.- ' ' ' aruliccaila Brahmiinda puranattil 
itajnan tanu/ax ' '.. , d.i,-i\ ik>< unnor.. 

The anonymous author states that he proposes to translate 
milthe Brahmdnda Pur ana. This is very important as it 
means that even by the 14ih Century Malayalam was still 
dered a part of the iumil language. 

An important litciar> \\ork based on the * Meghadutd 9 of 
Olidasa is the L'i-' .-.'/ -"'<' ll is Divided, ju*t like Kalidasa's 
inal into two parts onlaininj'- 136 and 101 verses, respectively. 
verse at raiulom is INCII bclou as specimen of its language:- 

One verse 

fr?5r (vs^ g;o^T<>) 
A similar -work \\liR-li i>, :ilxu atli ihuted to the same period is 

the ' 

Next we lui\c tin ec C'umpii-,, 1111x1111-0 of poems with prose. 
The subject mailer of tlu-c is n.-i taken or based on the Puraiias or 
other works hut they dc.c.ihc the stories of certain noted women of 
that age. They are : -I nniy:t.-cicaritam, Unyieeirutevlcantam. 

These are the iorerunnei^ of the Campus in the Malayalam 
literature" The verses tue in Sanskrit metres hut the prose pieces 
are a particular type '' which has a musical cadence and 
because of this more Sanskrit words and compounds are found in 
prose than in the verses, e.f,. : 

Tasmin Yismu\;mTw ilcso kasminnapi ca virajati menmel 
alaksva'^.-i^.i-ii--:-" 5 .'.-" *PPt> ^ r '>'il knru vidusa lankevatura 
rak5dara hhui-'avativa hhuiunp.a niscvya guptamanohara nandana- 
manya kevalam.'uir- i>i pp : --- 

The cnuriss.-iue of a ^.uun...'.^.-.! work called Ltlatilaka by the 
end of the 14th Century showed that by that time a large number ot 
works in the wi//v/i<7/,, style had begun to be written, thus neces- 
rftating the codification ol' the ; .munar fur the same. This work 
by an unknown author is unique and the mere fact that it is written 
in Sanskrit is proof emmi-h to show the dependence of the Malay*- 
lam language on Sanskrit lor its ilL-wlopnwnt. It is divided into 
chapters or .7/></.v and consists of (1) rules in the sOtra-styte, () Vrtti 
or short cxpla-i.ui,..i t,f the sfitras, and (iii) examples for these rules. 
The first chapter defines what nuinirravala is and, incidentally, men- 
tions the difference between Maiayalam and Tamil. The origin ot 

( 160 ) 

the language and the chief characteristics of the case-endings are 
explained in the 2nd chapter. The 3rd chapter deals with rules of 
Sandki; Knvya Dosas, Marifpravala, Gunas, Sabdalankara and Artha- 
lankaras form the subject matter of the next four chapters. The last 
and the eighth chapter expounds Rasas. The author has largely 
drawn upon standard authors and works such as Bhamaha, Dari- 
<Jin, Vamana, Kavyaprakafa, and Dhvanyaloka for writing the Sutras 
and the Vjtti both of which are in Sanskrit. The illustrations are all 
in Malayalam and drawn from standard works current at that time. 
most of which are, perhaps, now lost. The work reveals the author's 
deep knowledge of Panini's Astndhyayi and its commentaries, the 
Rasika and Rupdvatdra, as also his proficiency in the Prakrt, Tamil 
and Canarese languages. He quotes from Kaiidasa, Harsa, Magha 
and Anandavardhana among others* It is interesting to note that 
the author has denounced the use of Sanskrit case-endings with 
Malayalam nouns like Puptigiec etc., and Sanskrit verbal termina- 
tions with Malayalam works. This clearly shows that such usages 
were common during that period which was an earlier age. The 
object of writer, but humurous criticism by a poet called Tholam 
who is supposed to have ridiculed the users of such forms in the 
following verse : 

Man<Janti panthanivahak patibandhapetya 
kakafct karanju maramepyurangayanti 
Tanputtayanti takarafc karikoptaes.e 
Minnaminuninivahasca minunayanti, 

An epoch-making work assigned to the 15th Century is the 
famous Krwa-Galha by Cheruseri Namputiri, It is a summary of 
the 10th Skandha of Bhagavata and is written in ManipravnJa style 
in Malayalam metres. Though the author states at the outset that he 
is going to tell the story of Krsna in Bhasha (i. e. Malayalam) the 
influence of Sanskrit usages and figures of speech can be noticed in 
every line. In many Nair families in Malabar there are even today 
old women who can repeat by heart the whole poem. There are 
many imitations of the Krsna Gatha but none so popular. 

The end of the 15th Century heralds a series of compositions 
called Campus in mixed prose & verse, of which the Ramnyana 
Carnpu is supposed to be .the first. This is followed by a Bhlrata 

^^^^^T 9 ?'*'^ yra,Pnryuta-harana and a 
host of others, all based on Puranic stories. This period has some- 
times been named as the era of Campus. 

consists of 

( 161 ) 

Sawdaryalaharl and Mukitndamaln, on Vedanta Works like 
Sankarabhasya and Tattvamasi, on music like Sangita Sttdhakara, on 
grammer like Ritpavatara. Earlier and later commentaries on such 
important works like Bhfiskartya and Hora in astrology, Tantrasam- 
uachrya on temple architecture, Praisam, Asaucam on rituals. 
A^nnga-hrdaya and Yoga-Sarmachctya in medicine indicate the 
interest of the people of those days was not confined to liteiature 
but extended to scientific and philosophical subjects. 

All these and other important works now available in Malaya- 
Jam before the end of the 15th Cantury show the remarkably 
increasing influence of Sanskrit and the decreasing influence of 
Tamil, it is about this time that a separate set of alphabets were 
introduced which is being followed in the language even today. It 
is but natural that when once Malayalam gave up its dependence 
on Tamil it had to adhere to something for its support, both for 
inspiration and material ; and Sanskrit provided it in no small 
measure. Even today the basic foundation of any good Malayalam 
scholar is a solid grounding in Sanskrit. Almost all the poets from 
the 16th to the 19th Centuries have drawn upon Sanskrit literature 
for enriching the Malayalam language and literature. The most 
important name is that of Tunchath Ezhuthasan who is assigned to 
the 17th Century. It is well known that Ezuthas*an derived his 
inspiration from Sanskrit as all his works directly show. He is 
rightly called the 'Father of Modern Malayalam Literature* and it 
can safely be said that the language has not altered much from his 
time. It is believed that he was the first to introduce into 
Malayalam the Kilippattti style of singing based on some Tamil 
metres. His works are all well known and fairly voluminous. The 
absence of Tamil usages (except for stray instances) fully justifies 
the conclusion thai he depended only on Sanskrit for the develop- 
ment of the Mahiyalam language. 

The next development in Malayalam literature, is the dance- 
drama known as Kathakali, This has become so popular now-a- 
days that it is appreciated even in foreign countries. Almost all the 
KathakaU compositions arc based on Pur&nic stories or episodes 
from the Mahabhamta and Ramaycwa and the PurSnas. They are 
interspered with varscs and songs. This makes it necessary that 
the author of a KathakaU must be a good musician too, besides 
being a gifted poet, to make his work a success. The predominance 
of Sanskrit in these is so much that there are whole verses and 
passages written in complete Sanskrit. Even today, KathakaU is an 
important adjunct to all temple-festivals in Malabar and there are 
people who are not tired of seeing it through the whole night. 

Here is a specimen of a benedictory verse sung at the beginning of 
the Kathakali just like Nandi verses in Sanskrit Drama. 

Kathakali was first introduced in Malayalam literature about 
the end of the 17th Century, though some scholars may put it even 

a little earlier, 

Another writer who cannot be omitted in Malayalam litera- 
ture and who has contributed to the development of the language 
as much as EzuthaSsan is Kunjan Nambiar. He belonged to 18th 
Century. He has written works in Sanskrit under the names of 
Ramapa'iiivada. In Malayalam, he has written a sort of songs 
called Tullal, under the name Kunjan Nambiar. In the latter 
category he has written about 55 works, all of which except one are 
based on the Puranas. The language of Kunjan Nambiar, even in 
his Malayalam works, is highly influenced by Sanskrit. After 
Ezuthassan and Kunjan Nambiar, there are a number of works 
by various authors, on the Kilippattu and Tullal models, about 85% 
of which are based on Puranic stories. 

About the middle of the 19th century, prose novels under the 

influence of English literature began to be written and the language 

in the earliei ones, at least, is so full of Sanskrit that only a Sanskrit 

scholar can understand them. Some of the earliest romances in the 

language such as Martanda Varma, Ramaraja Bahadur, Akbar etc. 

are clearly modelled on the Kadambarl of Buna in their style, 

although not photographic copies. During all these years, a num- 

ber of translations from Sanskrit and commentaries on philoso- 

phical and technical works were being written and their number is 

legion. The influence of Sanskrit was so dominant that by the 

beginning of this Century a reaction took place and from the 

second quarter, at least, of this Century Malayalam authors are 

trying to use less and less of Sanskrit and also draw less and less 

from the Puranas and other Sanskrit works for their materials. 

Translations from other languages, especially Western literature, 

in the spoken language of th$ ordinary man, is becoming more 




French Institute of Indology, 

Languages in General 

"Among the languages wo have known nowhere is to be found 
a language so sweet as Tamil" said Subrahmanya Bharati, the great 
modern poet of Tamil Nadu. But there is a Telugu proverb which 
says that Telugu is honey and Tamil is a desert. Now one may ask 
whether Tamil is sweeter than Telugu or Telugu is sweeter than Tamil. 
This question is an extremely difficult one and it can never be answe- 
red by anybody, Eveiy language in this world whether it be ancient 
or modern., eastern or western, possesses an exclusive charm and has 
got some special features which are quite different from those of others. 
Speaking on rltis or styles in Sanskrit, Dan^n has said that there is a 
vast difference in the sweetnesses of sugarcane, milk, jaggery and 
others but to explain them correctly is impossible even for Sarasvati, 
the Goddess of Learning. This statement can hold good even in res- 
pect of languiiiics. Hence it is absolutely improper to consider one 
particular hinj'imjic either sweeter than or superior to another one. 
The people of Karnataka say that their tongue is musk, those of 
Bengal that theirs is golden and so on. Virtually all these sayings have 
no intrinsic value, coming as they are from an utmost passion for 
one's own mother tongue. If however one persists in ascribing a 
superiority to a particular language, it can be only due to lack of a 
good knowledge of other languages, 


It has been admitted that Sanskrit is one of the most ancient 
languages of the world. The language was once spoken by all. The 
Vedas, the Rfimay:ina and Mahabharata were its products. But as 
time went on, Pariini, Katyiyana and Patanjali wrote their works on 
grammar and made it perfect and refined. Thus it got the name of 

( 163 } 

( 164 ) 

S^mskrta. By the rigorous enforcement of the rules of grammar the 
language ceased to grow up further and became static. Hence only 
the cultured classes spoke and wrote in that language and the ordinary 
people spoke Prakrta which grew up as a side language and which 
was only a crude form of Sanskrit. Though the general folk spoke 
Prakrtayet every body understood Sanskrit and all topics of interest, 
literature and arts, religion and philosophy, found in Sanskrit a 
convenient mode of expression agreeable to all. There was no subject 
of study which did not receive treatment in it. By and by Prakrta 
gave rise to Apabhrarhsa and gradually there grew up afterwards the 
regional languages Marathi, Hindi, Bengali and others. During 
the classical period, like English under the British rule, Sanskrit 
became the official and the common language of India and continued 
to be so for several centuries afterwards. Even the Buddhists and 
Jains who originally used Prakrta in their works turned subsequently 
to use Sanskrit being fascinated by its charming nature. 

At present Sanskrit is spoken of as a dead language. A langu- 
age can be considered dead only if it ceases to excercise any influe- 
nce on the people as well as on the languages of the land. Viewed 
from this angle Sanskrit can never be considered dead. It continues 
to live in this land by invigorating and enriching not only the various 
languages in India, but also those in the far east and serves as the 
sole link, for bringing together the different languages of India, thus 
proving the unity and integrity of all the people in India. It is still 
being used for religious and philosophical purposes. 

Dravidian Languages and Tamil 

That Sanskrit, the Divine language, is the mother of all Indian 
languages is quite clear to any scholar of impartial views. Of course 
it is wholly true in the matter of all North Indian languages. But 
Tamil and other Dravidian languages, though they are very much 
influenced by it have a relation fundamental and mutual amongst 
themselves which is very much different from their connection with 
Sanskrit, in spite of the fact that their relatedness to Sanskrit is ages 
long and of no mean extent. 

^ Among the Dravidian languages Malayalam is of recent origin, 
its first hterary work dating from 5 or 6 centuries back. Telugu and 
Kannada are much older, their first literary works dating respectively 
from 10 and 15 centuries back. But Tamil is older than all of them, 
its initial stages going as far back as several centuries before Christ. 
For Valmiki in his Ramayana makes mention of Kapatapura and of 
the kingdoms of the Pan4yas and the Colas. In spite of this fact, 
lamil cannot be so ancient as Sanskrit. Because, even before the 

time when the Ramayana was composed, and when the art of writing 
was unknown to man, there existed in this land the great Vedas han- 
ded down from generation to gereration, orally and hence called 
'gruti*. There is nothing comparable to this in Tamil nor even 
any work of the socalled Talaiccankam or Itaiccankam exists now. 
Both these cankams themselves are mere tradition and have no 
historic background. 

Sanskrit influence in general 

As no subject of study in arts or sciences was left untreated in 
Sanskrit, even in subsequent times, when the regional languages began 
to have their individual growth and development, people had a great 
attraction and admiration for Sanskrit and being held under the spell 
of its fascination, they thought it a mark of fashion and civilization 
to utilise Sanskrit words and phrases in their speeches and words, just 
as we mix English during our conversations and discussions nowadys. 

Some people are of opinion that borrowing words from one 
language into another is only a day to day occurrence and hence it 
has no importance. This is not correct. Unless there is a close contact 
with a particular language and with the people speaking it, borrowing 
words from that language cannot take place. Truly speaking, such 
brrowings are not at all a flaw to a language. On the other hand they 
pave the way for its development by making the style, flexible, cons- 
picuous and more agreeable. In later times, along with the renaissa- 
nce of bhak ti movement, when religious philosophies of a diverse 
nature got a new upsurge among the masses, even technical terms in 
Sanskrit, coming in every branch of study got entry into all languages 
and Tamil is no exception to this. 

The chief factors of Sanskrit influence 

Though from very early times up to the present day, orthodox 
Hinduism of the Vedas has been an eternal factor in the Sanskrit 
influence of Tamil, it has to be admitted that Buddhists and Jains had 
a considerable part in the improvement and growth of Tamil not only 
in the early period but also at the beginning of the middle ages. The 
major old works in Tamil were their productions and they did not 
hesitate to incorporate their dogmas and theories into them. All of 
them being proficient in Sanskrit, they left no stone unturned in 
imparting Sanskrit influence to Tamil. Anyway Tamil is surely 
indebted to them and that too in no small measure. 

In later times, Buddhism and Jainismhad to give way to Saivism 
and Vaisnavism which had their renaissance from the songs of Tevaram 
and Divyaprabandham of the Saivaite and Vaisnavaite saints. More- 

over with various tdntnc cults and pur anas coming to prominence at 
this time on one side and the great philosophers like Sankara, 
Ramanuja and Madhva preaching their philosophical doctrines on the 
other, Sanskrit influence in Tamil became all the more widespread and 
it has continued to be so up to the present day. 

Tamil lexicons 

There are two lexicons in Tamil which are considered to be 
pretty old. They are Czntar Tivakaram and Pinkala Nikantu. If 
one happens to go through them, he will find that Sanskrit words 
either in their original forms or changed and Tamilised forms accor- 
ding to the rules laid down by Tolkappiyar, occupy a greater portion 
of the texts. In their enumeration of 'ornaments of sense* and the 
eight-fold angas of Yoga both of them follow Natyasastra and Patajnj- 
ala Yogasufra respectively, not to speak of other minor items. 

Now 'nikantu* is the Tamilised form of the Sanskrit word 
'nighantu* or *nighanta*. Originally it was the name of a Vedic 
glossary included by Yaska in his Nirukta. But subsequently it came 
to mean any collection of words or vocabulary. A learned professor 
of Tamil in his work called 'History of Tamil Lexicography* has tried 
laboriously to give an etymological Tamil derivation to this word, 
but proceeding from a faulty pronunciation of the word *nlntu,> as 
*nikantu* which means 'being lengthened*. How a lengthened thing 
or list can be a collection of words, he only knows. The reasons he 
adduces are least convincing. 

The antiquity of Tamil 

Svaminatha DeSikar, in the 7th sutra of his Ilakkanakkottu, 
while admitting the fact that the existing Tamil works are far beyond 
enumeration, asks if among all of them there exists at least one sin* 
gle work in taNittamiL, i. e., composed solely of indigenous words 
and without the admixture of Sanskrit* It is true. But on that 
account it cannot be said that such works never existed. It can be 
seen from the following reasons that works in taNittamiL must heve 
been in existence in the very remote past. 

In Tolkappiyam II, 397, the author classifies words into four 
kinds as iyafccol, tiricol, ticaiccol and vatacoL lyaRcol is indigenous 
word and vatacol is Sanskrit word. By the force of iyaRcol having 
been giving the first preference, it is quite possible to assert that in 
the very early days of Tamil evolution, there ought to have been some 
sort of literary works in taNittamiL, though the language itself might 
have been primitive, crude and underdeveloped. But the development 
of its literature must have had its origin only from the influence of 
Sanskrit, and this development had taken place at a time long before 

Tolkappiyar, Sanskrit words having been inseparably mixed up in 
Tamil. As ilakklyttm or literature is necessarily a fore-runner to ilak- 
kanam or grammar, Tolkappiyar must have had before him only such 
works as had dcvelopcJ under the influence of Sanskrit and not 
taNittamiL works. Otherwise what is the necessity for him to give 
vatacol as the fourth class ? So, there can be no denial that Tamil is 
very ancient but its ,L-v^ ipir.cii! took place under Sanskrit influence. 

As the Sanskrit influence in Tolkclppiyam and FirukkuRal have 
beed already treated in detail by scholars like Vaiyapuri Pilldi, Rama- 
chandra DTksithar, Krishnaswami lyengar and others, they are not 
dealt with here. 

Sanskrit woids and expressions which are present only in a small 
extent in early Tamil literature increase gradually and this forms one 
of the main features in the growth of Tamil language and literature. 
Accordingly we find that the percentage of Sanskrit words is greater 
in KitRal than in the early Sangum works and Tolkappiyam. 

Sangam works 

In AkanaNuRit PitRanuNitRu and others, the occurrence of 
words like yiipum (yiipa), avi (havis), fivuti (ahuti), turt (sthOita), 
amarar famaru}* vet.ini (vedu), mutt! (tretagni) and tavam (tapas) 
clearly shows that even Vedic Sanskrit did have some sort of influe- 
nce in those iim.^s and that the orthodox Brahmins were mainly res- 
ponsible for these words relating to the religion of the Vedas, Vedic 
rites and rituals. Words relating to the ordinary social life, paritarn 
(bhanda), ulakam (loku), pokam (bhoga), amiLtu (amrta) and 
raantilam (mai.u.iula) and the like were also contributed by them. 
Words like vaniiam C*mum, vali, cfmtu,, ilakkam, payam (prayojana), 
Pact (prfn'I) and ueT (udk'T) and others were contributed by the Jains 
through Prakrit. Words like akii, arm, aNNai, cutu, kamuku, 
kauei and others were brought in by the Buddhists through Pali. 

There is a woik called Acarakkdvai, probably the last one of 
the Sangam anthologies. Its author was MuUiyar of Vankayattftr. 
The work deals with the inles of conduct, customs and daily obser- 
vances of the Hindus. The author himself avows in 'ciRappuppayiram* 
that he has based his work on materials drawn from various dharma 
S&stras or .WII/VM . Apastamba's C5|-hya and Dharma-sutras, Dharma- 
S&tras of naud!-,l>Mii:i. Chiutama, Visnu and Vasistha, the Smrtis of 
Mann, Yajfiavalkya, Para,4ara, Likhita and Harita, Samhitas of U^anas 
and Visnu jpurafw, some having been literally translated. 

Cllappatikuram ard Manimckalai 

Both these are twin epics, the story of the latter being a conti- 
nuation of that of the former. Both contain thirty cantos each, each 

canto bearing the name of 'Katai' which is a Tamil form of the Sanskrit 
word gatha. In Cilappatikaram* the whole of the third canto is based 
on the NatyaSastra of Bharata. The mantras, punca^ara and astfks 
ara are spoken of in canto 11, 128-132. A story from Pancatantra 
is reproduced in canto 15, 54-74. The knowledge of i.s'ronorv.y and 
astrology displayed in cantos 23 and 26 is noteworthy. Besides 
containing numerous dogmas and doctrines of Buddhism, the duties 
of people belonging to different castes, moral rules of diverse nature, 
the theories and tenets of various religious sects and many other 
kindred topics have found place in this work as a result of Sanskrit 

In'Manimekalai, canto 27 deals withPramaruwada, Ajlvakavada, 
Sankhyavada, Saivavada, Nikhandavuda, Bhutavada, Mantravada 
Vedavada, Vaiseikavada and Vais$avavada. Canto 29 describes the 
various aspects of anumana, hetvabhascts, drstantas of sacUiarmya and 
vaidharmya nature and dystantabhasas, all of which pertain to Sanskrit 
logic. It is said that this canto follows the Nyayapravesa of Dinnaga. 


This is a minor Tamil kavya, written by a Jain. It contains ten 
sargas. It describes many doctrines of Jainism, In so doing it con- 
tradicts the philosophies of the Buddhists, Sankhya and Vaiseikas 
and also that of Vedavadins and Bhutavadins. In this work Sanskrit 
influence can be seen, conspicuously, from beginning to end though 
through the Jain philosophy. A well known commentary named 
Samaya-divakara by Vamana Muni is noteworthy especially for its 
innumerable quotations from Sanskrit. 

This is another minor kavya in Tamil composed by Tolamo 
Littevar, in the tenth century. Though in poetic diction and style, 
it takes a high rank among Tamil kavyas, yet the subject-matter of 
the work has been taken from the Sanskrit Mahapurarjti of the 9th 

Rhetoric works 

Dai^iyalankaram is based on the Kavyadarsa of Durjdin. There 
are also Tamil translations of Candraloka and Kuvalayananda by 
recent authors. 

The Purartas 

Sanskrit influence was solely responsible for rendering in to 
TamU almost a good number of the major and minor purSnas from 
Sanskrit.* This gave riseohey/fo 

in Sansk H t being 
See Dr. V. Raghavan, ~ ---- 

reproduced in Tamil. All these gave a fillip to the bhakti cult which 
attracted all people and hud a direct reaction on literary Tamil. The 
Sanskritic diction of the Brahman leaders of thought was another 
element in making the I:>:,iM:;iiis! richer and more attractive. 

*'.'? :r r ^ -"' ;> "' aml 
While ^T::.;'!.^.- -"i. :.*s.'.r, Cuntarar, Appar, Campantar and other 
NaVaNmars were responsible for the resurrection of Saivism, the 
ALvars shouldered the responsibility for the revival of Vaisnavism. 
The Tiruvacakctfn, the 7't-vtlratns and the Divyaprabandham got an all 
round inspiration ft om Sanskrit not only through words, but also 
through literary and religious and philosophical concepts. This flamed 
up the devotional movement umongs the masses towards individual 
gods or the various froms of Siva and Vi$u, residing as presiding 
deities in the different sacred temples of the land. Tiruvilaiyata- 
Rpuranam and others translated from Ilalasyamahatmya and the like 
have also their own share in the growth of the literary field in Tamil. 
The Bh&ratam of PeruntcvuNar and the Ramayanam of Kampar bear 
ample evidence to the indebtedness of Tamil literature to Sanskrit. 

Arts and sciences 

As in the entire field of the Indian languages, so even in Tamil, 
excepting those works which arc of a strictly classical nature and 
possess a purely literary value, all others concerning arts and sciences, 
like astronomy, astrology, music, medicine etc, are based only on the 
respective ancient treatises in Sanskrit. Even the Siddha system of 
medicine prevalent in the Tamil county is but an offshoot of Ayurveda 
following the works of Caraka, Susruta and others. 

From the facts referred to above, it should be plain to any 
unbiassed mind that contact with Sanskrit, directly or indirectly 
through Prukrla, bus been the great factor in shaping the Tamil mmd 
and infusing Within it a vigorous desire to emulate the Sanskrit 
literature, though in the stream of Tamil literature, Hinduism 1S the 
main flow and Jainism and Buddhism formed themselves as mere 
tributaries at the b 

Tamil and Sanskrit alphabets 

There are 3O letters in Tamil alphabet, 12 vowels and 18 conso- 
nants, exclusive of Ttytam' which is considered a cftrpcLuttu or a 
letter which has a lean on others. This fiytam is the visarjamya and 
upadhmZniya in Sanskrit, their nature being called ^ parasnta (or 
leaning on others), in oka 5 of Pftini's &*&. Though the two 

come respectively before the hard consonants of ka-varga and p 
varga in Sanskrit, ayiam comes before all letters of va1!iNam_group 
Tamil. Parasrita and CarpeLuttu are one and the same. Aytam 
the tamilised form of the Sanskrit word asritam. 

The vowel-system in Tamil with 12 does not have the Sanskr 
r, r , 1 ; anusvara and visarga, and adds short e and o. The consc 
nant-system of Tamil, does not have the 2nd, 3rd and 4th letters j 
the five groups beginning with ka-varga ; Tamil does not have th 
letters ia, sa, sa and ha and by adding another Ra in valliNau 
another Na in melliNam and la and La in itaiyiNam. Though th 
letter La seems to be indigenous to Tamil, it comes in places wher 
the Sanskrit letters la, 4a and sa occur, as found in paLam for phala 
in plLai for plda, in cikaLikai for sirsaka and such like, 

Paninihas spoken of only 48 letters in Sanskrit with 15 voweli 
and 33 consonants. But in mantra sastras, the letters are considered tc 
be 51 with the addition of the vowel 1, and the consonants Ja and ka 
and to be 50 without the consonant la. In verses 924, 945, 963, 96J 
and 2698 of Tirumantiram, Tirumular speaks of the 50 and 51 Sanskrit 
letters used in mantra sastras. But, in Pay>rakkutluRai of Tiruman- 
tirakkaJtuRai (TiruvavatutuRai edition) and in Tirumular varalaRu 
of Tirumantiram (KaLakam edn.) it is given that once upon a time 
Tamil had 51 letters in its alphabet and in later times they were 
reduced to 30. In verse 965 Tirumular says that all the Vedas and 
the Agamas are in the form of 50 letters and that when one happens 
to know the truth of them, then only five letters (which go to make 
pancakara-mantra) remain. When saying this Tirumular means 
only the Vedas and Agamas in Sanskrit. To say that Tirumtilar 
spoke of only the 5 iletters in Tamil is absurd. On the other hand 
it only proves that the letters of Tamil alphabet were drawn from 
those of Sanskrit. Even the pancaksara given by him is only 
namaccivaya or civaya namaft and not 'civaNukku vanakkam*. 

The Tirumantiram of Tirumular 

It is no exaggeration to say that the Sanskrit influence rose to 
the highest degree in Tirumantiram. Whatever is said about Tiru- 
mfclar, the author, by way of tradition, none can deny that he was a 
vast ocean of Sanskrit learning. He speaks about the four Vedas, 
the six Vedangas and the twenty-eight Agamas, with utmost regard, 
Verses 62 and 63 say that he obtained from his Guru, Nandi, nine 
among the 28 Agamas. In verses 73, 77 and 81. he says that he had 
been ordained by his Guru to render the Agamas and the Vedas in 
beautiful Tamil. The work contains a little above 3000 verses 
divided into nine tantras. 

Some of the nupo:i;:nt references from Sanskrit are given here- 

under : 

The very first verse in pfiyimm says that the Lord Siva, though 
one and non-dual, has a dou hie nature. This equates with Brhadara- 
nyakopanisad 1,4.3. 4h suh litavun asa" etc. which speaks of the Lord's 
double nature, of being both Sakli and Siva, or female and male. 

Inverse 20, Tirumulur say* that all objects in the world such 
as thunders, lighinlri;-. hills, etc. are only his forms, which corres- 
ponds with C/:*~:'^.: "."i..'*'''i.-i/ 2, 3, 1. "vrstau pancavidham 
satnopasita* 1 etc. 

Verse 35 stresses that Xm/" hainhhavana makes one omnipotent 
following Sarvajnumitttu'cl^tuna which says that one can attain omni- 
cient knowledge by the above hiulvctna. 

Verse 4O showing tin; clear nature of the titinan as foieign and 
separate from the inanimate matter, body, is only a restatement of 
the doctrine "sailrasya na Ai".i..,i>.Mn mrtesu vyabhicaratali" 

Verse 46 refers Siva as having the white complexion like the 
Agamas in general. 

Verse 47 speaks of those who have no thought of Him, will not 
get any happiness at all, like a hawk sitting at the top of a palm tree 
and thinking of nothing. This cannot but remind one of Brhadara- 
iiyakopani$ad IV, 3, li> *laJ yathasmininikase syena etc'. 

Verse 51 shows the amount of regard the author had for the 
Vedas. He says "Leaving the Vedas there is 110 other work on 
moralism. AH the laws of moiality are found in them. Savants 
of yore attained emancipation only by studying the great Vedas, 
leaving aside discussions of useless reasoning/* 

Ven;e 55 considers the Yevi;mtas as inherent in the Vedas and 
inseparable from them. 

Verse 57 icicrs to the 66 holy souls who first of all heard the 
28 Agamas which sprang foilh from the mouth of the upward face 
of the Lord. 

Verse 63 emimciaU's the nine Agamas received by Tirumular 
from his guru Nandi, and names them as KHmika, Karana, Yfra, 
Cintya, Vutulu, Vamala, Kalottura, Suprabhcda and Makuta. 

Verse 67 mentions Patafijali and Vyaghrapada as his associates. 

Verse 85 acclaims that the essential truth of Vedas is the 
mantra puiieak>ura 1 ' which kindles the sensation of the soul and by 
constant hold becomes self-evident* 

Verse 93 refers to the existence of countless mantras in the 
gg Veda. 

Verse 106 speaks of the nine forms of Siva, shapeless 4, both 
shaped and shapeless 1 and shaped 4. 

V. 115. The eternal nature of the three-fold tattvas of Pati 
Pasu and Paa bears resemblance to MfgendravYtti) Vidyapada si. 7 
and Kirandgama Vidyapada 3, 1.7b-9a. 

V. 118 refers to Panca Sadakhyas quoted in Vdtuldgama I, 30 
^ j. 

V. 125 and 126 say that the 36 iva-tattvas are the prime 
factors of liberation. 

V 135* The reversion of tanmatras and other elements to 
their origin is corroborated by Sivatattvaratnakara IX, 3, 11-115 

V. 137. That Brahmdnda or cosmic sphere has not the capacity 
to be filled up by anvandas, only reiterates the *prthivyadicatustayot- 
pattinaakrama' of Kanada. 

V. 152. The mention of the nine gateways of the body is an 
old siddhanta coining in the works on Vedanta (Veddntasiddhdntddasa 
I, 214). 

V. 154. The 96 tattvas spoken of here have a resemblance 
with a quotation from Jnanasiddhi given in naNavaranavJlakkamum 

V. 156 compares well with 118th Sloka of adh. 314 of Vana- 
parva Mahabhdrata 'ahanyahani bhutani* etc. 
V. 165 refers to the seven hells. 
V. 185 speaks of the 16 kalds, referred to in Prdsddasatslokl. 

., . V ' 19 ^ . The three fires ^ nd the five fire-brands closely follow 
Ajitagama, Knyapada pat. 20 Si. 40-50. 

V. 194. The Lord's visibility to the internal eye alone and not 
to the external compares well with expressions like 'antarmukhasama- 
radhya bahirmukhasudurlabha* in Lalitusahasrannmastotra. 

-.1, <7' 2 ^ 6 * T ^ e mention of the Eternal fire of life is in agreement 
with tasyaivam viduso yajnasyatma' etc. in Ndrdyariopamsad, 80. 

V. 222 reminds the production of Sivagni as found in Purvaka- 
ra^agamma pat, 22. 

V, 225 stresses the importance of nruppatam *tat tvam asi*. 

V. 293 The body becoming golden by Siva's worship through 
yoga implies the transformation of VicaraSarman as 
quoted in Sivabhaktavildsa. ardsarman 

V. 310 That even an illiterate can obtain Siva's grace reminds 
of the episode of Netrarpaka or KannappanayaNar (Bhaktavildsa) 

V* 336 mentions meditation in the six adharas. 

Tantra II 

V 339 Killing of the Demon Andhaka comes in Sivamaha- 
- -Q 5^ 42 and 44-49. There is also a mention in the Ramayana, 
Aranyakanda, sarga 30, si, 66. 

V* 340. Burning the head of Daksa occurs in M. Bh. Santi- 
parva, adh. 290 and Anususanaparva, adh. 235. 

V 341. Cutting the head of Brahman is given in Skandapurana, 
gankara Saiiihita, Diiksakanda, adh. 18 and 19. 

V. 342. Slaying of Jalandhara comes in Si. ma. purana II, 5 
adh. 24. 

V. 343. The destruction of Tripuras is noted in M. Bh. 
Karnaparva, adh. 27. 

V. 344- Slaying of Gajasura is mentioned in adh. 15, Daka- 
kanda, SankarasamhitTu Skandupurnna. 

V. 345. Punishment meted out to Yama by iva on behalf of 
Markaijdeya is narrated in Padmapurana VI adh. 236. 

V. 346. The burning of Kama is mentioned in Valmiki 
Ramayavci Balakunda, sarga 23. 

V. 350. Siva crushing Rava^a's hands with his toe is described 
in Veil. Ram. Vll sarga 16, 

V. 351* The episode of Dandin or VicaraSarman is narrated 
in Upamanyii Bhuktavilusa 1 adh. 44, 

V. 371. The episode of Siva's wearing Vinu*s bones occurs 
in Sk. Pur. S-iri. Satp> Upudesu kunda, adh. 67. 

V. 381. The description of ParuparaN and Paraparai etc. is 
in quite concordance with Yatnlagama I. 19-24. 

V. 386 agrees with the sloka 'daksioa'd as T jat putram etc.' in 

V. 388 describing the appearance of air from akasa and that of 
agni and others corresponds with Taittiriyopanifad II, 1. 

V 391 The parts belonging to Brahman and Visnu in Siva- 
linga arc in conformity with 41. 106-109, pat 9, PurvakZranagama. 
V 398 The description of Vijnanakalas, Pialayak^las and 
others is corroborated by Matan^gama jnanapada. 

V. 457 refers to a^tapuri, a technical term in vedanta denotin; 
the five suksma bhutas together with manali, buddhi and ahankara. 
V. 469 refers to the well-known arisadvarga. 

V. 509. That proper snana or ablution is only a pi:r : Scaiicr 
of mind is a repetition snanan manomalatyagafc' coming under th< 
Yaksaprasna in M. Bharata. 

V. 519 reminds one of the Kiranagama sloka ^adlksitarcitam 
lingam tyaktva bhlto mahegvarah*. 

V. 520. Siva having a sixth face looking downward has a 
parallel in Sk. Pur. Sambhavakanda adh. 25, si. 25-28. 

Tantra III 

V. 552. The description of yogangas follows Patanjalayoga* 
sutra 2 9 29 and Yogatattvopani?at 24-25. 

V. 557. The enumeration of ten niyamas is in accordance with 
Sdndilyopanisat I, 2. 

V. 558, 559, 560, 562 and 563 respectively correspond with I 
3, 1 : I, 3, 3 : J, 3, 8 : I, 3, 5 and 6 : and I, 3, 2. Sand-up, 

V. 567 fully agrees with Yogacudamanyupanisat 89-92. 
V. 568. The matras of recaka, puraka and kumbhaka are in 
perfect concord with those given in Yogatattvopanisat 41-42. 
V. 569. is in parallel with Sand up. 1, 7, 17 

V. 572. Making prana to center round navel in Kumbhaka 
closely follows Sand. up. 6, 45. 

V. 574. The description of the ten principal na<#s in the body 
resembles Yogacutf. up. 18-20. 

V. 580. follows Yogatikhopanisat I, 167-175 in the delineation 
of the muladhara and other cakras. 

V. 604 closely follows Sand. up. I, 45 and Tri&tkhtbr&hmano- 
pani$at 110. 

V. 606. Hearing of subtle sounds during meditation corres- 
ponds with Nadabindupanisat 33-35 and Hamsopanisat . 

V. 610. The rising up of 5 luminances from the 6 adharas 
mostly follows Yogasikhopanisat 56-58. 

V. 619. The union of bindu and nada in samadhi concords 
with Yogaciid. up. 113. 

V. 621. Tightening of bridle (mind) compares well with 
Kafhopanisat I 9 3 , 8 and 9. 

V. 622. The three knots or granthis are the same as given in 
j^ I 72-75. 

V 623. The -i i.>lc.U:* (five, referred to are in concord with 

o..-!:^ X3-OS. 

V. 627. The mystic square and triangle are parallel to Yogacud- 
up. 7-10 and the nature of KundalinT to Yogakund. up. I, 7 and 8. 

V. 642. SamhhavT miidra follows Gherandasamhita III, 59-62 
and KhecarT mudrH, Dhyanabindu up. 79*83. 

V. 653. The reference to ten pranfis and ten nadls has a parallel 
in Yogaciul up* K>*26. 

V. 654. The 22-1 mystic bhuvanas mentioned correspond with 
Urgendra, Vi-lyH-V ''*- acihvaprakarana si. 1-176. 

V* 659. The process of Viparltakarani meant here is dealt with 
\nGhertujt.fa<*n:M'i'*~' 3, 28-31 and Yogatattva up. 122-125. 

V. 662 The nine Sakts staying in the ad haras have a back- 
ground in Kh'LZ*j~t"i-:n r kn-puda : 14, 24-25, 

V. 697. The number of breathings in a day follows approxi- 
mately Yogacnd up. 31 33 

V. 702* The union of pifu.ui and Kundalini is spoken of in 
Trisikhibralinutna ///> 55 to 6S and Sand. up. 1, 4. 

V. 70S. The 1O ;ui!ifitas in the body and their deities are stated 
in SiddhQntctstlriiYali* yogapuda si. 2 and 3, 

V. 712. The union of Gangfi and Yamuna in meditation is 
given in Ilttthayoptixnulipika 3, 109. 

V. 730. Hearing of peculiar sounds in meditation is in 
NQdabindu up. 28-33. 

V. 73 K Aj ip;ivryitli7 is dealt with in Yogacutf. up. 31-34 and 
Yogasikh oiHini^ttt 130-133. 

V* 732. Pran'i and Apana attracting each other can be seen in 
Yogacftf. up. 26-30. 

V. 744. The 4 nit an 1 ilas in dvadasunta are same as those given 
\nSiddhantastlravaH, yogupudu si. 6. 

V. 745. Siva\s 9 !\>rrnti are quoted in Vatulagama \ 9 122-135. 
V. 765. Akara and Ukura forming as Siva and Sakti concords 
with Vatulagama 6, 5, 

V. 769. The yogi \isuatising Brahman and others in the six 
adharas is given in Yogasikhft up, I. 176-178. 

V. 772. The benefits of the tongue reaching the top in medi- 
tation comes in &/</. up* 1* 43, 

V. 796. The 16 adharas referred to are given in Goraksapaddhati 

V, 799. The nature and benefits of the Khecari mudra are 
spoken of in Dhyanabindu up. 79, 80. 

V. 805. Pumping of prana into the soft palate comes in 
Yogakund. up. II, 23 and 24. 

V. 813 Kalas from Muladhara up to Ajna totalling 224 is 
corroborated in Saundaryalaharl si. 14. 

V. 817. Meditation centering sahasrara is spoken of in Yoga 
cu$. up. 96. 

V. 818. The description of U4diyana bandha appears in 
Yogakund. up. 1. 87-88a Yogacud. up. 48 and 49, and Dhyanabindu 
up. 75b-77a. 

V. 820. The description of Mulabandha occurs in Yogasikha 
104 and 105, Yogakund 63b-65, Yogacutf. 46 and 47, Yogatattva. 
120b-121, and Dhyanabindu 74 and 75. 

V. 821. The description of Jalandhara bandha comes in 
Dhyanabindu 77b-79a, Yogatativa 118b-119a etc. 

V. 845-850. Amarldharana or Amaroli is found in Yogatattva 
126b-128 and in Goraksapaddhati I sataka under the section 

Tantra IV 

V. 906. Utterance of Siva mantra in lip-murmur is found in 
Mrgendragama, kri. pad a, pat. 4. 

V. 955. The pancakara mantra comes in Rudraprasna in 

V. 1307. The mantra of PancadaSaksari (kadividya) with its 
three groups, beginning with the letters ka, ha and sa is described. 

V. 1320. The mantra of Navaksarl is given as 'saurh aum 
haum, am krim krom aim hrJm srlm\ 

The whole tantra is full of various sorts of pancaksara mantras 
and cakras, in addition to Tripuracakra, Sambhavima'^ala cakra, 
Navakarl cakra, BhuvaneSvarl cakra, BhairavJ cakra and others. On 
the whole 22 cakras are described here with their modes of design 
and manner of writing the bijakaras within them. In verses 924 
to 927, in the delineation of Tiruvampalaccakkaram, Tirumufar 
specially directs to write the 50 Sanskrit letters in the 25 squares 

inside at the rate of 2 in each, and to write the 51st letter ksa in the 
space below the squares. 

Tan'.rai V to IX deal with all sorts of subjects connected with 
Saiva siddhiinta p 1 ::' >-ophy. There is no topic left untreated. 


The reconciliation of Tamil grammar with that of Sanskrit 
attempted in I'iraco Liyani, Pirayokavivekam and Ilakkanakkottu by 
their authors is another proof of how far Tamil grammar is indebted 
to Sanskrit. Moreover CivaiinaNa Cuvaraikal, the author of 
re/&v/< *"''' '"'"' has expressly stated that Tamil Learning 
not be complete for those who have not learnt Sanskrit. 



Madurai University 

The aim of this paper is to assess the influence of Sanskrit on 
Tamil thought and culture with special reference to the early period. 
The study is mainly based on a comparative study of the Vedas 
and the Epics and the Sangam literature and some of the important 
aspects of the influence of Sanskrit on Tamil thought and culture 
will be demonstrated in the following pages. 

What is now known as Sangam literature 1 is the earliest extant 
literature of the Tamils. It consists of anthologies of short lyrics 
and longer poems. The lyrics are made into eight collections 
known as Etfu-t-togai and the longer peoms are collected under the 
name Pattup-Pattu. The eight collections are as follows- 
(1) Narrrnai, (2) Kurundogai , (3) Aingurunuru, (4) Padirrup- 
pattu, (5) Paripadal, (6) Kalittogai , (7) AhananQru and (8) Pura- 
nanuru Of these the first three, the sixth and the seventh collections 
treat of love-themes technically known as 'aharn', in its several 
aspects. The fourth and the eighth have for the subjects non-love 
themes, technically called 'puram', which includes heroism in war 
liberality, just rule, praise of gods and of men. The fifth in the 
sene S ,viz,Pan/p artakesofthe nature of 
being m pr aise of gods and others in depiction of love. 

details T about the Sangam literature "see 

' P - Minaks Wsundaran, Annamalai University, 

P' T f Tamti Lan ^ a ^ d Literature, 
Priku, New Century Book House, Madras, 1956. 

( 179 ) 

(5; MuI/aip-putlH, (6) Maduraik-kanjf, (7) Nedunelvadai, 
(8) Kuiunjip-Pattu, (9) Pattinap-palai and (10) Malai-Padu-kadarn. 
The poems in this collection mainly deal with the cult of gifts, the 
theme of love in its various aspects and the description of 

Tolkdppiam which is the earliest available work on Tamil 
grammar and poetics is also included in the Sangam literature, 
The conclusions arrived at in this paper are mainly based on these 

A brief remark on the age of Sangam literature is necessary 
and relevant for this paper. The age of Sangam literature has been 
a matter of speculation and dispute among scholars. Many theories 
and counter-theories have been put forward. These theories can 
be grouped into three categories. (1) The Sangam age is to be 
fixed between 1000 B.C. and 500 B.C. 3 (2) It is to be fixed between 
300 B.C. and 1st or 2nd century A.D. 3 (3) It is to be fixed between 
200 A.D. and 700 A.D. 1 Jn support of each of the above mentioned 
theories many speculative and evidential arguments are made. A 
detailed consideration of these arguments may be irrelevant and 
redundant here. In the Sangam literature in many places evidences 
are available to conclude that the people and the poets of Sangam 
age were very familiar with the two Epics namely, the Ramayana 
and the Mahabharatu.** 

Although the Sangam age is post-epic it does not appear to 
be correct to bring the Sangam age later than the 2nd century A.D. 
Many evidences and arguments could adduced in support of this 
view- For instance > this may be said 6 : The Pallavas of Kanchi 
who were non-Tamils in their origin established their rule in Tamil 

2. See S. Vaiyapuri pillai, History of Tamil Language and Litera- 

ture^ pp. KMI . 

3. Lectures on Puratiuniiru^ by M. Rajamanikkam, Saiva Siddhanta 

Publishing House, Madras 1 , 1966 pp. 141-150. 

4. Prof. VaiyapLiri Pillai advocates this view. This view is not 
acceptable to Tamil scholars. The arguments adduced by Prof. 
Pillai need careful consideration. See History of Tamil Language 
and Literature, pp. 5-23. 

5. Infra. 

6. Cf. M. Rrjamunikkurn PHlai, The Lectures on Pur ananuru., pp. 


( 180 ) 

Nadu in the 3rd century A.D. 7 During this century the Pallaves 
ruled the northern parts of Tamil Nadu, 8 The KaLibhras who were 
also non-Tamil in origin and who were ruling the northern parts of 
Tamil Nadu during the 3rd century A.I>. came to the southern 
parts of Tamil Nadu to establish their k::^?o:~ as a result of the 
Pallava occupation in the north of Tamil Nadu. The JCalabhras 
ruled the southern parts of Tamil Nadu till the 6ih century A.D. 
As the PaUavas and the Kalabhras were occupying the whole of 
Tamil Nadu there was no scope for any other kings lo rule Tamil 
Nadu from the 2nd century A.D. onwards. Some authoritative 
literary records of the 7th century A. D. spcaL oi' the Sangam age 
as a proud past history of Tamil Nadu/' The fc . :r -.- /,! -*j;j! limits 
of Sangam Tamil Nadu extended to the Tirupati hills in the north 
and to the districts of Kaiiyakumarl in the south. All the Sangam 
kings who are mentioned to have ruled the Tamil country were 
pure Tamils. Therefore it does not seem to be just Hied to relate 
the political, historical and the geographical facts of the Sangam age 
to the facts supplied by the history of Tamil Nadu from the 2nd 
century A.D. to the 6th century A.D. The only possibility is to 
place it before the 2nd century A.D. Some of the Sangani kings 
have been proved to belong to the 2nd century A.D. 10 Hence, 
the age of Sangam may be between 300 B.C. and 200 A.D. A brief 
discussion on the age of Sangam has become necessary to speak of 
the influence of the Vedic and Epic tradition on Tamil thought and 
culture and to show the historical importance of the influence of 
Sanskrit on Tamil. 

The Sangani literature gives clear proofs to assess the influ- 
ence of Sanskrit culture on the society of the Sangani age. In the 
Sangam literature we get references to the division of society into 
many castes. 11 But it cannot be ascertained whether the caste 
division was based mainly on the basis of birth. From the refe- 
rence to barbers, potters etc. it is difficult to conclude whether 
a particular man undertook to become a barber etc. chiefly 
because he was born in that caste or because he took to that 
profession. Similarly many kings are referred to in the Sangam 

7. R. Gopalan, Pallavas of Kane hi, Chapter 3. 

8. M. Rajamanikkam Filial, History of Pallavas, Saiva Siddhanta 
Publishing House, Madras 1 (Reprint 1952). 

in o" T/ T " P " Minakshisun <3aran, History of Tamil Literature, p. 9. 

10. S. Vaiyapun Pillai, History of Tgmll Language ami Literature, 
p. 22. 

1 1 . Lectures on Purananuru, p. 1 95. 

literature bui it is iigain difficult to hold whether the Ksatriya caste 
was existing. 'I ne S an gam evidence is inconclusive on the question 
that birth \\as the only criterion to become a king. 

As far as the Brahmins are concerned we are on definite 
ground. Reference to Brahmins is frequent in the Sangam literature. 
From a study of the refeienccs to the Brahmins it may be concluded 
that the Brahmin c:^ic had already become an established thing. 
This is \cry fnlcressing from the - :' \ ^/.J point of view. 

The Brahmins were highly respected. 12 They had a separate 
place whoie they !i\ed in each village 13 . There were many schools 
in the cities which facilitated the Brahmins to study the Vedas and 
to discuss the problems aiising from the study of the Vedas. 14 
Their main duty was U> learn and teach the vedas, to do the sacri- 
fices and to oiileiute in the sacrifices, and to give and accept gifts 15 
Theath'ceo* the Brahmins even on secular matters was highly 
respected. 1 '"' Respect Tor them, was mainly due to their learning, 
moral and eihicu! perfections. Some of the Brahmins became 
highly respected poets. Kapila was one among them. This poet 
is greatly honoured partly because of his poetic genius and also 
because of hi-, beint* a Brahmin. 17 

An in t e res i i rig Tact to be noted here is this. Kapila the 
Brahmin poet is said to l~e a meat-eater. 18 This is evidently due to 
the sacrifices he performed. 

r l he establishment of the Brahmin caste as an integral part of 
the Tamil society pu%ed the way for introducing the religious 
practices of the Vedas and of the Epics. It may be mentioned 
here thul the Hrahm'ms were mainly responsible for the propa- 
gation and maintenance of Sanskrit culture. This was true of the 
Brahmins of the Sunburn age. 1 he Brahmins of the Sangam age 
are always rcfeired to us engaged in Vedic sacrifices. 19 They had 
at home the thiee famous Vedic fires namely the Ahavaniya, 

12. Ihid* p.-:. 

13. Lectures on 1\ :/*,y/'<7//, p. 130. 

14. Ibid, p. 175. 

15. Putttriiw-tiltu* 24. 

16. Kalittoxuii 9. 

17. Lectures on JWtupptittu* P* 23j 

18. PuranfinfirUi 14. 

19. Lectures on PattitppaUu* P* 

Daksinagni and Gdrhapatya^ Constant reference to the perfor- 
mance of Vedic sacrifices is found in the Sangam literature. 

The performance of the Vedic sacrifices was not confined to 
the Brahmin caste alone. Many rulers of the Sangam age are 
described to have performed the sacrifices. There was a king called 
Perunarkilli 21 who is credited with the performance of the Rajasuya 
sacrifice. Another king named Mudukudumi Peruvaludi is said to 
have performed many Vedic sacrifices. His attachment to the Vedic 
sacrifices was so great that he was popularly known as 'Palyagasalai' 
meaning 'He who has many sacrificial halls to his credit'. 22 It may 
also he mentioned here that the Vedic sacrifices were not confined to 
the members of the Brahmin and the ruling section. Even the 
farmers 28 are said to have shown keen interest in the Vedic sacrifices. 
These facts will amply testify the fact that the religious practices of 
the Vedas and of the Epics got themselves deeply rooted in the 
religion of the Sangam people. An interesting remark is necessary 
here. It is generally thought that the advent of the Upanisads and 
the teachings of the Buddha destroyed the high respect that the Vedic 
sacrifices were held in. But what we observe in the Sangam land, 
which is 2500 miles away from the original land of the Vedas, and 
in the Sangam literature, which is to be assinged a period between 
300 B. C. and 200 A. D., remarkable respect is shown to the 

The influence of Sanskrit culture is extended to the other 
aspects of religious practices and beliefs of the Sangam age. Follo- 
wing the Vedic and Epic traditions the Sangam people believed 
that the South is meant for the worship of the dead. Ceremonies 
meant for the departed were performed facing the South. The 
habit of offering 'piiiuja 524 to the departed souls was not uncommon 
during this age. The belief in the existence of Yamaloka was there. 
Yama was the God of death. 

Most of the poems of the Sangam literature are dedicated 
to describing the love affair of the youth of those days. Love- 
making was generally encouraged. But it must be noted that it 
was prescribed that the love affairs should culminate in marriages 
which were performed to a larger extent according to the Vedic 
and Epic prescriptions. The practice of having Agni as the 

20. Lectures on Purananuru, p. 197. 

21. Ibid, p.m. 

22. Ibid. 

23. Patfinappalai, 200. 

24. Puran&nuru, 234; 363. 

marriage witness and the habit of going round the Agni and also 
the custom of SaptapudI were in vogue. 25 Marriages and the 
death-ceremonies are the real tests tor assessing one's originality of 
culture. It is comparati\ely easy to influence the dress-customs, food 
habits, etc., but to change the marriage and the death customs it is 
very hard. From the influence of Sanskrit over the marriage and 
the death habits of the Tamils the depth of the Sanskrit in fluence 
may be judged. 

The social scheme of the Tamils has given a prominent place 
to the Vartmsrama dharma daring the Sangam age. Although love 
making is encouraged of the youths, the young people are made 
to remember the fact that love or Kama is not the only aim of 
life. Love should lead to a regulated married life which will in its 
turn lead to the Vanuprastha life and that will finally 
end in the life of a Stinnyasin** Throughout the Sangam literature 
indications are available to conclude that many people took to the 
life of Vanaprasthu and Sannyasa. This proves the fact that the 
Vaniasratna dharma was not a mere theory but had become a reality 
in the Sangam age. It may be mentioned here that the Sannyasins 
of the Sangam ago were spending their days not in the pursuit 
of philosophy giving no room to religious rites, but they are mostly 
described as being indulged in doing the Vedic sacrifices and the 
homes?' 3 This is more in conformity with the Vedic society. 

Another aspect of the influence of Sanskrit on the Sangam 
literature is the fact that during the Sangam age the Sanskrit Epics, 
the Ratnayana and the Mahabharata, were well known to the 
Sangam people and the poets. There are many references in the 
Ssngam poetry to the Kpies, the epic heroes, the epic incidents 
and the epic way of life. What is more interesting is the fact that 
many Sangam poets bore the names such as Kapila, VSlmlki, 
Damodara and Acyuta. 1 his amply testifies the fact that the 
Epic tradition had deeply penetrated into the Sangam. age. 

The names Rama, a8 SIta, au Dharmaputra, 30 Bhanasena 31 and 
Arjuna 32 are frequently mentioned. The Parjdavas were well 
known as the famous Tive" and the Kauravas also were known. 
It appears that the Sangam poets were familiar with the detailed 

25. KaiitixuT* 104." 

26. Lectures on Pufannnuru> p. 90. 

27. Lectures on Pattuppatfu, p. 137. 

28. Puran8$ufU, 378. 

29. Ibid. 

30. Ibid, 366. 

31. Lectures on Pattuppalt^ P* 78. 

32. Ibid; p. 119. 

story of the Epics as narrated by Valmlki and Vyasa. For exam- 
ple this may be quoted: A poet goes to a philanthropist with his 
family. The philanthropist gives many ornaments to the poet 
and his family. The poet's family-people do not know where and 
how they should wear the ornaments. In their eagerness to wear 
them they wear the ornaments at wrong places. 1 his reminds the 
poet of the monkey which wore the ornaments of Situ at wrong 
places. 33 This is a clear reference to the Raraayanu. 

Here is an important reference in the Sangam literature. 34 
Some of the incidents found in the Uttarukcinda of Valmlki Ratna- 
ya"na are mentioned here. Jt may be mentioned here that the 
Vttarakanda is generally believed to be a very late addition to the 
Rzmayana. If it could be demonstrated that the Sangam poets 
were familiar with the Uttarakanda of Valmlki Ranuiyana, then 
many theories on the Uttarakanda may have to be revised. 

Equally famous was the Mahabharata during the Sangam age. 
It would not be wrong to assume that the Sangam poets were fami- 
liar with the Mahabharata written by Vyasa. In addition to the 
mention of the Epic heroes many stories forming part of the 
Mahabharata of Vyasa are known to the Sangam poets. To 
quote a few: 35 The churning of the ocean for AmrUu Visnu assu- 
ming the role of Mohini to deceive the Asm as, Siva's part in 
swallowing the poison. Also, the story of Garuda who went to the 
Indraloka to bring Amrta in order to save his mother from slavery, 
the incident which narrates how Visnu put an end to the pride of 
Garu<Ja are mentioned. 36 The advent of the river Gariga to the 
earth is also mentioned. 37 

Here is an important piece of information : A Pandya king 
requested a poet named Perundevanar to compose the Mahabharata 
in Tamil. The poet did so and as a result of this the poet was 
known as 'the poet who composed the Bharata?* r i his is corrobo- 
rated by a copper-plate inscription of the 10th century AJDJ* 9 It 
would not be 'wrong to conclude that the poet must have had the 
Vyasa's Mahabharata as his model. Unfortunately the Tamil Bharata 
composed by Perundevanar is not available to us. If that were 

33. Lectures on Puransnuru. p, 108. 

34. Kalittogai, 38. 

35. Paripafal, 3 ; 34. 

36. Ibid, 3 : 59. 

37. Ibid, 9 : 4-8. 

38. Lectures on Purananuru* p. 118. 

39. Ibid. 

available many theories regarding the Mahnbharata may have to be 

We now uirr our iillcnlion to consider the influence of 
Sanskrit on ihe conception of God in the Sangam age The fact 
that all the gods who arc found mentioned in the Sangam literature 
are Epic gods. 1 he Vedic deities are of course mentioned but it is 
evident that the Snn^-mi poets are not influenced by the Vedic 
literature in thi* re-aid. For :-. . , V Varuria' 1 * is remembered as 
the God of ihe sci: and not as the glorious Varuna of the Rgveda. 
Indra is referred to in some places but he loo is not the Vedic 
India. 11 

Although the Brahmins of the Sangam age are said to worship 
the Sun and perform the StimfhyQvandana three times a day, 42 Sun- 
worship docs not occupy a prominent place in the Sangam age. 
The Vedic division-* of gods into Adityas,' 13 Vasus 41 and Rudras 45 
are found here. The conception of tlevaloka etc. appears in the 
Sangam literature \\ithout any change. 

The worship of a goddess named Korravai' 16 was popular in 
the Sangam age. She is considered to be the presiding deity of the 
waste lands. She \\as worshipped more in an unrefined form. 
From the Jv . -. - ", \ , of her in the Sangam literature it may be 
concluded thai she uus an aspect of Uma and she could be equated 
with Durga. 

The worship of Siva 47 was also popular in the Sangam age. 
The Cpic e- -jo.yi , of Shu is^ adopted in the Sangam literature. 
The DisLsIn:^! f: -l''** 1 aspect of Siva and the ArdhanSrl 49 aspects are 
also known lo Sangam works. Many heroic deeds of Siva such as 
his heroism in binning the three cities etc. are frequently men- 
tioned/"' 4 ' It is aisu possible that Siva had a special set of devotees 51 . 

40. Lectures an /V/ ://v'.;// t '', p. 299. 

41. Pari(iti<!tiL 19; 50-52!" 

42* Lectures tt/i J'attu/wtiffit, p. 249. 

43. Ptfi7/7i </<//, 3 : 6. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Ib'uL 

46. Lectures on A//////v<7/tw, p. 201, 

47. Invocatory song of Purananuru* 

48. Puran3nfifU 9 198. 

49. Tirumurugurfuppatjai* 153. 

50. Ibid, 154. 

51. Lectures on Pnrtiiiunurn, p. 267. 

Another important God of the age was Karttikeya known a 
Muruga. 52 Although Karttikeya was known by a different name i n 
the Sangam age, all the puranic stones on the birth and other 
deeds of Karttikeya are reproduced in the Sangam literature, as 
found in the Mahdhharata. Muruga-worship was very popular at 
that time. A whole poem named Tintmurugarruppacjai is dedicated 
in praise of Muruga and in another poem, named Paripadal Muruea 
occupies a significant position. One peculiar feature of Muruga- 
worship in the Sangam age was that he had six hill-abodes in Tamil 
Nadu where he showed his divine lllas. These places are still 
famous as Muruga-sthalas in Tamil Nadu. 

Another significant Sangam God is Visnu known as Tirumal. 53 
In the Sangam descriptions of Visnu the Yedic and the Epic tradi- 
tions are maintained. Of the important descriptions about Vinu 
the description or the mention of Varaha 5 * and other incarnations 
is of significance. Although it may not be said that the ten incar- 
nations of Visnu are fully developed in the Sangam age, it may be 
mentioned that some of the incarnations are recognised beyond 
, doubt. Krsna and Balarama 55 are said to be Visnu's incarnations. 
But Rama and Parasurama, although found mentioned fiequently, are 
not explicitly stated as avatdras of Visnu. It is interesting to note 
that Parasurama is described as having performed a sacrifice in a 
place in Tamil Nadu 66 , ft is evident from this that when the 
Sangam poetry was composed the legends of Parasurama were very 
famous in Tamil Nadu so that the poet was inclined to connect 
Parasurama with Tamil Nadu by saying that he performed a sacri- 
fice in Tamil Nadu. 

Another prominent aspect of Visriu-worship during the 
Sangam age was the joint worship of Krsria and Balarama 67 . The 
joint worship of Krsna-Balarama was famous in north India in the 
1st century B.C. 68 . and it is interesting to note that in Tamil Nadu 
too it was famous by the same period. This problem requires a 
special study. 

52. See Tintmurugnrruppagai. 

53. See Paripatfal. 

54. Second song of Paripadal. 

55. Ibid. 

56. Lectures on Ahanantiru, Saiva Siddhanta Publishing House 
Madras 1, p. 79. 

57. Fifteenth song of ParipafaL 


The influence ol Sansknt on Tamil thought and culture is 
ri ended to the other holds such as Philosophy, Ethics, etc. But it 
... b e remarked here that the Sangam poetry was not openly 

optical and the ethics oi the Sangam poetry will have to be 

./I ccnaratelv. 



tudied separately 

The following conclusions may be made at the end of this 
,y:(l) The influence ol Sanskrit on Tamil thought and culture 
very deep and integral even at the early period. (2) Sanskrit 
uitiirc did not suffer any major change by passing through the 
arious cultural traditions that lay in between Tamil Nadu and the 
am land of Sanskrit culture. (3) The changes that affected 
anskrit culture were mainly due to internal causes and no external 
tore however powerful it may be, could change the essentials of 

anskrit culture, 


A. TlRA-% t.NG,.!)ATHAN, M.A, 

D. G. Vaishnava College for Men, Madras 

The name Manipravala:- 

Accordtng to some the term Mampravlila 1 means an admixt- 
ure of rubies and corals and denotes a mixture of Sanskrit and 
Tamil. Rubies and corals appear similar from a distance but on a 
close observation their individualities come to light. Similarly 
though the language-mixture appears compact, their heterogenous 
nature cannot escape the notice of the reader. Many people favour 
a different meaning of the term, i. e. a mixture of pearls and Corals. 2 
Their different colours naturally lend a rare charm to the mixture. 
Probably Kalidasa 3 was the first poet to take a fancy to the mixture 
of pearls and corals. The term Manipravala exclusively denotes an 
impressive and judicious mixing of the Indo-Aryan (Sanskrit) with 
the Dravidian language Tamil, although the mixing of Sanskrit with 
the other Dravidian languages like Telugu, Malayalam etc. is in 
current use. The latter mixtures do not attract the attention of a 
reader or a listener for there the blending of the languages is profuse 
and become a part and parcel of the languages. In fact there is a 
treatise on the grammar of Malayala Manipravalam name by 

1. Mani means both ruby and pearl; pravala means coraT ' 

2. Muthukkalalu miha narpavayangalalu mothukkhalanda 
tamiya lapi Samskrtena Elthikkilum haralatcva baddhS buddhi 
khu matkrtiriyam krtinam vibhusiu 

3. Puspam pravalopahitam yadi syammuktaphalam va sphuta- 


tato'nukuryad viSadasya tasya tainrosthaparyastarucessmi- 


( 188 ) 

( 189 ) 

In the Mtini-pravala stylo of poetry Adi-yamaka {Monai in. Tamil) 
is given a greater importance und Sanskrit compounds and sometimes 
Sanskrit verbal forms too are used. 1 It has been the pastime of the 
pandits in Tamil Nadu of the last generation to compose Mani- 
vravala poems in a lighter vein and exchange them in social gatheri- 

The impact of Sanskrit on Tamil must have been there long 
before the celebrated Tamil grammar Tolkappiyam. This woik con- 
tains certain rules for accommodating San ski it words. In the 
section of Tamil literature called c Aham% the poems are grouped 
under three heads. The middle group containing about a hundred 
poems is titled *Manlniidalpavazham** (corals amidst pearls). The 
commentator interprets the title as symbolic,, i. e. a composition 
similar to corals and pearls, the poem and the meaning do not 
coalesce. 3 The above title might have been responsible for the coining 
of the term Mani-pravalam. 


In the Tamil literature of the Sangam period, Sanskrit words 
were only to a small extent. But there are strong evidences to show 
that there was a two-way traffic of ideas between the two ancient 
languages, Sanskrit and Tamil. 

Especially in the section called 'Ahain' in Tamil Literature where 
the sentiment of Srrigara is portrayed in all its details, we find ideas 
and situations similar to those in Sanskrit classics. A broader 
division of Tamil literature under the four heads Dharma. Artha, 
Kama and Moksa (Aram, Porul, Inbain and, Vddu) has also been in 
existence to which fact the Sangam literature bears ample evidence. 
Some commentators on the Sangam literature and Tamil critics 

1. 'The story of Tamil Research*, A. V. Subramania Iyer, (Pp. 
24-35), (Published by Amuda Nilayam Pvt. Ltd., Madras-18.) 

2. Idaye Vadavezuthcithul viravial Indothugai nadoethumilla 
manipravala Nattraivachollm Jdaye mudiyum padamudaitham 
(vi.a soliyam). 

3. Agananuril muthal nuru puttu Kalitriyanai mirai 

Idai nuru pattu Manirnidai pavalam 
Kadai nuru pattu mithilakavai 
Manimidai pavalam Cheyyulum porulam 

ovvamayal ithu uvamayar 
pettra peyar. 

Ondrodondru ovvatha eru mozikalihal iyandra intha nadayum 
ippeyar petrathu 'Manipravalam' U. M. Gopalakrishnama- 
Qharyar Sen, Tamil xi, pp. 485-95, 

throw light on the above method of classification. 1 In Ettuttohai 
and the five Mahakavyas in Tamil literature the influence of Sanskrit 
is clear. So far the influence of Sanskrit on the Tamil thought 
was unmanifest. Then came the Devotional Literature where the 
influence of Sanskrit was considerable. Thereafter the physical 
mixing of the two languages was easy. 

The Jains who were known as 'Samanas' in the Tamil country 
appear to have first handled the Manipravala style of writing. Side 
by side with the propagation of their faith, the Jains contributed a 
lot to the enrichment of Tamil literature. The Pallavas who ruled 
South India for nearly two centuries from the sixth to the eight 
century A.D. were patronising Sanskrit a great deal. Though many 
of the Pallava rulers were Hindus, a few of them were either Jains or 
supported Jainism. Upto the 7th Century A.D. Jainism was in 
ascendancy. By this time Hindu metaphysical Thought became 
settled through original Sanskrit works and Sanskrit commentaries. 
The earlier Tamil Literature having been mostly secular except for 
certain stray descriptions of gods and goddesses which also could 
have been influenced by the religious thought in Sanskrit, it is but 
natural that Sanskrit went to enrich the religion and philosophy of 
the Tamils. The Jains whose contribution to Tamil Literature is 
considerably large wrote a work called the Sripurana in the Manipr- 
avala style. 2 This is also called Tiruppugazhpuranam. It contains 24 
chapters, each chapter being called a purana. With an amount 
of certainty we can say that the Jains were the earliest to use the 
Ma$i-pravala. 3 Probably with the dwindling of Jainism in the South, 

1. The Story of Tamil Research, A, V. Subramania Iyer, (Pp. 

2. Eppatriattakiya dharma thai aksepini vikepini samvedinl, pi. 
sec theorigina aksepini enpathu bheda svasiddhanta madthinai 
Pragisipperthakum vikepini enpathu parasiddhanta-durmata 
vetittdrinkatki dflana nkalai prathipathiputakum samvedin 
enpathu punyaphala ngalagiya abhyudayanireyas ngalai vyav- 
arijl ppadagavum nirvedini enpadu sansar arira bhog a$ga}i 
asarabhava thinai arivithala mugathinal vairagya thaippa$nu- 
uadakum. Sri purana 

Edited by Yenkatarajulu Naidu 
Madras University 

3. Matru orunal saddharmanuthana tatpara Nagi vidyadhara- 
raja visapuspa mena rajyavibhava thinan veruthu svaputra 9 
misaivitha rajya bhara thanagi paramanirvajiasadhana 
m5gira jinadi nakshayinai prapi tha nan mahabala num 

this mixed language ceased to be current except in Inscriptions 
This was the case till the 10th or llth century A.D. Even during 
the time of Azhwars and Nayanmars the use of Mani-pravala was as 
such absent, though we are able to discern the impact of the Vedas 
Upaniads, Puranas and the like on the Tamil Literature in general 
and the Religious thought in particular. After 10th Century A D 
we find the re-emergence rf Mani-pravala style of writing as evidenced 
by the appearance of huge commentaries and esoterics in the Vais- 
jiavite literature. 

TirukkuragaippiiTin Pillun, a favourite disciple of Ramanuja- 

carya, (llth-12th century A.D) is the first Vaisnavite author to write 

a commentary on Tinivaimoli (one thousand and odd sacred hymns 

by Nammalwar). This commentary containing 6,000 granthas and 

planned after Vimu Parana is known as Arayirappadi. Within a 

period of two or three centuries the Vaisnavite literature became 

flooded with a number of commentaries and religious biographies 

called Guruparamparus written in Mani-pravala style. 2 The Arayira- 

praptarajyabhiseka thanakiyapin rupasaundarya-kala-guna- 

vijfiana balaisvaryadi ka]al Nadorum abhivrddhi inaiadyanthu 

sampurna-candru naippol samasta-jana ngatkam anandahetu 

vagi vidySdharasftmrajya thinai anubarthanan. Ibid, p. 23. 

1. Eppadi aihika man a aisvaryam alpa mumai asthira mumdie- 
ruhthathakil svargadyaisvarya thai prapya mayapatrinalo ? 
annii svargadyaisvarya vanchayale aihikavisayasangaparityaga- 
purvaka maya enthriyargiilai Jayithu svargapraptivirodhigarlra 
thai parithyajithunargalukum cmperumanai asrayi yatholil 
antha svargadyaisvarya Inddyathu; tadasrayana ttale siddhi 
thalum asthiram; athalal eppadi alpasthiratva bahuladukha- 
tvanartha hctutvfidi anekadoadusita mana entha ai^varya thai 
vittu Penyathiruradai kuividisium svasrita rai orunalum 
orunilayclum kaividatha amperuman thiruvadigalil parama- 
prapyarna ger patrungal enyirar. Arayirappadi-Tiruvainoghi 

Edited and published by : 
S. K. Krishnamachasias 

2. Kizil thiruvaimoxiel avanudaya prariayitva-guna gunathai 
anusandhi thupicherinar. Evarukhu keeypirandhu niravadhika- 
prlti yanadhu cruvarudaya a^raya mum ayiumbnndun 
padiyayitru, antha rasathai ariyaru paduthi sadmi pekkipaya 
akalavai alpam ncgiya nindran esaran agayale avanidu 
sadrsapadurti ngalatum sambandhipadartha ipgalarum 
agoppada iivunagakhondu bhrami thuphitiparthu avanandri 
khe oyinthal meclavusm mattathe novupattuchellukirathu 
kvacidubramate vegat kvacidvibhramate balat kvacinmatta 
ivabhuti kfintanvesanatatparab engirapadye. 

ppadi 1 and Idu* quoted in the io-nnoios wi!! X-:u- :;nn>!j testimony tc 
the felicity of expression oftiie authors in t'lix so- *ed ,i } !e of Saaskri 
and Tamil. The author of /:v,/> -' .--'-"';. ' ' ' '' ^ j^v-locfm Piij ai 
interpreted Ramdyana in Favour of S ? '- \s\\ h> commenting 
on certain slpkas considered important by him. 1 hi', j.^ ;ne"tiir) 
known as Tanisloki is a landmark in the hi .lory UrTvaisijavism, 
These commentaries are addressed to render wh> possessec 
adequate knowledge of both Sanskrit and Tamil. Thus the Sri- 
vaishiiavites the elite as well as the lay public -mastered both the 
languages and were rightly called MJhhuyavcdiindicar^^.- Even 
now this title is prefixed to the names of learned Smaisruniics, 

The situation was entirely different in the liekl or Saivism 
The Saivite Acaryas did not give this i;i., -.!..- lo Sanskrit in theii 
writings although many of them were masters of il. They assimila- 
ted whatever Sanskrit offered and rendered c\eryihin& into pun 
Tamil. Nevertheless commentators tike Si\r - . and Jnana- 
prakasa handled Mani-pravala to a small extent. One -,. i^oitm 
variation is worth noticing. The Manipravulu style of writing is 
said to have been adopted by PerundeuinuT in his commentary or 
the Mahabhnrata? His date is suggested as the middle Sangam 
period-probably 1850 years ago 1 . In that case \\e mu:,t concede an 
earlier date for the MLyipriivTiL style say 2nd century. Strangely 
enough none of the Saivite Acaryas u:u-iiipiti! to \\riie commen- 
taries on Tevaram and Tirumurais. 

The Advent of Grantha Character: 

As mentioned earlier the Jains utilised M,.i i ,J . ^ a!., medium to 
their best advantage. Although they did not favour Sanskrit which 

1. Evvagaye pasheya asarlri yagiya .Vi:\ ***[> - , / numantar- 
dhanam chegthapin kamanudaya tytigasakti en mahanubhava 
mkondudevajatika'um ascarya pathu pdvi-.^.a.-,. i: poyinthar, 

(C\,in. of Perumdevanar) 

2. Puratanagamavedagitapurarjarupa mt>yithu ven kiralanagiya 
nadivukonda girlfa nodurai chciguvan viiatlhaiuulinisucarrfa 
rai vendru muchi karathin malerathavaradluinar purindha 
virama-ne nigar thanmian. Hhnrata by ViiliputQfar. 

3. Important among them are : Onpadinuyirappadi by Nanjceyar, 
Panmrayirappadi by Alagiamaoavala Jecyur, Impathunalyir* 
ppadi by Periavachati pij/ai, J<ju or Muppathurtyirappadi b> 
Vrdakkutiruveethi PiHai who recorded Hie di scourers of his 
teacher Nampillai, Irayirappacfi Guntparumiwrvputbhwa by 
Pmbazhagiyaperumal Jeevar. <All these works are printed, 
The above commentaries are available in one volume). 

4. Sentawtt, Vol. XJJ, Sec. XI. (Pp. 485-495). 

( 193 ) 

Is the language of the Vedas and treatises on Rituals and naturally 
preferred the use of the mass medium of the Prakrits, they should 
have been at the end of their wits to popularise their religion in the 
South where Sanskrit had gradually become prominent. They were 
not able to convoy the complicated metaphysical thoughts in Tamil 
In order to take their religion to the masses they devised the mixed 
language a mixture of Sanskrit and Tamil and while doing so they 
met with another obstacle, that of accommodating the Sanskrit 
script (Brahmi pattern) alongside the Tamil Script (Vattezhuttu 
pattern). Moreover there wore no symbols to represent the peculiar 
Sanskrit sounds like Sa, Ja> Sa, Ha, etc. They had therefore no 
alternative exco inventing a new script--the Grantha script. Altho- 
ugh they invented the grant ha character and handled Manipravalam 
as early as the fourth or the fifth century A.D. these were handled 
by others only after KHh century. This script mixed physically well 
with the Tamil script. In modern times, in order to achieve unifor- 
mity and to avoid composing difficulties large volumes of Vaisnavite 
literature were earlier printed in Telugu script introducing the letter. 

The later history: 

The Sanskrit language influenced not only the religious literat- 
ure of the Tamils but the literary works also to a certain extent 1 . 

Many Christian Missionaries like Fr. De Nobili who preached 
Christianity in the South mastered Sanskrit and in order to convince 
the local mass and to be in tune with the prevailing conditions, they 
handled a volume of Sanskrit words. Even though they did not 
resort to the Mttyl-praveihtni sJyle* yet their writings had a similar 
flavour. The same is the case with the compositions of Saint 
AruQagiri and Rumaltnga Svuml. Jt was a time when Sanskrit 
words and phrases were freely u&ed alongside of Tamil and with 
pride because such a combination of languages had a unique flour- 
ish. In the field of Science, Sanskrit equivalents for Scientific terms 
were used freely alongside commonplace Tamil words and both the 
languages not only mixed easily but there was clarity as well because 
many of the Sanskrit terms had become commonplace. The spread 
of DevanagarT script drove away the Grantha script and along with 
that the Sanskrit language too from Tamil Nadu. Although the 
Devanagarl Script is accepted at national level, constitutionally and 
by practice, DevanagarT Script has made patent the difference which 
Grantha script had served to cover and has also added to the 
difficulty of handling.* The Sanskrit scholars of the previous 

*The Story of Tamil Research by A. V. Subramania Iyer, 
(Pp. 224-225). 

generation wrote only in Grantlia script. Many of them are even 
today ignorant of the Devanagari script. 

The Present Day 

At present there is a strong move to 'purify 1 Tamil by giving a 
go-by to all foreign words. We are not concerned with the reasons 
behind this move but it is certain that it will affect the growth of the 
Tamil language and result in its isolation from the rest of the Indian 
languages. The famous commentary on Tirw&mii called Idu or 
Muppattarayimppadi was recently recast in pure Tamil under the 
auspices of the University of Madras, It is found that it helped 
neither the Tamil public nor the Sanskrit scholars nor the religious- 
minded people. It remains a literary curio. Similarly in the literary 
field Tratapa Mudaliyar Caritram', the first Tamil Novel by 
Vedanayakam Filial was also 'purified' by recasting it in pure Tamil 
in this century. This was also criticised by some Tamil scholars and 
critics. Rather than a National language, a National script would go 
a longway in integrating the various language groups. This will also 
incidentally help the propagation of Sanskrit. I have ventured to 
show in this paper how Sanskrit played its full role in the enrichment 
of its own as well as the native literature in Tamil Nadu through 
the Manipravala style in composition and the Grantha script in 


Madurai University 

The vocabulary and the grammatical pattern of a language 
can be separated into two cafagorics --native elements which we can 
take back to the earliest known stage of the language and borrowed 
elements which were imported at some period from a different 
language. Just as the native elements are subjected to phonological, 
morphological and semantic changes* the borrowed elements also, 
though subject to such type of changes, yet differ from them in the 
mode of their cntiy into a language. This borrowing, whether 
spontaneous or induced, is one of the important influences on 
language. In using speech of a language, one of our aims is 
adequate communication, To achieve this communication we 
constantly modify our phonological and grammatical systems and 
also our vocabulary to the speech of our associates. 

It is clear that language is constantly changing. Linguists 
explain two sets of factors for this change external influence and 
internal process, Internal influence occurs when a foreign language 
is imported to the people by conquest, political domination or 
cultural impact. 

Though Sanskrit is not spoken now, it still serves as the 
medium for composing creative literature and writing learned or 
religious works. Its impact and influence on other languages are, 
indeed, to the greatest extent, Sanskrit served as the model for 
the rest of India. An attempt is made here to explain its influence 
on one of the earliest and most highly developed languages of the 
Dravidian family, viz. Tamil. 

"Through the predominant influence of the religion oMhe 
Brahmaijas, the majority of the words expressive of their religious 

( 195) 

( 196 i) 

ideas in modern Tamil is of Sanskrit origin, and though there are 
equivalent Dravidian words which are equally appropriate and in 
some instances more so, such words have gradually become obso- 
lete, and are now confined to the poetical dialect. This is the real 
and the only reason why Sanskrit derivations are so generally used 
in Tamil in general and religious compositions in particular. I n 
other Dravidian languages, whatever may be the nature of the 
composition or subject matter treated, the amount of Sanskrit 
employed is considerably larger than in Tamil and the use of it has 
acquired more of the character of a necessity. This is in conse- 
quence of the literature of, those languages having been chiefly 
cultivated by Brahmins". (B. Caldwell) 

Sanskrit has been considered as the nurse of the Tamil langu- 
age (cevilittay). Vocabulary, subject-matter and literary traditions 
are the three reasons given in support of the above statement. 
It has been observed that Sanskrit words are introduced in the 
Tamil language from very early times. While speaking about this, 
Sri Swaminatha Desikar, author of a Tamil grammar entitled 
'Ilakkanakkottu* has asserted the impossibility of the Tamil langu- 
age without the Sanskrit elements. 1 Sri Sivajnana Swamigal, 
another great Tamil scholar, has stated the difficulty of understand- 
ing Tamil without the knowledge of Sanskrit.* Secondly, a good 
number of literary works of Tamil language has their source from 
the Sanskrit literary Compositions. 3 Tiruvalluvar's Tirukkural and 
the R&mayana of Kambar, bear ample testimony to this. The great 
commentator Parimelazahar while commenting on Tirukkural says : 
'porut pSkupattinai aram, porul, inpamena va|anul vazakkupparri 
yofutalan' and 

'ararnavatu manu mutaliya ntilkalil vitittena ceytalum ozitalumara'. 
Kamban while writing his Ramayana refers to Valmiki : 
vankarum patam nankum 
vakutta vnlmiki enpan... 

Besides the subject-matter, Tamil language has set up the 
literary tradition (Kavimarabu) in conformity with that of 
Sanskrit. The desire of making Tamil equal to Sanskrit is deeply 
rooted in the mind of the people of Tamilnad as is evident from 
the Tamil statements 

'ariyattoturaz taru tamizteivam*. 
*iru moziyum nikarennu mitarkaiya mulateyo'. 

1. Anriyun tamiznur kalavilai yavurrul onre yayinum tanittamiz- 

2. Vatamozi Yunarntarkkanrit tamiaiyalpu vilankatu. 

3. llakkanac cintanaikal, S. Vaivapuri PillaL r>. 2. 

The indebtedness of Tamil to Sanskrit in explaining the 
ma tical principles is great. The first grammar in Tamil was 
osed by Agastyar called 'Akattiyam* and then 'Tolkappiam' 
Tolkappiar. Two greatest grammarians of Tamil language 
reclaim that Tnclra vyukarana and Panini's grammar are the source 
books respectively for Tolkappiam and Akattiyam* 

'Tolkappiyanar* in his Tolkappiam adapted not only the 
Sanskrit grammatical terms and the arrangements, but also many 
of the grammatical theories. For instance, his account of the 
origin of speech-sounds and the function of case-suffixes is a close 
reproduction of what is found in old Sanskrit grammar, though in 
the treatment of compound and the initial and final sounds of 
words, he appears to have made certain alternations and adapta- 
tions to suit the requirements of Tamil language. On the other 
hand the author of VirachoKyam and Prayokavivekam have imitated 
Panini's grammar m declension, conjugation and word-formation 
to the greatest extent. Vararuci's Karikds on Sanskrit compounds 
are also incorporated by them. 

Tolkappiyanar in the s&tra says that the air which starts from 
navel comes out as different speech-sounds through the vocal 

or g atis chest, neck, head, hard palate, teeth, tongue, lips and 

nose and undergoing different modification therein. 2 It is more or 
less the translation of the following Kdrikas of Panini Siksa : 
atau sthanani varnanant urafr kaitfhab irak tatha/ 
jihvamalaftca dantasca nasikothau ca talu ca// 

Here the *Jihvamula has been translated as *na' or tongue 
while it actually means the root of the tongue. 

The author of Ilakka&avilakkam improves the above-mentioned 
sttra of Tolkappiar by adding that the sound has emanated from 
Udana% which is made to rise by the wilt of persons. This clearly 
shows that he j^Jnjus mind the KQrikas in Panini Sika~ 
T Vitai yukailtavun paninik kilalakkana menal 

vatamo zikkurait tankiyan malayama munikkut 

titamu rttiyam moxikkeii rakkiya tencol 

and . . 

vatamoziyaip pavinikku vakttaruli ytaykiijaiyat 
totarputaiya tenmoziyai ulakamel^n tozut&ttu 
kutamimikkit valiyuruttar kolle^up pakSr 
2. talaiyinu mita^pnu neacinu nilai-p 
pallu m-itazu navu mukkum 
annamu m-ulappata enmurai nilaiyan.*. 

atma DUdcmya .sar-.e.ynrlHSn mano yunkte vivaksaya/ 
manab kayagnim ahanti sa prerayati marutam// 
Towards the end of the third section of the Eluttatikaram or the 
theory of speech of sound Tolkappiar states that the theory of 
speech sounds and modifications which sound undergoes within 
the body may be learnt from the scriptures of the Brahmar>as and 
that he bas dealt with only articulated speech sounds that came 
out of mouth. Here it is evident that he refers to the four phases 
of speech sounds, Para, Pasyantl, Madhyama and Vaikharl descri- 
bed in Sanskrit grammar. Para, is that phase of the Sabda Brahman, 
the undifferentiated primordial sound which is manifested at Mfll& 
dhara or sacral plexes ; PaSyantl is that phase which is manifested 
at the navel and which is cognisable to Yogins ; Madhyama, is that 
phase which is manifested at the heart ; and Vaikharl, is that phase 
which is manifested at the vocal organs as the ariiculatory sounds. 
The four phases are clearly suggested by the following k which 
Patanjali mentions in his Mahubhasya, first Ahnika : 

catvari vakparimita padani 
tani vidur brahmana ye manlsinul}/ 
guha trini nihita nengayanti 
turlyam vaco manusya vadanti// 

So it is very clear that the three Sutras of Toikappiar, 83, 102 
and 103 reveal that Tolkappiyanar had studied Sanskrit Sik$a 
Pratiiukhyas and grammar and had adopted in his work these points 
which would suit Tamil language. 1 Again, the definition of a word 
given by Pardni and Tolkappiar almost agree, 
suptinantam padam/ 
Collenap patupa peyare vinaiyanru 
ayirarji tenpa arintici nore 

The author of 'NannuF another grammatical treatise in 
Tamil while defining a Sfitra, clearly adapts the Sanskrit definition 
of Sutra. 

Cilvakai ezuttir palvakaip porulaic 
cewa iiatiyir cerintinitu vilakkit 
titpa nutpan cirantena cuttiram. 
The Sanskrit definition. 

alpaksaram asandigdham saravat visvatomukham/ 
astobham anavadyam ca sutram sCitravido vidul^// 
is well known. 

In the treatment of the vowels their quality and quantity, 
the position of their occurrence in the initial and final position 

1, History of Grammatical Theories P.S.S.Sastri, p.KX 

in particular, the parallelism between tfie ancient 
works of Sanskrit and Tamil are clearly noticed. In mentioning 
the initial and the final vowels in words, Tolkappiyanar has proba- 
bly followed Pratisnkkyas. The Rk Pratisakhya, the Sukla Yajufi 
Prztisakhya and Atharva Pratisakya say that '!' (*j) cannot stand 
as final. 1 

In the treatment of the consonants also, particularly their 
position in a word, Tolkappiyanar, it seems, has followed the 
PrntU&khyas which give a list showing the sounds in Sanskrit that 
can respectively stand as the initial and final members. Though 
there are differences in the treatment, in majority of the cases, a 
clear parallelism between the two languages is clearly noticed. To 
cite an example for the difference Tamil allows all explosives except 
't* and V after *y' while Sanskrit does not. On the other hand, 
Tamil does not allow *y* after the stops, while Sanskrit allows 
it. But both Sanskrit and Tamil agree in not allowing V to be 
followed by *r" ; T to be followed by *r* and *u* to be followed by 
k, c, t, t and p. The non-inclusion of the Tamil secondary 
sound *Aytam* which appears in the middle of the word, either in 
the vowel or in consonants, is perhaps on the model of the two 
Sanskrit sounds *jihvamallya* and 'upadhmaniya* which have not 
been classed either as vowels or as consonants by the Sanskrit 

While dealing with I-tai-c-col, Tolkappiyanar had in his mind 
Yaska's Nirukta* I-tai-c-chol, according to Tamil grammarians, has 
no separate existance of its own; it is used along with nouns or 
verbs, either as prefixes, suffixes or part of them, etc. In this case 
it is clear that the I-Jai-c-chol in Tamil corresponds to Pratyayas 
and nipntas in Sanskrit. The sentence 'itai-y-enappatuva peya- 
roftum vinaiyotf um nafai-pefriyalum* has a parallel in f.k Pratisakhya 
'Upasarga virhsatirarthavcakalji sahetarabhyam' (R.V.P.12.6). Here 
sahetarabhyam has been translated by Tolkappiyanar as peyarottum 
and vinaiyottum which will apply to all pratyayas and nipatas. 

In addition, Tolkappianar, while giving a list of ijai-c col 
with their meanings in itai-y-iyal may have had for his model the 
first chapter of Nirukta where Yaska deals with Nipztas. To cite 
an example, Tolkappiam, sutram 267, it is said words 'anfii', 'aAka' 
are simply to make up the quantity of the verse. 

1. Nmkarafc svareu (RVP 1.9) 

Svar&Sca Ikaravarjam (SYVP 1.87) 
swarafc padyah (AVP.IA) 

antil anka-v-acainilai-k-kilavi 
A parallel in Yaska's Nirukta 

Athapi padapurana idamu tadu (Y.N, I. 5.4) 
[Padapurana may be translated as 'acainilai-k-kilavi'] 

A close examination of the Uri-y-iyal a chapter which is 
perhaps identical with the chapter dealing with 'Dhatus' in Sanskrit 
grammar in Tolkappiam shows that Tolkappiyanar may have 
had the second, third and fourth chapters of Yaska's Nirukta for 
his model. The portion 'orucol palaporut kurimai tonrinum' 
(though the same roots can have different meaning) has a parallel 
in 'ekartham anekas~abdam ityetaduktam' (Y.N. 265.1). The 
portion 'palacol oruporut kurimali tonrinum' (though different roots 
are used in the same sense) has a parallel in c atha yanyanekarthani 
eka-abdani tanyato anukramisyamab (Y.N. 266.2). The expression 
'payilatavarrai* has a parallel in *anavagata~samskarans~ca nigaman' 
(Y.N. 266.3). Again the expression "velippatu colle' has a parallel 
in 'samvijnatani tani' in the sentence 

tadyatra svarasamskarau samarthau 
pradesikena gunena anvitau syatam 
sanivijnatani tani (Y.N. 56.4) 

Besides, the above-mentioned parallelism, Tolkappiyanar first 
gives the roots which have the same meaning and then only roots 
which have different meanings. In Nirukta too, Yaska gives a 
list of words in the second and the third chapters that have the 
same meaning, and in the fourth and fifth chapters list of those 
words having different meanings. 

Thus in conclusion, we can say that Tolkappiyanar had for 
his model the PratiSakhyas in general and Rk Pratisakhya and 
Taittiriya Pratisakhya in particular, for writing his Tolkappiam 
chapters of I, II and III dealing with 'Ezuttatikaram' or speech 
sound and for 'Itaiyiyal' and 'Uriyiyal' in 'Collatikaram' he had the 
first four chapters of Yaska's Nirukta. 

Having dealt with the influence of Sanskrit on Tamil language 
and grammar, let us consider how far Sanskrit has influenced the 
Tamil literature in general and the Tamil works during 'Sangam 
Age* in particular. 

The earliest available literary works in Tamil literature are the 
Sangam classics, belonging to 2nd century B.C. or so. These are 
anthologies of poems composed by several poets. Here too let me 
confine myself to the impact and influence of the language on some 
of the Sangam Classics like Akdnanuru, Purananaru, Pattup^u and 

KalittogaL A close study of these Sangarn Classics of Tamil 
literature will certainly reveal how the authors of the works made 
use of Vedic passages here and there. In numerous references about 
the performance of sacrifice, the fruition of the past deeds, salvation 
rebirth, the fourfold human aspirations Dharma, Artha, Kama 
and Moksa, reference to Brahmanas as twice-born Dvija 
irupirappSlar etc. Besides, numerous Sanskrit words are also 
found in these classics. To cite a few examples Yama Sakata 
Vadhu, Pati, Kalupa, Nupura, Vajra, Kara, Nemi, Anjana, Yupa* 
etc. These classics show how Sanskrit words and the subject- 
matter of the Sanskrit works influenced the life and literature of 
Tamil people generally. 

Let us now consider the classics one by one : Pattu-p-paftu is 
a group of ten poems by different authors. 'Thiru-muruku-arru-p- 
patai' or guides to the abodes of Lord Muruga, one of the poems 
included in the Fatiuppattu makes a clear reference to the Supreme 
bliss and goal_mentioned in the Kathopanisad. (Chapter 3) 

Yastu vijnanavan bhavati samanaskah sada Sucih/ 
Sa tu tatpadamapnoti yasmad bhuyo najayate// 

tadvi$i>oh. paramam padam sa kastha s para gatifc 

Cevati patarum cemmal ullamotu 
Nalampuri kolkaip pulampurint turaiyum 
Calavu-m nayantanai ayin... 

Tirumurukarruppa<iai Lines 62-64. 

A reference to Indra possessing thousand eyes and a performer 
of hundred sacrifices and mounting the heavenly elephant is seen 
in the following lines of the same text 

Nunuppat tatukkiya Nattattu nujrupal 

velvi murriya venru atukoyrttu 

Irirantentia maruppin, elil natai 

talperum tatakkai uyaruta yanai 

eruttam etiya tirukkilar celvanum. Ibid^ lines 155-159 

While explaining the manner in which Lord Muruga is to be 
worshipped by the twice-born, clear mention about the three holy 
fires Ahavanlya, Dakinatya and Garhapatya is made 

Iru munraitiya iyalpinin valS au 
iruvar cuttiya palveru tolku^i 
ajunan kiratti ilamai nalliySntu 
arinir kazippiya ara navil kolkai 
munyuvakai kuritta muttte celvattu 

polutarintu nuvala lbid.> Lines 177-182. 

Here it has been mentioned that the Brahmanas are observing 
the vow of 'Brahmacarya' for forty-eight years and propitiating the 
three holy fires mentioned in the scriptures. The Dharma Siitra 

Astacatvarimsad varsa^i Brahtnacari tamacaritavantah. 

The performance of sacrifice and the reference to the sacri- 
ficial post yupastambha is also found in another poem Perump- 
psnaj-artippatai included in Pattitp&ttu 

kelvi yan^anar arunkata nirutta 
vslvit tunat tachi-i yavanar. 1 

In the same poem there is a clear reference to the Mahabharata 
war and the defeat of the Kauravas at the hand of the Pandavas 

irairn patinmarum porutukalat taviyap- 
peramarkatanta kotunei netunder 
arac ceruvin aivar pola. 2 

A reference to the story of the birth of Lord Subrahmanya as 
mentioned in the Mahabharata is found in the same poem 

aivarul oruvan ankai erpa 
aruvar payanta aramar celva. 3 

The Purananuru, collection of 400 verses, elaborately analysing 
the background of Nature (i) terrain (tinai), hilly regions (Kuruiaci) 
pastoral (mullai), plains (marutam), sea-shore (neital) and the 
intervening waste lands (palai), (ii) the six reasons and (iii) the 
six divisions of the day, 4 refers to the subject matters discussed in 
the Vedas and the Upanisads. 

A clear reference to rebirth and salvation is found in the 
following lines 

Atanal vuyarnta vettat tuyarnitici norkkuc 
ceyvinai marunki neaita luiitenir 
yoyya vulakattu nukarcciyun kutum 
toyya vulakattu nukarcci yillenin. 5 

The four-fold human aspirations Dharma, Artha, Kama 
and Moksa have been re-classified by the Tamil ancient literature 
into two, *Aham' and 'Puram*, the former dealing with 'Kama* and 
the -latter dealing with *Artha', 'Dharma' and 'Moksa'. Like the 

1 . Pemmpararruppatai Lines 3 1 5-3 1 6. 

2. Ibid., Lines 415-417. 

3. Tirumurukzrruppatai Lines 254-255* 

4. An Anthology of Indian Literature Tamil, pp. 555-556. 

5. Purananuru verse 214 Lines 649. 

Puram* verses, *AhanV verses are also a collection of 400 verses 
dealing with the subjective moods of love, Kama. 

References to the stones of Sri Kfsna, destruction of the 
demon Sura by Lord Muruga, and the story of Para^urama are 
found mentioned here. Besides, the practice of marriage ceremony 
of the Brahman as in which chaste women possessed of children are 
asked to look at the bride at the time of the marriage and offer 
their benedictions also finds a place here. Here it would be 
appropriate to compare the Vedic text which runs thus 
SumangalTriyam vadhurimam sameta pasyata/ 
Saubhagyamasyai datvayathastam viparetana// 

Kalittokai another classic belonging to Sangam age, 
containing 150 dramatic odes in a special metre (kali) and grouped 
according to the five-fold classification of the country (thi^ai), 
(Kuruiici, Mullai, Marxitam, Neital, Palai). Here a number of 
references to the ancient stories of the Sanskrit origin is found. 
For example, Lord Siva's burning the three puras Duryodhana's 
effort in killing the Pandavas in the Wax Palace, the battle between 
gurapadma a demon, and Lord Subrahmanya, Ravana's effort in 
lifting of the mount Kailasa, Duryodhana's death at the hand of 
Bhima by the latter striking on his thigh, Lord K r na>s encounter 
with the two wrestlers sent by Kamsa, the account how Lord Siva 
concealed the river Gaiiga on his matted hair etc. are mentioned. 

The reference to the lifting of Kailas~a mountain, mentioned in 
the Sanskrit epics and puranas, is found in the following lines, 
imayavil vankiya irncatai yantanan 
umaiyamarnt tuyar malaii runtananaka 
aiyirutalayin arakkar koman 
totippoli talakkaiyir kizpukuttammalai 1 

A beautiful reference to the marriage customs of the 
Brahma^r^peciaUy going round the sacred fire (Saptapadl) by 
the bride and the bridegroom, as enjoined in the >astras 
potaviz panippoykaip putu vatu talvitta 
tatucuz tamarait tanimalarp pujancgrpu 
katalkol vatuvainat kalingattul otunkiya 
matarkei manekkin matantaitan tunax yaka 
otutai yantanan erivalan ceyvan pol 

Mention of Lord Siva as CandraSekhara and Lord Vi nu as 
grinivasa in the folio wing Jines _ _ : 

r. Kalittokai, 69. 
2. Kaltttokai, 104. 

Tirumaru marpanpol tiralcantra kariyum 
mikkolir tazcatai mevarum pirainutal 

mukkanna nuruvekol x 

Reference to the past deeds and tridandi saiinyasin is found 


tolvinaip payanruyppat turakkamve tezunarp51. a 
Mukkolko ! antanar mutumozhi ninaivarpol. 3 


1. History of Linguistics Robins. 

2. Historical Linguistics An Introduction, 

W. P. Lehmann. 

3. Language Bloomfield. 

4. An Anthology of Indian Literature, 

Edited by K. Santhanam. 
5* History of Grammatical Theories in Tamil, 

Dr. P. S. S. Sastri 

6. MahabhaSya of Patanjali. 

7. Yaska's Nirukta. 

8. Comparative Dravidian B. Caldweli. 

9. Ilakkanac Cintanaikal S. Vaiyapuri Piilai. 

10. Tamil mozi Ilakkiya Varalnru 

Dr. M. Rajamanikam. 

11. Pattuppatfu. 

12. Akananuru. 

13. Purananuru. 

14. KalittokaL 

15. Tolkappia Sutras. 

16. Kathopanisad. 

1. Kalittokai, 104. 

2. Ibid. 

3. Ibid, 126. 


Ret d. Professor of Sanskrit, Annamalai University 

Tamil-nadu is that part of South India, formerly ruled over 
by the Cera, Cola and Pandya kings, where Tamil language was 
spoken. It is referred to as that stretch of land which extended 
from Tirupati (Tiruvenkatam) in the north to Cape Comorin 
(Kany a-kuman) in the south. 

The language spoken in Tamil-nadu had an indigenous origin 
and it developed an early literature covering a period of nearly ten 
centuries from about 5th century B. C. to 5th century A. D. called 
the period of the three Sangams, the earliest, the middle and the 
last. The first Sangam period remains a dark chapter for the 
literary historian ; but, some rays of light have been projected by 
the author of Tolkappiyam of the middle Sangam period (circa 2. 
century B. C) into this dark period ; for, in his grammatical woik 
which is the sole representative of the middle period, he presupposes, 
and rightly too, some ancient writers and critics in Tamil. He 
must have based his grammatical rules on the usages current in the 
literature that existed before him. The representative works of the 
last Sangam period are contained in three collections of 10 Idylls 
(Pattup-paffu), 8 anthologies (Etfut-tokai) and 18 ethical lyrics 
cd^Patinenkllkunakku. During the Sangam period Tamil came 
under the influence of Sanskrit, and in the subsequent periods, the 
rich literature of Tamil became richer both in vocabulary and 
thought, thanks to the beneficent influence of Sanskrit and the 
catholicity in outlook of the Tamil poets. And this was inevitable too. 
Language and literature can retain their indigenous nature 
only so long as they remain isolated from external influence, by 
accident or design. A language ceases to grow and progress when 
it lives in isolation. Contact with Sanskrit language, literature and 

( 205 ) 

( 206 ) 

thought and culture must have happened to indigenous Tamil some- 
where about 5th century B. C. Tamil was receptive and did not 
place a taboo on accepting words, ideas or expiessions. Words like 
tapas, daivam, satyam, karma, bhakti and Jnana have a wider signi- 
ficance and appeal than their translations in the different languages. 
Some learned poets like Kapilar, Bana, Kasijahar and others 
adopted Tamil-nadu and Tamil as their own and gave the benefit of 
their prolific literary contribution to Tamil. No growing language 
can afford to remain changeless in the realm of ideas continually 
growing and changing. 

The Tamil classics of the post-Sangam period after the 5th 
century A.D. bear the stamp of Sanskrit influence both in voca- 
bulary and thought; for, they were written by Tamil writers who 
either knew Sanskrit or derived inspiration from the Sanskrit 
classics. The influence of Sanskrit on Tamil became increasingly 
pronounced in post-Sangam literature both under the rule of the 
liberal Tamil kings and to a greater extent under the patronage of 
the Pallava and other non-Tamil kings who were avowed patrons of 
Sanskrit. A spirit of "Give and Take" and reconciliation became 
the dominant feature in art, literature, religion and philosophy. 

The Sangam classics reflect the spirit of preserving the purity 
and genius of the Tamil language on the part of the writers to a 
greater extent than the subsequent classics, Still they echo many 
ideas and concepts alieady current in Vedic and in the early phase 
of post- Vedic San&krit literature. 

Among such ideas are those relating to the Veda, the Vedic 
gods and sacrifices, the Upanisadic concept of Svarga, of the life 
here and in the here-after and of the Law of Karma? the concept of 
Moksa and the other Purusarthas, Dharma, Artha and Kama sub- 
serving it, the concept of Apard Vidyd including the Vedungas as 
distinct from Para Vidyd the knowledge par excellence pertaining to 
the Aiman, the duties of the four professional divisions of society 
called Varnas, the concept of the four stages or orders in man's 
spiritual evolution called Asramas, the pivotal position of the stage 
of the house-holder (Grhastha) and the institution of marriage relating 
to it, the Epic and Puranic conception of the Trinity Brahma, Vinu 
and Siva and of Durga and Skanda (Murukd) and stories depicting 
their greatness. 

In dealing with the influence of Sanskrit on the Thought and 
Culture of Tamil-nad only a few representative works of the early 
period in both the, literatures have been noticed here. The main 
Sanskrit works cited are the $g-veda, the Taittirlya-samhitn of 

( 207 ) 

the Gautama-dharma-sutra and Manu-smrtL 
Similarly, the earliest works available belonging to the second and 
third Sangam periods have also been taken up for comparison. The 
earliest and the sole extant representative of the second Sangam 
period is the celebrated Grammatical woik-Tolkappiyam. The 
following works of the Pattu-ppattu collection of the last Sangam 
period have been noticed (1) Tirumurukarru-p-patai (317 lines) of 
Nakklrar, where the author prescribes for a person aspiring for 
liberation, devout worship of Lord Muruka in the six places of 
worship (Tiru-p-paran-kunram, Tiru-c-cir-alaivai (Tiruchendur), 
Tiruvavi-nan-kuti, near Palani, Tiruv-erakam (in Malabar, popu- 
larly identified with Svamimalai near Kumba-konam), Kunru-t- 
tor-atal and Palamutir-colai). (2) Porunar rr ru-p patai ' (248 lines) 
of Mutattama-k-kanniyar dealing with the fertility of the Cola 
country in general and the greatness of the Cola king Karikal-peru- 
valattan, in particular. (3) Mullai-p-pajtu (103 lines) of Nappu- 
tanar dealing with the love-lorn life of a heroine when her hero- 
husband has gone on a military campaign. (4) Maturai-k-kancT 
(782 lines) of Mankuti-marutanar dedicated to the Pa^tdya king 
Nedunchezhiyan to whom the path of salvation is prescribed 
and describing the glory of his predecessor and of the city of 
Maturai. (5) From the Eftu-t-tokai collection the following works 
have been noticed (1) and (2) Narrinai and Kuruntokaf, each being 
a collection of 400 lyric verses dealing with the topic of love 
composed by many poets like Avvaiyar, Kapilar and Panar. (3) 
Patirru~p-pattu or the tenfold Ten containing 10 poems often odes 
each by a particular poet describing a particular Cera king and 
setting forth the customs of the Cera country and the greatness of 
its rulers. The work bears distinct marks of Sanskrit influence, 
(4) Paripatal (70 verses, with but 26 now available in print), dealing 
with the greatness of Maturai city and Vaikai river, the birth of 
Skanda-Muruka and with some Vedic customs prevalent at the 
time. (5) Kali-t-tokai (150 verses) in the Kali- metre except for the 
significant invocatory verse and dealing with the five thinais forming 
the back-ground for love (Palai* Kurinci, Marutam, Mulai and 
Neytal) and with many moral maxims and marriage customs current 
in those days. (6) Akananuru (400 verses^ by several poets dealing 
with the tiyais and other topics pertaining to Akam, the subjective 
mind and (7) Purananiiru (400 lyric -verses) by many poets dealing 
with Pr#m-life in general especially war and the affairs of State 
and all activities of human society not comprised in Akam or pure 
love. It is a veritable mirror which reflects the felicity of Sangam 
Tamil. Works cited from the third collection called Patinert-kil- 
kanakku are (1) The celebrated Tiru- k kural of Tiruvalluva^ 

( 208 ) 

1,330 couplets in the Kural metre, (2) Trikatukam (100 verses) of 
Nallatanar, each verse embodying a group of three ideas and 
(3) Icnrakkovai (100 verses), prescribing the ideal conduct of people 
with others in general and with elders and kings, in particular. 

Of the works mentioned above, the Tolkdppiyam and the 
Tirukkural serve as two great lamp-posts shedding light on rules 
relating to ideal liteiature and ideal life respectively. 

Of the three broad divisions of Tamil literature, lyal (poetry), 
Hal (Music) and Nntakam (Drama), the first, lyal consists of 
works dealing with grammar and general features of the language 
and definition called Ilakkaqam corresponding to Laksana in 
Sanskrit and literary works illustrative of the definitions formulated 
in the former called Ilakkiyam corresponding to Laksya in Sanskrit. 
The Tolkdppiyam is the oldest extant sole representative of the 
former and consists of about 1,600 aphorisms called Sutras and 
three chapters called Adhikaras (Atikdrams). This division is in 
consonance with the time-honoured division followed by the earlier 
Sutrakdras in Sanskrit. The Sutra-form had already been adopted 
by Panini in his grammar, (Vyakarana), Gautama in Nydya, Kanada 
in Vaisesika, Jaimini in Purva-mimnmsd, Badarayana (Vyasa) in 
Uttara-mimumsd (Vedanta), Patanjali in Yoga, Kapila in Samkhya, 
They call the sections consisting of Sutras as Adhyaya, Adhikara, 
Adhikarana, etc. The first adhikara of Tolkdppiyam deals with 
letters or sounds in 480 sutras like the earlier Siksds in Sanskrit 
and is called Eluttatikdram. The second one deals with words 
(Sabda) like Vyakararia and Nirukta in Sanskrit and is called Col- 
ati karam (in 465 sutras). The third deals with matter relating to 
Art and Literature corresponding to the works on Chandas (Yappu) 
Rasa (Akam), Alamkara (Ani) and well-known verbal expressions 
(Vktis) called Porul-atikaram. (665 sutras). The author in 
Collatiknram (9 : 1) refers to four kinds of words used in verses 
and mentions words of the north (Va$a-c-col). Hence Sanskrit 
and Prakrt words ought to have been current in the Tamil before 
his time. 

The Tiru-k-kural is the most outstanding extant literary work 
of the Sangam period dealing with a universal code of morals 
applicable to all times and climes. It propounds an ideal monarchy 
with ideal house-holders and citizens and true ascetics all enjoying 
the best things of the world and attaining divine bliss. The work 
is systematically planned with subject-wise divisions as in the 
Sastraic literature in Sanskrit and contains 1,330 verses in the Kural 
metre and is divided into 133 Adhikaras (atikdrams), each of 10 
verses. There are three broad sections dealing, in the main, with 

the three Purusarthas-ends of human life (1) Dharma (Aram), 
(2) Artha (Porul) and (3> Kama (Kdmam). A separate section for 
Moksa (Vldu) the fourth Purumnha is not devoted by the poet 
because, following the other Sanskrit tradition, ascetic life is 
included in Dharma as Niortli Dharma. 

Section I Arat-tu-p-pal consists of 380 verses in 38 decads 
(Atikarams) divided into four topics (1) Introductory (Payiram) 
in 40 verses dealing with God, Rain, Ascetics and Virtue. (2) Life 
of a Grhastha house-holder (Tllaram) in 200 verses. (3) The life of 
an ideal Sannyasin (Tuyavaram) in 130 verses and (4) Destiny (Ul) 
in 10 verses. 

Section II (Porut-pai) consists of 700 verses divided into 
three topics (1) Ideal sovereign and administration (Arasu) in 
250 verses. (2) Ministers and other officers of State (Anga) in 320 
verses and (3) Other matters like high birth, culture etc., necessary 
for an ideal citizen (Ozhipu) in 130 verses. 

Section III (Kama-t-tu-p-pal) in 250 verses is divided into 
two topics (1) The Gandharva form of marriage (Kajavu) of true 
lovers leading to an ideal wedded life in 70 verses and (2) The 
sacramental form of marriage with the approval of the parents and 
according to the prescribed rites (Karpu) in 180 verses. 

Tiruvalluvar is quite familiar with Sanskrit and must have 
been influenced by the pre-Kural Sanskrit classics like the Vedas 
and the Dharma-sutras Where the Purtdnrthas had been already 
dealt with. His language is simple, direct and original in accord 
with the epigramatic style. He uses only such Sanskrit words as 
had become part and parcel of the Tamil language. Guna, Dana, 
Daivam, Karma, Asa, Karanam, Kama, Kama, Mana, Anga^am, 
Garia, Aya and Kulam belong to this category. Some words are 
slightly changed to suit the genius of Tamil with an addition of a 
vowel or softening of a consonant. The Tamil forms ofLoka, 
Phalam, Tapas, Ksana, Amrtam, Papi, Havis, Rupam, Bhuta. 
Amatya and Gothi used by the author are instances m ^pomt The 
first Kural itself presents three words of Sanskrit on ?^Akara, 
Adi-Bhagavan and Loka, which had naturally gone into Tamil 
either difectly fiom Sanskrit or through their Prakrt forms, thanks 
tothemerary contributions of Buddhist and Jama Tamil writers. 
The author uses Sanskrit words but sparingly and in cases of need 
only without materially affecting the sound-system of Jamil or 
drastically changing the sounds of Sanskrit 

eenius The work of M*/a$#ar in 400 verses and the 

T Jah* writer in 400 verses follow the Virukkural both m the subject- 

matter and method of treatment. 

The Sangam poets acknowledge their knowledge of the Veda 
and its greatness. They refer to the Vedas as Sruti (Kelvi) the 
unwritten wisdom learnt by hearing {Ezhutd-k-kar-p-pu)^ as eternal 
(Mayn-vaymoli) and as the old sacred scripture of the Brahman 
inculcating dharma (Mutu-mozh Arampuriyarumarai). The Vedic 
gods Indra (Ventari) and Varuna are considered to be the presiding 
deity of Marutam and Neytal, the Vedic-cum-Puranic gods Visnu 
(Mayori) and Skanda (Ceylon) as the presiding deities of Mullai and 
Kurinci by Tolkappiyanar. The Vedic concept of propitiating the 
gods through sacrifices is referred to in Patirru-p-pattu (21, 70, 74), 
and the chanting of mantras in Tirumurukarnt-p-patai (94-6) and in 
Kati-t-tokai (36). Kings and chieftains performed sacrifices 
according to Vedic injunctions constructing Yajna-salas. Purananuru 
refers to many sacrifices performed. The learned Brahrnana called 
Kauniyam, born of a high family, performed many prescribed sacrifice 
(166). Mutu-k-kutumi-p-peruvazhuti performed many of them (15) a 
fact which is referred to in Maturai-k-kanci also (759-863). Karikar- 
p-peruvalattan performed the Garuda-cayana sacrifice (22). Perunar 
k-killi performed rajasuya and Nalankilli many other sacrifices 
(363, 400). Patirru-p-pattu refers to many sacrifices performed by 
the king Celva-k-katunkovazhiyatan. The Akannnuru and Purann- 
miru refer to the Pandyas as descendants of the K.uru dynasty of 
kings. Similarly the Colas are also supposed to belong to the line 
of the munificent king Sibi as mentioned in Purananuru (39, 43). 
Thus, being Ksatriyas, they were entitled to perform sacrifices. 

The Upaniadic concept of Svarga and its denizens, of the 
Life here and to the hereafter and the Law of Karma and trans- 
migration are also dealt with in the Sangam works. Svarga is 
referred to as the World of the gods (Devar-Ulakatri), the exalted 
world (Uyar-nilai-ulakani) the world of the higher beings (Meldr- 
ttlakani) and as the world of the great (Cirantor ulakam) in 
Purannnuru, Patirru-p-pattu, Maturai-k-kanci and ParipataL It is 
also called Nakam. Its denizens are the gods referred to as the 
shining (Kur. 1073), unwinking (Imaiyar 906), immortal (Amarar 
121) denizens of heaven (Vanori Vana-t-tavar. 346; 86). Their food 
is nectar and the offerings (Avi-Havis) made by men in sacrifices. 
They are 33 in number, 12 Adityas, 2 Agvins, 8 Vasus and 11 
Rudras (Paripntal,*). Indra is the lord of Svarga (Kur. 25), called as 
Purandara (Parip. 5, 56) and as the performer of a hundred 
sacrifices. The Purananuru states that the fruit of what a person 
does here is reaped in the life hereafter (134) and the fruits of good 
deeds are enjoyed in heaven (174) and the painful fruits of bad 
deeds suffered in Hell (Ntray*-*). It also prescribes doing good 
deeds without any desire for the results as in the Glta (134, 182). 

The concept o I Tnrarga (Dhanna, Artha and KSrna ) and of 
the fourth Puruyartto (Moksa) are briefly dealt . with in the 
Upanisads and DIiarnK-satra, and elaboratel y in the Mahsbharata ' 
they are lucidly dealt with m Tiru-k-kural, Nnla&ySr, Palamoli and 
similar works of the Sungam period. 

The Mimdakopanisad refers to two types of Vidyu which are to 
be known Para (the superior) and Aparn (the secondary). The 
Apard type includes the four Vedas and the six Angas namely 
Siksn (Phonetics), Kalpa (Directory for the Vedic rituals), Vynkarana 
(Grammar), Nirukta (Etymology), Chandas (Prosody) and Jyotisa 
(Astronomy). The Para Vidya is that by which the Imperishable 
Atman is realised. (Tatra apara rgvedo yajurvedati samavedo 'tharva- 
vedah siksa kaipo vyakaranam niruktam chando jyotiamiti. Atha 
pars yaya tadaksaram adhigamyate/ Muntf. I : 5). The Purannnuru 
refers to the four Vedas and the six Angas (166). Following the 
line of the Brahma-siitras which declare that all the Vedas, etc., have 
come from the Supreme Brahman, the Purananuru states that they 
have come from the Supreme Siva. . Tintmuruk&nu-p-palai (179-182) 
says that the twice-boi n mastered the four Vedas and six Angas in 
48 years (Arunankiratti...). Puranunufu says (2, 18-21) that the 
truth of the Vedas does not change like the natural sweetness of 
milk. The invocatory verse in Kali-t-tokai refers to Siva as the 
teacher of the Brahmans versed in the Vedas and the six Vedangas. 
The verse translated runs thus : 

The Brahmans versed in angas six 
Were taught by Thee in Vedas rare ; 
The Braids concealed the clear Ganges, 
Thy Fire did spread to Tripura *. 
And words fall back from Thee, and Thou 
Transcendeth all thoughts of human kind. 

The division of Society into four professional classes called 
Varrias based on the aptitude and obligation of its members is 
referred to in the later phase of the Vedic period and in the Dharma- 
tastras (Gaut. Dh. Sutra II-l-l, 7, 16, 50, 57, 62). Tolknppiyam 
(Marapu. 71, 72, 78, 81 & Purat. 16) refers to the duties of the four 
Vargas, Brahmaria (Parppanar), Ksatriya (Arasar), VaUya (Vanikar). 
and Sudra (Vciaiar). Here and in Kural the six duties of the 
Brahman a Adhyayanam (learning the Veda) Adhyapanam (teaching 
the Veda), Yajanam (performing Sacrifices) Yajanarn (officiating at 
the sacrijaces), Danam (giving gifts), and Pratigraha (accepting .gifts) 
are referred to. These are .referred teas "Otal, Otuvittal, Viftal, 
Vetpittal, Ital, and Er^aL The. scheme of the Iframas consisting of 
graded stages 'in life is meant for wan's, gradual spiritual evolution 

while fulfilling his duties from the material plane. The first stage is 
that of the Brahmacarin (the student of the Veda called Brahma) 
the second that of the Grhastha (House-holder), the third that of 
the anchorue called Vunaprastha or Vaikhanasa* and the fourth is 
that of the renouncer called Satiny asin, Bhiksu, Muni, Yati and 
ParivrUt or Parivrajaka. These are dealt with in the Dharma-Sutras 
ofApastamba (II-9-21), Gautama (1-3-3), and Vasistha (VIM-2) 
and in Manu-smrti. The Sannyasin and his characteristic kindness 
are referred to in Tolkappiyam (Purat. 17). The Mullai-p-pafiu 
(37-38) refers to his orange robe and Tridanda. The Kural (41) 
says that he should be honoured and protected by the Grhastha. 
Narrinai (141) says that the Vanaprastha wore matted locks, 
performed penance on hills and was kind to all. {Kural 280). The 
normal period of study for each Veda was 12 years for the 
Brahmacarin and his appearnce with the Yajnopavlta, &ikh& (Tuft of 
hair), Mekhala (girdle) and the Danda (stick) and the Kamangalu 
(pitcher) dealt with in the T>harma-sutras are referred to in Kapilar's 
Ainkurunuru (202), in Tirumurukafrup-palai (179, 184) and Kufuntokai 
(156). The Grhastha (house-holder) holds a pivotal and essential 
position in the scheme of Asramas. The Taittirlya Samhitd (6,3,10) 
and other works declare that a Brahmana is born with three debts 
first to the sages (Rsis) which he pays by Vedic study, next to the 
gods which he pays through offerings in the fire and thirdly to 
the ancestor which he pays by begetting progeny. This idea is 
referred to in Trika^ukam (34). The debt to the gods is referred to 
in PurananuTU (2) and Perumpnyarru-p-patai (315-316) and the debt 
to the departed Pitrs in Pufan&uru (9). The greatness and essential 
nature of the Gfhastha's Asrama are referred to in Gautama-dharma- 
sutra (1-3-3), Manu-sm T ti (VI, 87, 89, 90) also M.S. III. 70, 77 and 
Mahabhnrata in many places. This is referred to in Tirukural also. 
Five great sacrifices or forms of worship (Panca-mahd-yajnas) are 
enjoined in the daily duties of a house-holder. They are (1) 
Brahmayajna (Reciting Brahma, namely the Veda), (2) Pitr-yajna 
(Propitiating worship of ancestors through offering of water), 
(3) Daiva-yajna (Giving offerings in the sacred fires), (4) Bhuta-yajna 
(by offering particles of food to ants and other creatures of the 
lower order) and (5) Nr-yajna or Manu$ya-yajna (by entertaining 
honoured guests, like Sannyasins and others). The Vedic concept 
of offering obliations in the fire and of performing sacrifices for 
propitiating the gods are referred to in Purananiiru, Pattina-p-pvlai 
(200), Patfrru-p-pattu (21,70,74) Kali-t-tokai (36, 119) and Tim- 
murukarru-p-patai (94-6). The Gautama-dharma-sutra (1-5-13, 33) 
says that a house-holder should first feed guests, children, ailing 
persons, pregnant women, daughters and sisters, old people and 

the inferior (Junior) ones. The Acara-k-kovai (17) expresses 
tactically the same idea and further says, as in Vidura-niti of 
\fahnbhnrata that food, water, resting place, mat and sweet words 
should be offered to the ordinary guest at the house. 

The Dharma-sutras prescribe that a grhastha should get a 
uitable wife and in that connection the different types of marriage 
are mentioned. Vivaha (marriage) is a fundamental time-honoured 
social institution. The Dharma-sutras and Smrtis refer to eight 
types of marriage (Gaut. Dft. sutra, 1-4, 4-11, Manu._ S. 111-21; 
Yd] S. I, 58-61). They are Brahma, Prdjapatya Ara, Daiva, 
Gandharva A sura, Raksasa and Paisaca. In refined society the first 
four are recommended as in conformity with dharma (Gaut. Dh., 
Catvaro dharmyah prathamalj), the middle two, Gandharva and 
Asura are just permitted; and the last two, Rakasa and PaiSaca, 
tabooed. The author of Tolkappiyam refers to these in the sections 
dealing with Karpu and Kalavu and is of opinion that the first four 
belong to the Perunttyai variety, Gandharva to Kalavu and the las* 
three to the Kaikkilai type. The marriage sanctified in the presence 
of fire and approved by the parents and relatives of the couple is 
accepted as the norm to be followed. The words Udvaha, taking the 
girl out of the parent's home, Vivaha, taking the girl in a special 
way for a particular purpose for making her one's life-long partner, 
Partyaya or. Parinayanam going round the fire in pradaktfna, 
Upayama bringing near or making one's own and Pani-graharia, 
taking the hand of the girl indicate the totality of the several acts 
that go to make up the ceremony of marriage. The newly wedded 
couple going round the fire in pradak&na, the taking of seven steps 
together (sapta-padi) and the blessings offered on the bride by 
auspicious mothers dealt with in the Dharma-Ustra find expression 
in the Sangam classics like Kali-t-tokai (69 going round the fire), 
Perunarattu-p-patai (\66-gvin% seven steps together) and Akananuru 
(86-blessings conferred by four auspicious mothers). Tolkappiyar 
(Karpu 3) states that the marriage in the presence of fire as witness 
usually followed by the first three Varrjas was followed by the fourth 
Kar^a called Velalar in later times. Vivaha is \ T ^^ C ^^ 
referred to in detail in the Taittinya sarhhita-Vll-2-W Aitareya 
BrQhmana (27-5) and Tanfra-maha-brahmaria (VII-10-1). It is quite 
clear that this aspect of Vedic culture was in vogue in Tamil-nadu 
during the Sangam period and even before. 

The conception of the One Supreme Being, Brahman assuming 
three different Powers with forms for discharging its three Cerent 
functions of creation, protection and destruction ^ hinted m the 
Vedas and VedQnta sutras (Janmadyasya yataW and graphically 

described in the Epics and Puranas. The Vedic gods, Prajapati, 
Visnu and Rudra are developed into the concept of the Trinity- 
Brahma, Visnu and Siva. Stories are told to describe their great- 
ness, especially with that of Visnu through the many avataras 
ascribed to him for protecting the world when it is in distress. The 
stories of the goddess Durga and gods like Skanda (Muruka) are 
also narrated. It is interesting to note that Balarama, elder brother 
of Krsna, considered to be one of the ten Avatars of Visnu is worship- 
ped as a god and given a higher position in the Tamil classics than 
in the Sanskrit classics. The dramatist Bhasa consider Balarama as 
a god to be worshipped. The Sangarn works describe Brahma as 
born in the beginning (Kalittokai 2), from the lotus m Visnu's navel 
(Perumpati : 402-4), with four faces (Tirumiinik 164-65), the swan 
being his VQhana* 

Vinu (Tirumal) is considered to be the presiding deity of 
Mullai land, wielding the conch and the wheel (Sank ha and Cakra) 
in his two hands and as bearing LaksmI on his chest (Mullai-p-pafal, 
1-3), as blue in complexion (Purananuru 174), with lotus-eyes 
(Paripafal 15, 49), clad in a yellow robe (Paripdlal, 13, 1-2), wearing 
a garland on his chest (Paripatal, 8), Garuda as his banner 
(Purandn. 56, 6 ; Parip. 13,4) with Sravana as his star (Maturaiksnci 
591), as having humbled King Bali by measuring the three worlds 
in his three strides (Kali-t-tokai, 124-1), as the killer of the demon 
Kei (Kalit-tokai 103, 53-55) and as having killed Iliranyakasipu 
for the sake of his devoted son Prahlada. (Paripdtal, 4, 12-21). The 
Jkg-veda mentions the three strides of Visnu (RV. 1. 155. 2) and the 
other stories are seen in the Rdmayana> Mahabharata and the 
Purayas. Siva bears the Ganges in his matted locks (Kalittokai 38, 1) 
and the moon on his forehead (Puranftn. 91, 5). He is three-eyed 
(Pufanfin. 6, Kalittokai, 2, 4) carries an axe in his hand (Akandnun 
220, 5). The bull (Pungava) is his Vahana (Paripatal 8, 2) and he 
became Nilaka^tha (bluenecked) by drinking the poison which 
remained in his throat (Malaimatu, 83). These ideas are already 
found in the Ramayana (Uttara. 1, 16-32 ; 43-7) and Mahabharata 
(Adi. 18, 26 ; Amisasana 207). Further, the Ardra is said to be his 
star (Kalittokai 150, 20), is seated beneath the Va\a tree (Akandnuru 
151) with Uma as - his spouse (Tirumuruk. 151, 4 ; Maturai~k-kanci 
453-55). He is the creator of the five elements and the destroyer of 
the world in time (ParipataL 5, 13 ; Kalittokai. 103, 15). He made 
Ravana cry by pressing the Kailasa down when the latter tried to 
raise the, mountain on which the Lord was seated with Uma 
(Kalittokai, 38). The Tripura-daha by Lord Siva already narrated 
in the Sanskrit classics like Mahabharata (Karna Parvan. Chs. 24; 

25, 27, 30, etc.,) is described in Purananuru (55 ; 58), Paripatal ( 5 
22-26) and (Kalittokai 1 ; 2.). The asura called Avurian residing in 
an impregnable fortress, persecuted the gods and they sought Lord 
Siva's protection which was granted. Then the Earth became the 
chariot, the four Vedas, the four horses, Brahma, the charioteer 
Visiiu, the arrow, Mount Meru, the bow, Vasukl, the bow-string' 
and with their help Siva destroyed the three cities with a single 
arrow and defeated the demon. Durga and Muruka (Skanda) are 
invoked for victory in battle. Yudhisthira in Virata Parva and 
Arjuna in Bhisma Parvan of Mahnbharata invoke the blessings of 
Durga for future victory. Netunaivatai of Pattu-p-pattu (188 lines) 
by Nakklrar describes Nedunchezhiyan's wife as worshipping Durga 
called Korravai for the victory and safe return of her husband from 
battle. The Sanskrit classics Ramayaria and Mahabharata deal with 
the birth and exploits of Skanda. The Paripnfal also deals with the 
same subject. Tolkappiyam (Akat 5) speaks of Skanda (Murka, 
Ceyon) as the presiding deity of Kurinci land. The Pariputal (5, 14* 
18, 26-50), Tirwnurukarru-p-patai (260), Akananum (59), Puramntiru 
(23) deal with the birth of Skanda (Muruka) and his "exploits 
including the killing of Taraka andSura Padmasura. 

The rich vocabulary of Tamil was made richer in course of 
time by the adoption and adaptation of Sanskrit words along with 
the ideas in the Technical Sciences and Philosophy. In the post- 
Sangam period many Sanskrit classics were adapted or translated 
in Tamil with suitable changes to suit the new environments and 
customs of the times. Thus the Kambarnmnyanam of Kampar, the 
Bh&ratam of Villiputtur-alvar, the Kandapurartarn of Kacciyappasi- 
vScariar, are based on the Sanskrit originals. Konkuvel's Perunkatai 
is an adaptation from the Brhatkatha of Gu$a<lhya. The K$atracu- 
damani in Sanskrit is believed to be the source of Jivaka-cintamani 
by a Jain writer. 

Sanskrit literature was developed with the cooperative endea- 
vours of all the people of India since it served as a common medium 
of expressing higher thought which could reach all the parts of the 
country. The contribution of the great religious Acaryas and great 
poets of South India including Tamilnadu after mastering that 
language and making it their own is quite substantial like the 
contribution of Sanskrit scholars and poets who mastered TamiJ, 
made it their own and contributed richly to the development of 
Tamil literature. The Sangam poets like Kapilar, KaSyapar, Panar 
and probably Tolkappiyar too belong to that class of writers. 

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Madurai University 

Among the Aryan languages in India the oldest and the most 
important is Sanskrit. Among Dravidian languages in India the 
most ancient and the one endowed with the richest literature is 
Tamil. The influence of Sanskirt on Tamil is too obvious to be 
missed, and has been evident from very ancient times and persistent 
In the Tamil Sangam literature the influence of Sanskrit is clear 
but the autonomy of Tamil is equally manifest. From the period 
of the devotional literature downwards, Sanskritic thought patterns, 
religious ideas, epic norms, multiple figures of speech etc. make 
increasing impact on Tamil language and literature. The translation 
of Sanskrit epics into Tamil is a direct area of impact. But 
creation of local myths on the Sanskritic model, elaboration of 
Tamil grammatical principles to accommodate Sanskrit construction 
and the tradition of myth-making and relating it to sacred centres 
and the creation of Sthala Puranas are the consequence of Sanskrit 
influence. Rationalisation of ancient Tamil grammatical principles to 
create a background of Sanskritic influence as was attempted by 
rhetoricians and grammarians like Buddhamitra a by-product of 
Sanskritic influence; i.e., it is an influence not on the grammar but on 
the grammarians. The most notable example of this type is Senava- 
raiyar, commentator on the Tolkappiam. More ancient examples like 
the influence of Kautilya and Vatsyayana on Tiruvalluvar are 
well known. But Tamil more than any other language in India has 
maintained its autonomy in spite of considerable absorption of 
Sanskritic norms. The chief areas of this autonomy are the 
alphabet, the Aham literature, and the fourfold metrical form in 
prosody, and later elaboration of figures of speech. The spread and 
common acceptance of Sanskritic mythology however resulted in 

( 226 ) 

very considerable and basic changes in the diurnal life of the people, 
not excluding nomenclature, so that literature which is ultimately 
reflection of life got profoundly influenced by Sanskrit. 

It is in the nature of languages to influence and be influenced 
by other languages. In a multilingual country like India the mutual 
influence among the languages is a perpetual process leading to 
enrichment of all linguistic groups. This process commenced as 
early as Vedic Sanskrit. With the spread of the Aryan language 
and culture along the length and breadth of Bharatavarsa Sanskrit 
terminology representing the Aryan culture at its core must have 
found its way into native languages. 

On a conservative estimate it would be reasonable to suppose 
that Sanskrit language and their spokesman, the Brahmin, and other 
speakers of various Prakrits spread from Aryavarta to the south 
about the 4th cent. B.C. 

Then it was that Panini and classical Sanskrit began to 
influence the various linguistic groups in India; and Tamil which is 
spoken by the people of the extreme south of the peninsula was 
last and perhaps the least influenced by Sanskrit. The settlement of 
Jaina and Buddhist monks and Brahminical teachers in the southern 
districts was followed by the introduction of religio-philosophical 
terminology relevant to these sects into Tamil language. The 
Brahminical Pravara and Ootra system accompanied the migration 
of Brahmin families to the south and many early princely grants 
and endowments were made to Brahmins of particular 'Gotras like 
the Bharadvaja, the Kauridinya etc. Of course, Bharadvaja became in 
Tamil Barataya and Kauiiidinya became Kauriiya. The Putrakamesti 
and the Rajasuya were the more popular among the numerous 
sacrifices that the early Tamils learned to perform and naturally the 
technical terminology appropriate to Vedic sacrifices found its way 
into Tamil language. In the administrative system of the early 
Tamils it is surprising that while the king was Mannan, Vendan etc. 
all Tamil words there is no Tamil word to represent Minister. He 
was a Mantri or Amaichar ( Amatya ). There was perhaps 
no word even for Sabha which became Aval in Tamil. Sanskrit 
mythology and puranic lore was well known to them. A Perunde- 
vanar (a partially Tamilised form of Mahadeva) translated the 
Mahzbharata into Tamil even in the Sangam days. The story of 
the Ramayana and Sri Krsna's juvenile pranks were also known to 
them. The Paripadal for instance has an advanced account of 
Vai^ava, Saiva and Kaumara traditions. The Tirumuruganupa^ai 
mentions mantric worship of Muruga by a Brahmin priest. The 

introduction of mantric worship of indigenous village gods introduced 
bv a Chera prince Ilamcherai Irumporai finds mention in the 
Padirrupattu. The Tolkdppiam reputed as the earliest extant Tamil 
work,* reveals Sanskritic influence in many ways. Though it is not 
necessary to agree entirely with Senavaraiyar of the middle ages or 
P.A. Subrahmania Sastri of modern times in regard to Sanskritic 
origins for Tamil grammatical principles it would be difficult to go 
the whole hog with Nachchinarkiniar and say that words like 
Kalam, and Ulagam have nothing to do with Kfila and Loka of 
Sanskrit. In regard to figures of speech, though Tolkappiam does 
not know all the nuances of Kavyndarsa the very caption Uvama 
lyal takes from the word Upamana and for simile which is supposed 
to be the mother of all figures of speech there is no other word in 
Tamil. If to this we add Tolkappiar's knowledge of the fourfold 
community system of Andanar, Arasar, Vaisya and Vclala closely 
corresponding to the system of Caturvarna and his knowledge of 
the eightfold system of marriage of which the Gundharva is equated 
with Aham (Anbin Aindinai), then one has an idea of the influence 
of Sanskrit even in the ealriest stratum of Tamil language and litera- 
ture. Of course it is not surprising that this influence is brought 
about by Tolkappiar who is a Kavya, i.e., descended from the Kavi 
gotra (Kavi is the name of Sukra who was a Brahmin) and so was 
himself a Brahmin. But of course the greatest example of triple in- 
fluence of Sanskrit on Tamil literature is the KuraL The Aram, Porul, 
Inborn, Vl4u classification is the same as the Dharma* Artha, Kama, 
Moksa and Manu, Kautilya and Vatsyayana take care of Aram, Porul, 
and Inbam respectively. This is not to say that Valluvar translated 
any of the Sanskrit originals or entirely agreed with any one of them. 
But the influence is unmistakable. Uyirachcham is surely related to 
the Upadha: the punarcci-pirivu classification is synonymous with 
Sambhoga and Vipralambha classification in Sanskrit. With the 
advent of the Bhakti-&%e roughly about AJX 600 Sanskrit influence 
became pronounced and popular. The secularity of the Sangam 
age disappeared, no more to return. A deep religious concern 
marks the post-Sangam literature. More than 90% of the literature 
produced between 600800 A.D. was directly or indirectly connected 
with the religion of one denomination or another. The Tevaram 
and the other Saiva Tirumurais, the Nalayiram, the Chintamani, the 
philosophical texts like Sivajnmabodham, Ramnmijanurruntadi, the 
Periya Puranam and the numerous other Stalapuranas, Kallatfam, 
the mystic songs of Tirumular, Pattinattu Pillai and later of Tayuma- 
navarand Ramalingar, the pretty poems of a religious naturelike 
the Pillaitamil, Kovai, Kalambagam, Ula etc. and above all works like 
the Tiruppugal account for a high percentage of devotional literature 

in the eiitrire Tamil literature. This religious enthusiasm which in 
the days of the Alwars and Nayanmars bordered on fanaticism is 
a clear departure from the Sangam style of a non-partisan attitude 
to religion which might be either tolerance or indifference. The 
later style is clearly the product of deep Sanskritic influence. Even 
the nomenclature of persons and institutions bore on their face 
undoubted influence of Sanskrit. In the Sangam days the poets 
and wisemeii bore Sanskrit names like Gautama, Dharmaputra etc. 
But kings, chieftains, ministers, generals etc. bore clearly Tamil 
names. But from 600 A.D. downwards at the latest and from the 
Kalabhra invasion downwards, poets as well as princes assumed 
Sanskrit names. In this connection it would be interesting to 
contrast a name like Verpahradakkai Peruvirarkilli (Sangam age 
2nd cent. A.D,) with names like Narasiinhavarman, Paracakra- 
Kolahala, Jatavarman KulaSekhara etc. of later times. Even Sanskrit 
names were Tamilised suitably and adopted in the Sangam age 
like Kovalan for Gopalan, Uruttiran for Rudran or directly adopted 
from Prakrit like Kannan. But in later usage, direct adoption in 
Tamil without alteration of the original, became common. But it 
is noteworthy that many literary names preferred the Tamil form 
like Kambar, Sekkilar, Ottakuttar, Nachchinarkiniar, PeraSiriyar, 
Uraiasiriyar etc. while words partially Tamil and partially Sanskrit 
like Tiruttakkadevar, Senavaraiyar, Perundevanar were not objected 
to Buddhamitra, Neminatha, Pavanandi, Amitasagarar etc. were 
names conditioned by the author's religion. In the case of the 
philosophers, religious leaders and saints both varieties are common. 
The same person bears both forms of the same name like Navuk- 
karaSar and Vaglsa whereas Sambandar, Sundarar and Manikkava- 
chakar bear Sanskritic appellations. Among the Vaishnavite saints 
verv few bear Sanskrit names and the tradition persists after the 
10th cent, also among the commentators like Periavachchan Pillai. 
But Ramanuja himself along with VedantadeSikar wrote profusely 
in Sanskrit and bore a Sanskrit name. Thus it would be seen that 
SaS^eof Swricrit was rather indifferent frontally but very 
extensive and deep indirectly. Da*din, author of the Tamil Alankara 
work adopted the name of his Sanskrit counterpart of the 7th cent. 
Sandln the author of Kuvyadarsa and introduced the multiple 
foSfs of figures of speech into Tamil through his f*\ k *^ 
Mranalankaram which came later, further improved on this along 
Sanskritic lines. 

poets like Bharavi author of the Kirntarjunlyam, writing 

H out. 

Sanskrit became the language for philosophical discussion and 
exposition, gankara^and Ratnanuja preferred that medium while 
the author of the Sivajnanahodham, though entitling his work in 
Sanskrit, preferred to write in Tamil. 

Tamil composition in prose as well as in verse came to be 
influenced heavily by Sanskrit after the 9th cent i.e., when the age 
of the Alvars and Nayanmars had come to an end. But the age of 
the editors of religious texts, and the commentators had started- 
Nambiasdarnambi and the commentators on Sivajnanabodham on 
the one hand Nadamunigal and the commentators on the Nalayiram 
on the other. The Vaishnavite commentators evidently following 
the traditions of Jaina work like Mapurdnam and Sripuranam 
commenced writing a mixed style, part Sanskrit and part Tamil 
with substantives and verbs in Sanskrit mostly and case endings 
and sentence structures in Tamil. They called it the Manipravala 
style. This style was not adopted by the Saivites. These were 
stages in the evolution of prose style in Tamil under Sanskritic influ- 
ence as the difference between the commentary on the Iraiyanar 
Ahapporul and that on Tiruvdymoli by Periavachchanpillai will 
show. The commentaries on the purely literary works however 
avoided Sanskritic expression as far as possible and that tradition 
changed only recently i.e., when under the influence of European 
languages simple prose, easily understood, was deemed better than 
obscure expressions and constructions and the use of archaic terms 

In poetry too the influence of Sanskrit vocabulary is unmis- 
takable. The Bhakti-literature permits itself of a higher percentage 
of Sanskrit words in tbe composition of devotional hymns. But 
progressively percentage of Sanskrit words in Tamil devotional 
compositions increases steeply as can be seen by comparing the 
Tirumurugarrupadai and the Paripa<Jal with the Tevaram and the 
Tiruvaymoli and these latter with the compositions of Pattinattar 
and then those with the Tiruppugal of Arunagiri. Tayumanavar 
continued Anmagiri's tradition. Epic writers generally followed the 
mpIeofTfruttakkadovarm format, style, diction and imagery. 
This is true of Sekk.lar and Kambar but Villiputturar, the author of 
the condensed Mahabharata? employed Sanskrit words and phrases 
freely and took for granted in his readers an intimate knowledge 
r f COUrSe *"** com P os ^ Sanskrit 

, , c o av 


in Tamil of The Sanskrit Mahakavya 
Salabharata by Agastya Panama of the 13th century A.D. 

part of the Tamil country in the 9th cent.), Ramanuja, Vedanta- 
deika, Appayadiksita, Govinda Dlksita and many others of equal 
eminence could be cited as contributors to the corpus of Sanskrit 
literature. The pervasive influence of Sanskrit therefore resulted 
not only in the refashioning of Tamil diction and style but in the 
creation of purely Sanskritic works as well. The Nigan<Jus in 
Tamil followed the Amara and other Kosas and Nighanfus in 
Sanskrit; very early i.e., about 1,400 years ago morals and diadatic 
preachings culled from Sanskritic dharmasastras are found reflected 
in works like the Acharakkovi in Tamil. 

The question of Tamil indebtedness to Sanskrit basically has 
agitated the minds of the commentators of grammatical works and 
has yielded different answers. Nachchinarkiniar and Senavaraiyar 
commenting on the Tolkappiam have tended to hold variant views on 
the autonomy of Tamil grammatical structure and principle, the 
former affirming full autonomy and the latter heavily qualifying it. 
Tolkappiar himself knew that Sanskrit was a force to be reckoned 
with, language and literature ultimately influencing the way of life 
of the people. So he had a chapter on Vadarnoliakkam (the modes 
of accommodating Sanskrit words) and he distinguished between 
Vadas"ol (Sanskrit words written in Tamil script and appropriately 
Tamil ised) and Aryam (Sanskrit word in Sanskrit script). Pavan- 
andi of a later age was more flexible and provided elaborate rules 
for Sanskrit construction in Tamil. The field of prosody absorbs 
viruttam meter which became popular soon; the field of figures of 
speech and rhetoric absorbed all the forms contemplated in 
Kavyadarsa and even more; the field of Orthography remaining 
somewhat rigid, like Rama having to be written Irdma, etymology 
and syntax becoming slightly more flexible with Sanskritic Sandhis 
becoming more common. The Buddhist and Jaina rhetoricians 
and grammarians who had a near monopoly of writing Tamil 
grammatical texts and commentaries from the 10th to 15th cent, 
vide NeminUtham, Yapparunkalam, Yapperunkala, Karikai* VTrasoliyam, 
Nannul introduced changes of a far reaching nature into Tamil 
language. The author of the Virasoliyam consciously introduced 
Sanskritic structure and rationalised Tamil grammatical principles 
from the Sanskrit angle. This attitude was energetically pursued 
by IganadeSikar, author of Ilakkariakottu and Subrahmania Diksitar, 
author of the Prayoga Vivekam and in roodern times by P.S. Subrah- 
mania Sastri who extensively wrote on Tamil indebtedness to 
Sanskrit in the field of grammar. Ail these will not mean that 
either these rationalisers or their opponents are correct. A reaction 
to excessive democratisation of style and hybridisation of diction 

in modern limes lo the 

of purism,, 

As an adjunct 

about the i cent A,D, the construction of temples became 
important social activity; and religious architecture 
and worship patterns came in for much thought and 
literature was a consequence, This was written in Sanskrit or a 
Tamil or in a mixture of both in varying proportions written * 
in Najari, Tamil or Grantha script, The Grantha 
innovated to,accomjnodate Sanskrit al 



Director, Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore 

Sanskrit in ancient India was the cultural gold currency, 
against which the general worth of literatures in the regional 
languages was measured. The early phase of the developmental 
history of all the Indo-Aryan languages present the same 

The early phase of literary activity is one of transcreation of 
the epics and the scriptural literature. The various Puranas, Gltas 
Samhitas, besides the Sarala, Mahabharata, Dandi Ramayana and 
the Bhagavata in Oriya bear testimony to the omnipresence of 
Sanskritic form and metamorphosed content. Even the earliest 
popular songs Koili and cautisa which continued to flourish 
until the end of the 18th Century can be traced to Sanskrit 

The 17th and the 18th centuries saw the evolution of a type 
of Oriya literature which claimed recoguition as being in no way 
inferior in excellence to the Sanskrit literature. 

Upendra and other Oriya writers were well versed in the 
tradition of Sanskrit. They took the Sanskrit Kavya model and 
created unparalleled literary masterpieces based on the traditional 
culture of Orissa. 

The dawn of modernity in Oriya literature was with the advent 
of Radhanath Ray (1848-1908). Although there is V*** 
western influence during this period Sanskrit continued to prov^e 
stimulus to writers of this period in selecting as well as depicting 
specific themes. Sanskrit for the modern writer m search of an 

( 233 ) 

identity is a bright star in the distant horizon from which h - 
at best eager to draw sustenance in relating hi s ; '* 
present with the tradition. ^ 

Oriya language through ages has been indebted to Sansk V 
style, content, mode, taste, syntax, metre, diction and other '" 
ponents. Sanskrit opened up the vast cultural treasure of an ' ' 
India to the Oriya poets, who freely drew upon its generous bo " 
to enrich indigenous literature. The large bulk of tatsama I 
tadbhava vocabulary connot be understood without reference! 
Sanskrit. The contributions of Oriya scholars to Sanskrit liter 
ture and scholarship is a subject of special discourse. But schola' 
ship in Sanskrit and creativity in Oriyu had gone hand in y 
for almost seven hundred years whether it is for purpose of brio 
ing the language closer to Sanskrit or establish it on its owna% 
from Sanskrit. 


Utkal University, Orissa 

The Sanskrit as well as the Oriya Bhagavta Purana are very 
popular religious scriptures of Orissa. In most of the Hindu villa- 
ges of Orissa "Bhagavat Ghar" is a sacred institution where palm- 
leaf manuscripts of Jagannath Das's Oriya Bhagavata (16th C.A.D.) 
are worshipped in the form of Vasudeva or Visrui. Jagannath 
Das translated the Sanskrit Bhagavata Purana into Oriya when Sri 
Chaitanya was residing at Puri (1509-10 A.D.) and this Oriya 
Bhagavata Purana, led to the spread of Vaishnavism in Orissa. 

Apart from the Oriya Bhagavata Purana, rightly called the 
Bible of the Oriyas, the Skt. Bhagavata Puraria, was also in vogue. 
During my research tour to different interior parts of Orissa for 
survey and collection of palm-leaf manuscripts I accidentally dis- 
covered some portions of the Bhagavata Purana consisting of 105 
pages. The size of the manuscript is 10" X 10" and the material 
is hand-made polished paper. The date of the manuscript goes 
back to the 18th Century A.D. Each page of the manuscript is 
illuminated with multicoloured paintings on the different episodes 
of the Bhagavata. Studying the style of the painting I came to the 
conclusion that the art of the paintings in this Bhagavata Purana 
ms. is of the later Moghul school. The script of the ms. is bold 
Devanagarl. The importance of this rare and valuable ms. lies 
in the excellence of these colourful paintings which require further 
siudy, research and lastly their publication. 

( 235 ) 



Professor & Head of the Department of Sanskrit 
University of Udaipur, Udaipur] 

Early Indo- Aryan, Middle In do- Aryan and Modern Indo- 
Aryan : these are the three stages in the development of the Indo 
Aryan language, the first always remaining the linguistic and 
litrary source of the latter two. Rajasthani is no exception to the 
rule. It was around llth century A.D. onward that from the 
ApabhramSa 1 developed a number of dialects in the region compris- 
ing whole of modern Rajasthan, parts of Malwa, Saurastra, Sindh 
and Panjab. Important amongst these dialects are : (1) Marwari 2 

1. Prdkrtacandrikd lists twenty-seven varieties of ApabhramSa ; 

: \ 

Grierson in his Linguistic Survey of India identifies Nagara 
ApabhrarhSa as the source of the language of Rajasthan, 
S. K. Chatterjee prefers to call it Sauratra ApabhrarhSa 
(Vide Rdjasthvrii Bha& 9 Udaipur, 1949, p. 65) while K. M. 
Munshi calls it Gurjarl Apabhraiftsa. 

2. Mewari spoken in Udaipur division is considered a sub- 
dialect of MarwarL It is spoken in Jodhpur, Bikaner, Sirohi, 
South-west parts of Ajmer-Merwara, in some parts of 
Kishangarh and Palanpur, Shekhavati, Sindh and in southern 
parts of Panjab, 

( 236 ) 

f ; f Dhfindbfidi (smV H) Malvji ^ Mevati* and 

its liters y content abounding m the vorks of Sdinta like 
Did a ifa mflucnLCK.1 by Bnj Bha^a. 

4 Cunisnt mainly in Mab*a but spoken in part* of Mewar also. 
Bes'de^ Maiwai J and Dhflndliadl, Marathi has also mftuencej 

r* maw ISTCT *r TtVw i Ibid, 156 

- ' Ibid. 157 

vas recognised as a 

portion of their vocabulary and the whole of their inflectional 
system being derived from this source. Whatever may be the 
opinions held as to the subsequent influences which they under* 
went, no doubt can fairly be cast on this fundamental 
proposition." 8 

The vocabulary of early Rajasthani 9 contains a comparatively 
small percentage of Tatsama words (say 20%)whereas the percentage 
of Tadbhava words derived from Sanskrit (either through the 
process of Prak^t or directly) and of Desaja words is extremely 
large. The words of Persian and of other non-Aryan source are 
also in small number. In view of the large percentage of Tadbhava 
and Desaja words, a thorough study of the Rajasthani language in 
all its developments will prove amply rewarding. An examination 
of the three thousand words occurring in the Kanavajja Samaya of 
the Prthvi Raja Rdso reveals 10 that the percentage of Tatsamavisifa 
is 16 and that the Persian words constitute a very small fragment 
as they are only fifty. Among the Tatsama words occurring in the 
above text the following be noted : 

f *FTT, sfjf^T, sr^^T, srar, srar, *n=*fN|[, 
snr, sr*, srw, sr^ftrcr, rnicr, msngr, 5nra%, ^fr, 

8. A comparative Grammar of the modern Aryan Languages of 
India, John Beanies. Chapter I, p. 2, Munshi Ram Manohar 
Lai, New Delhi, 1970. 

9. Speaking about the percentage of Sanskrit, Prakrta and 
Apabhramsa words on the one hand and the words of Arabic 
and Persian origin on the other in the Dirigal literature as 
whole Motilal Menaria has observed : 

Hindi and other modern Indian languages have definitely 
larger percentage of Arabic and Persian words and less of 
Tatsama words than Rajasthani. 


10. See p. 148, Prthvi Rzja Rdso Ki Bhas& by Manvar Singh, 
Sarasvati Press, Benaras, 1956. Vipin Behari Trivedi has 
listed 450 words in his edition of the text "Chandavardai Aur 
Unka Kavya"> pp. 313-346. Considering the size of the text 
this number is very small, 



An analysis of the nature of Tadbhava words in the Prthvi 
will require a comprehensive discussion on the Rajasthani 
language pi oper, its phonology, formation of nouns and verbs in 
it etc., which is not very pertinent for our purpose here. The poet 
of the Prthvi Raja Rasa suffers from a pathetic desire to introduce 
Sanskrit in his work. He fails miserably in writing any verse 
correctly in Sanskrit. Nevertheless, a number of stanzas are found 
here which are full of some kind of corrupted Sanskrit. The 
Sanskrit was employed perhaps to demonstrate knowledge of the 
language of the learned and thus to earn recognition of the Pandits. 
Some examples of this may be found interesting and will even- 
tually illustrate how early literature in Indo-Aryan languages \ 
imitated, though very poorly, the form of Sanskrit. What they 
wrote was semblance or imitation of Sanskrit and never Sanskrit. 
In the Kanavajja Samaya there are eight chandas in this corrupted 
Sanskrit. They are : 

Kavya : Verse Nos. 20.95, 141. 

ataka : 14O. 

Arya: 147. 

Sloka : 179, 188.194. 

The Kavya (Verse No. 20) is as follows : 
5T^ 3f?^r sp*re?rr ^Rw?* 
cf ^cst ^^TTW^T^^ cj 

The Arya is as given below : 


Verse No. 147 
The loka is : 

Verse No. 188 

Another Sloka is : 

3rr*r TO^TI^R: 1 1 

Verse No. 194 

In Trotaka also e m' is used to give the semblance of Sanskrit 
as in Trotaka Nos. 21-31 : 


for srfirTTsf |f^r *TT?T fefesrr^r i 
Verse No. 28 

Similarly again in Trotaka Nos. 203-211, 282-298 V ' 
employed to symbolise Sanskritism. Gatha (see verse No. m 
Naraca (see verse No. 248) also at times employed the 'm' trick' 
The following Gatha is interesting as it embodies with necessary 
modification and simile an oft-quoted Sanskrit saying : 
and reads like Sanskrit : 

Verse No. 273 

The above examples of uses of corrupted Sanskrit in 
Raja-rasa demonstrate the unavoidable impact of Sanskrit S 
overRajasthani. There is a popular saying that * PRT tf 

? etS f early Uterature in Rasthfln seemed to 
dictum to maintain their propular prestige as poets 

bl " 


^ languages > ^ch invariably included Sanskrit 

' "" ^ Unchall -^ d way over the claims 

" "" f '"' 

f the P rtaat Characteristics of Rajasthani is the 


It was observed earlier that the percentage of Tatsama words 
in the Prthvi Raja Raso is very small (about 20%). Thh increased 
in later works of Rajasthani, particularly from the 1 6th century 
A. D. onwards. The Belt Krisana RukminT Ri (1580 A. D.) by 
Prthvi Raj Rathora bears testimony to this. To illustrate : 

; 3ft*T 

Sanskrit words such as Aruna, Abhirama, Kanja, Nayana, 
Griva, Pataiiga* Dhanus* are abundantly used in the Dingal Litera- 
ture of centuries that followed. The most brilliant poet of Dingal 
in the 19th Century, Suryamal Misrana had freely mixed Sanskrit 
in his historical poem, the Vamsabhdskara. It may also be noted 
in passing that in Rajasthani works, dealing with Sastraic subjects 
(Prosody, rhetorics, astrology, Darsana etc.) and in translations or 
adaptations or in works based on Sanskrit literature (for example, 
Ramayana and Mahdbharatd) the percentage was still higher. How- 
ever, the Rajasthani works in prose had always a higher percentage 
of Tadbhava words, even words of Persian origin, such as ^<a tor, 
srrarsr, ^rmcr, ^r*rrar, 5*t*r, ^Fto, sssr, <*TC*TFT, *r^ft etc. were freely 
used. So much about the impact of Sanskrit on the vocabulary of 
Rajasthani. Now we pass on to its structural and inflectional 

Sanskrit is synthetical or inflectional. Hindi like English and 
many other modern Indian languages, is analytical. 11 In a synthe- 
tical languages particles are not separable. They are incorporated 
into the words which they modify by varying the terminal syllable 
or syllables. In an analytical language particles are not even 
recognisable as constituent elements of the word with which they 
are incorporated and new auxiliary words have to be brought in to 
i express the necessary modification of sense. 12 " Rajasthani, unlike 

11. From synthetical to analytical is a natural stage of linguistic 
growth and one need not import the question of Dravidian 
influence over analytical Indo- Aryan languages like Hindi, 
Gujarati, Sindhi' Panjabi, Bengali, and Oriya as John Beames 
has rightly pointed out. Reference as under 12. 

12. Vide Introduction Vol. I, Ch. I in "A comparative Grammar 
of the Modern Aryan languages of India." by John Beames, 
Munshi Ram Manoharlal, New Delhi, Reprint 1970. 

Hindi, preserves both the inflectional and analytical forms. * 

1. Nominative Singular, Masculine (by termination in e) : 

*rre TT 

2. Nominative singular, masculine (by termination in simple 
stem) : 

(1) ^t^ft fsrfsTTTST (Kanavajja Sarnaya, 3362) 




3. Nominative singular masculine (by termination in *u*) 

(1) ^1^^ ( ^?f^^^ <u TT^T 336.6) 

(2) <rwt ?rr^r ^n=^ 

4. Nominative plural masculine (by termination in a) 

5, Nominative plural masculine (by termination in ^f 

6. Nominative singular feminine (formed by termination in 
T and e a*) : 

(1) nftr (2) 

7. Nominative plural feminine (by termination in srf ) 
( 1 ) 

The accusative singular of masculine is formed by either 
termination in simple stem or in <u* or in V. For example : 

13. It is clear from the above examples that Nominative 
singular of Masculine is formed by termination in (i) u 
(n) <? (iii) Simple stem, and of feminine by termination 
in (i) and <*rf\ The Nominative plural of masculine is 
formed by termination *rr and feminine by <*rf\ 

( 2 ) 
( 3 ) 

The accusative plural masculine and feminine is formed by 
?lf and Eft 1 *- For example : 


The accusative singular feminine is formed by termination c i* 
and e a*. For example : spsrrfr and STT^r. 

The instrumental singular masculine asid feminine is formed 
by *i' and *e' and plural (both masculine and feminine) by *e* and 
'An'. 15 For example : 

(1) sf>7re^5r fe*?<?r?T ^RIT 
( 2 ) ^ frRc?fcrcrT isz ( 

The dative is formed by V 6 Nu' and srf in singular and by 
only 5TT in plural. For example : 

( l ) spsr? ^ TRT ^>T5T^ff ^ftf ^V ^artf i 

(2) i*rt ^^r 5^ g^rf, ^fcr f^TT^f ^t^r i (*ft$^fteft) 

Ablative is formed by 9; and ^ff. For example : 

(1) ?TT^ ff^f^T^r ^rra ?r ^PT ^Tq^ft i 

(2) f%f ^ ^m HFflr *ym (%f^) 

(3) cfT^r fetOT mf^^fr (m^i^) 

Genitive is formed by WW[ ^ a nd ^- lfl For Example: 

ll In the Prthvi Raja Rasa -Hi' is used for the accusative. As in 


15 For plural <na> is often used here which is perhaps the short 
form for *CFTW S in Sanskrit. Examples. 

3, , 

16 The Genitive is also found without any ending. In such 
?he Tatpurusa compound may also be suspected. 



Locative singular is formed by <t and plural additionally 
by $ft. For example : 



For vocation either a simple uninflected stem is used or 
ir and ^ are prefixed to the stem. 

From the above examples two facts stand out. Rajasthani, 

maintains, like Sanskrit, synthetical forms and secondly, its particles 

inseparable from the sterns are a few and many of these are 

employed in different cases. Thus V particles can be used in all 

' cases of singular masculine. In plural generally ^rt or srf is used. 

Another important feature is the use of the uninflected stems in 

a number of cases like instrumental, dative, genitive and the locative. 

Side by side with synthetical forms Rajasthani developed analytical 

"forms under the influence of the Apabhrarhsa. In Rajasthani two 

or more post-propositions are found for different cases except the 

nominative and the vocative which have none. 17 

It is clear from the above that the Rajasthani language has in 
its declension of nouns a great variety, namely : 

17. Post-propositions are as under : 

(1) Accusative : 

(2) Instrumental 

(3) Dative : 

(4) Ablative 

*nr, *?!% fa", 5 37, 

(5) Genitive TT, ft, ^, ^T, <sft, 

(6) Locative : ^'^TT, Tf^J, irf, *TTW?T, 

(1) Uniflectional i. e. where simple stem is usbil without 
ending. We have in Sanskrit such un characterised imaginative 
neuters to the stems in H and in nominative feminines ending in 
<a' (Rama) and those in T of the *DevF class. The locative without 
ending (which is the oldest form in Sanskrit) appears in n stems 
(for example, Ahan, Sirsan, Murdhan) and in the Vrddhi forms of 
the e i' and c u' stems. 

(2) Inflectional form has been treated at length and it has 
been pointed out how Rajasthani, unlike Hindi and some other 
modern Indian languages, is similar in this respect with Sanskrit. 

(3) Analytical form of the Rajasthani brings it closer to Hindi 
and other modern Indian languages of India and marks the impact 
of the Apabhrarhsa. 

Other important linguistics peculiarities of Rajasthani marking 
the influence of Sanskrit may now be rioted briefly : 

(1) In Dingal both dental and cerebral T is found, while 
dental T is common to Classical Sanskrit and other modern Indian 
languages ; cerebral T is found in Vedic Sanskrit, Marathi, Gujarati, 
and Lahandi, Sindi and Oriya only. There are a number of words 
ending with cerebral T where if T were pronounced dentally, it 
will change its meaning. 18 For example : 

1. Mali, Gardner ; Mali, Financial 

2. Mahal, Woman ; Mahala, Palace 

3. Cancala, horse ; Cancala, fickle. 

(2) In Vedic Sanskrit accent or stress on a particular syllable 
determines the meaning of a Word, in Rajasthani stress on a 
particular syllable or lack of it changes the meaning. For example : 

Nara Woman, Lion 

Kada Height, When 

Maur Coin, back 

Pira Pain, Bride's parental home. 

(3) Although palatal s does not exist in Rajasthani and it is 
always represented by dental S in its script but in P ronun ^ n 
both are distinguished. Thus Sastra in writing is read as Sastra 
Caturdasa as Jaturdasa. This was clearly to maintain correct 
pronunciation of the Tatsama and Tadbhava Sanskrit *.^* Tatsama 
larly cerebral V is generally pronounced as * Kha V^nr example 
Sanskrit words the cerebral pronunciation is respected For example, 
Posa, I$adha and Bhisma. ^__ 

18. In old Rajasthani Script cerebral T was written *** 
However it was always pronounced as cerebral as in tmru 
wherellso there is no separate character for cerebral. 

(4) Independent changes into ri, for example Rsi i n R a j as . 
thani becomes Risi but m words with conjoined syllables, generally 
Tatsamas, the has been retained as in Snifti and Vrta. 

(5) Words of Sanskrit origin changed into Tadbhavas, by 
various devices, as illustrated in the following examples : 

(by changing r into ra or its position) 

(by replacing e by he ; 5 by ch and v# by nui) 

(iii) ^"^> ^t^* 
(by replacing au by 7/) 

(iv) ^nrt[K> ^TRR, 5f^^> ??rT 

(by adding *Ha* and r^) 

(v) ?TRW> ^^r 

(by adding a vowel in the beginning) 

i) 3ftenJr> sffcFT, TTT t ^> ^TR 
changing words of N-stem into na) 



(6) For tadbhava indeclinables the following words of Rajas- 
thani may be listed : 

(7) In old Rajasthani, which was influenced to a large extent 
by Gujarati, there were three genders as in Sanskrit. But later on 

neuters have been included in masculines as in Hindi, Punjabi and 

(8) Agreement of the adjectives with their substantive is 
found both in Sanskrit and DingaL 

(9) A simple future derived from the synthetical tense in 
Sanskrit exists in Rajasthani. For example : VTW*, *K&, vwrf, 

. JTOft and wf It is the Sanskrit future Isya as in karifvami 
is retained by Rajasthani through karissnmi in Prakyta 

Side by side with karissati we get in Prakrta ^f^t and thus in 
Chand, simple future t forms are found as in Tulasi : 

Rajasthani has an interesting variety of metres. Doha, Kavitta, 
Chhapaya, Nisam, Jhulana, Kuntfaliya, Davavaita, Vacanika. Jhamal, 
Be-akkhari *md Gita 9 and more particularly Doha (perhaps from 
Dodhaka or Dogdhaka in Sanskrit) Kavitta and Git a, are mostly 
favoured by the Rajasthani poets. 20 A number of varieties of the 
Dingala metres were named in Sanskrit such as Vidyadhar, Laksmi- 
jhara Sdranga, Modaka, Nnraca, Ardha-Narnca, Car cart Amrtadh- 
vani. Amongst Sanskrit metres freely used in Rajasthani are 
Upendravajra, Bhujanga-prayata, Tar ala- nay an a, Muktadama. Trotaka, 
Camara, Sardulavikri&ta, Gitikn, HarigiUka, (L e. Hariglta in Sans- 
krit) Chappaya, (Asfapadi in Sanskrit), Vacanika and Paddhan 
(Padhari in Rajasthani). Use of a great number of Sanskrit metres 
in Rajasthani underlines their close relationship. 

Employment of the Alamkaras is sine qua nan of literary 
language Alamkaras of Sanskrit are not only discussed and illus- 
trated in Rajasthani Rhetoric but are freely used in literature 
Sven below is the list of important alamkaras employed with or 

19. In Rajasthani simple future is also found by use of la, as in 



20. A number of metrical works in Rajasthani were written. The 

most important amongst them are listed below : 

(1) cM*!* ^T^, (2) wnwrrftmr O) 
ntenfr (4) ^rc^r**r*r (5) f&r^* (6) 

Number of many poetical works in Rajasthani are named 
after the metres that they use. For example : 

without any effort in important works of Dingal. 21 
Sanskrit Alankaras in the Veil Krisana Rukmdni Ri : 

(1) Anuprasa-13 ; Yamaka-10 ; Slesa-9 ; Vakrokti-7 ; Citra-L 

(2) Rupaka-58 ; Utpreksa-44 ; Upama-37 ; Svabhavokti-16 ; 
DIpaka-10 ; Apahnuti-10 ; Yathasamkhya-9 ; VyaghataV; 
Parikara-8 ; Ullekha-7 ; Virodhabhasa, Sarhdeha, Udatts| 
Samasokti, Atisayokti (each six times) Hetu-5 ; Samuccaya-5 ; 
Vibhavana-4 ; Vyatireka-4 ; Pratipa-4 : Nidarsana, Kavyartha' 
patti, Atyukti, Bhrantiman, Parikaraiikura, Paryaya (each 
three times) ; Drstanta, Sara, Paryayokti, Ekavali, Mllita, 
anyonya, Yisesa, Anumana, and Pramana (each twice) and 
ViSesokti, Tulyayogita, Adhika, Udaharana, Sahokti, Prahar- 
sana and Suksma (each once only). 

Dhavalapacm of Bankidas 

Each 'Doha or Soratha has one or more Alamkfiras. However 
only 14 arthalarnka!ras are used. Besides Hetu and Vicitra, each 
occurring eight times, Sama occurs four times and Aksepa three 
times. Each of Aprastuta-prasamsa, Samuccaya, Vidhi and Udatta 
are employed twice only. The remaining alarhkaras, Adhika, Anan- 
vaya, Sambhava, Nirukti, Visada and Vinokti occur only once. 

In another work of his, the Mtimanjarl, Bankidas has used 
twelve arthdlankaras including Drstanta, Parinama, Upama, Krama 
and Vyaghnta (which are not found on the Dhavalpaclsl). The best 
poet of Rajasthani even in using alankaras of Sabda and Artha is 
Suryamala Misana. In his Virasatasai, Sabddlankaras (besides 
Vayanasagai alankara of Rajasthani) include Chekanuprdsa, Vjrttya- 
nuprasa, Srutyanuprasa, Anty&nuprasa, Latanuprasa> and Yamaka. 
The Arthalankaras used in this Virasatasai include Upamd, Utpreka> 
Rupaka, Parikarankura, Kdvyalinga, Apahmtti, Dipaka, Atisayokti, 
Atyukti (a kind of Uddtta), Anumana, Vtbhdvand, Drstdnta, Svabhfr 
vokti, Rupakdttiayokti, Parydyokti, Anyokti, Asangati, Samdsokti, 
Samdeha, Bhrdntimdn, Vyatireka, Visesokti, Vydjastuti, Nidarfana, 

21. Vaina Sagain (or harmonious relationship of the syllables) 
is exclusively Rajasthani alankura. It has a bewildering variety 
and is most frequently used by all the poets* It may not 
be Anuprasa or any of its variety, found in Sanskrit but 
there can be no doubt that it evolved under great impact and 
extensive use of the Anuprasa and other Citrdlankdras in 
Sanskrit. Figures after the Alankara indicate the frequency 
of the alankara. 

* Adhika, Uclatta and Praharsana. Besides onomatopoeia, 
personification and euphemism are also used in Virasatasai?^ 

The poet of the Dhola Maru Rn Doha, having 41 alankaras, 
is very fond of using alarikaras based on similitude. Thus Upama 
is used 109 times, Rupaka and Utprreka 37 and 32 times 

Rajasthani Literature has been enriched by all important 
sections of society. Caranas take the lion's share and their contri- 
bution is the largest. Jamas are next to Caranas only and their 
contribution to Rajasthani may not be excellent but is very 
important, 23 to study the evolution of the Rajasthani language 

22. Some illustrations of the alankaras from the Virasatasai : 
Upama : Rupaka : 

*r ^tsft *?*** ^ 

Kavyalinga : 

279 u 

Apahnuti : Atisayokti (with Utprekd) 


ft ST3TS II 164 


3T3T f? U 34 It 
Sandeha Vibhavana : 

* tfrcr i 174 i ftr ^rrtr ^ wit i 174 


23. The list of Jain writers is very large. They *** 
Sanskrit and Rajasthani literature to a very great extent. Some 
of the Tainas like Jina-vallabha Suri, Jinaprabhasuri, Samaya- 
sundira, Dharmavardhana, JfianasSra wrote m Sansknt and 
Rajasthani with equal felicity. 

from its earliest beginning to the modern times. Kings contributed 
to the Rajasthani in no small measure. The Krisna Rukmirtf ft 
Beli by king Prithvi Raj is an outstanding work of Rajasthani 
literature. Amongst the Brahmins the names of Narapati Nalh, 
celebrated poet of Bisaladeva Raso, Srldhara Vyas who composed 
Rand Mala, Chand and Saptasatichand, of Padmanabha who is 
famous for Kanhana De Prabandha and of Vyas Bhanda the poet of 
Hammirayana, deserve special mention. A kayastha poet, Ganapati 
composed (Samvat 1554) the Kamakandala Prabandha, a love-poem 
containing 2500 Dohas. Another Kayastha versified in Rajasthani 
the Bhagavata and the Gits (available in the collection of Manus- 
cripts of Agarachanda Nahata) A Muslim poet, named, Dhadhi 
Badara wrote ^/ravawa, Jana, a Muslim poet of great repute is 
credited with the authorship of seventy-five works, many of which 
are in Rajasthani and deal with Srngara. He was well-versed in 
Arabic; Persian, Sanskrit and Rajasthani. 

The most important class of literature is by Caranas 
and Bhatas which is in Dingal and is predominantly poetry of 
bravery abounding in Vlra Rasa. 24 This constitutes the largest 
part of Rajasthani literature. The Carana poetry is found in the 
form of Prabandha 25 (which includes certain characteristics of a 
Mahakavya in Sanskrit), Glta and in the form of other chandas 
such as Chappaya, Doha, Savaiya, Kavitta. The Prabandha form is 
borrowed from Sanskrit. However, Prabandhas called Visara 
eulogising valiant deeds and the poetry of bravery or vlrakavya are 
specially and almost exclusively developed in Rajasthani. The 
erotic and devotional Prabandhas are to a large extent based on 
either the BMgavata or the Ramayana. Rltikavyas. such as, Hwi 
Pingala, Prabandha Lakhapata Pingala, Raghunatha Rtipaka 
Gitaro, described elements of prosody and rhetoric of Sanskrit 
The Glta in Rajasthani is the type of Kha^dakavya like 

24. Some caranas have composed secular love-poems and still 
others have translated the Rzmayana and Mahabharata and 
other Sanskrit works. 

25. The number of Prabandhas is very large, the more important 

"* ^ n,?f r A adaiSS Prtkvl Rdja Rns ; WiKift* 

ft? i A ' a) f PfthVi RSja on the ibdi 
of the Bhagavata). 

26. Glta is a type of khancjakavya. The best example of this 
dass are kallola's Dhoto Mara R& Doha (Composed in 1473 
05M4AD) 1 WW ^ (1563A ' D -)' 

Ueghaduta, defined by Visvanatha as : 

Rajasthani literature by Jainas deals mainly with Jaina religion, 
culture and tiles of both religions and secular character. As* 
mentioned already the contribution of the Jainas to Rajasthani 
literature has been uninterrupted from its very beginning and 
though it may not have produced excellent literary treasure, 
its importance for the study of the Rajasthani language cannot 
be undermined. Many Jainas wrote both in Sanskrit and Rajasthani 
and it is but natural therefore that Sanskrit literature created by 
the Jainas influenced their Rajasthani literature both in content and 

A number of sects of Saints existed in the liberal soil of 
Rajasthan. Their literature generally ponders over God, Self, Maya, 
ephemeral nature of the world, identity or intimacy of self with the 
supreme Self, life of Saints, Hatha Yoga, glory of guru, word, Om, 
lover of all human beings and instructions for leading meritoriously 
good life. In the immense literature of the saints of various sects, such 
as, Natha, Laladasi, Ramasanethi, Cara^tadasi, Dadupanthi, we 
breath the atmosphere created by devotional, Tatitric and religious 
literature in Sanskrit. 

An important form of literature preserved in Rajasthani is 
known as Vacanika, for example, Acaladasa Khici Ri Vacanikn (15th 
century), Rao Ratan Mahesadasota Ri Vacanika (18th century), 
Khiriya Jagga and Mataji Ri Vacanika (18th Century) by Jayacanda 
a Jaina Saint. In this class of Rajasthani literature prose is mixed 
with verses making it the Campu of Sanskrit. We have no such 
form developed in Hindi. Bata, a word derived from Varta in 
Sanskrit, is a form of prose-literature in Rajasthani. However, 
Bdta by H>hola Maru and Sadayavatsa are also found in both verse 
and prose, giving a Campu form as to the Vacanika. Intimate, 
informed and respectable relationship between Sanskrit and 
Rajasthani is attested to by the fact that more than one Sanskrit 
Jika is found on the Beli Krishna Rukmini RT (1581 A.D.) of Prthvi 
Raja, which is a poem based on the tenth Skandha of the 
Bhagavata. Impact of Sanskrit over Rajasthani is underlined by 
the fact that all the important works in Sanskrit, more particularly 
the Rdrnfiyana, Mahnbhnrata, Gita, Bhagavata (or parts of it, 
especially the tenth skandha) Puranas, dramas, tales, poems, and 
Sastraic works etc. have been and continue to be translated or 
adapted or used as source by a number of poets of the past and 

the present in both prose and verse in Rajasthani. List of such 
works is too long to be presented here and cm be briefly illustrated 
by mentioning : 

1. Works based on the Rarndyana, Mahabharata and Bhngavata. 

TT ^T, 


TT<*T f ^^^TffnR of feft^TCT (on the 10th Skandha of th e 

2. Po*ms 9 Dramas and tales of Sanskrit in Rajasthani : 

by iTfKT^Tfu^rr, ws 


(1918), q " 
ft srrar, 

by ^fWcrRr^f 1720-37) sr^^rqfsft^ ^TT^TT by 
^^, ?rnf 

3. Purana, Tantra, Vedanta, etc. 

(isoe), ^PC 

(1878) rK|uidV^rFB > ( 18th Century) by %5TSRtJr qf^FWY, 

(in Verse) by 

by f^rfir^ (translation of ^ftWRcT in Verse) 

by TC^eutf (1866), tiESrf^T by 

by TOUR*, 


4. Jyotisa, Music, Ayurveda. 

(based on the 

27. All figures within brackets signify date of the manuscripts in* 
Samvat, deposited with the Rajasthan Pracyavidya Pratisthana. 

5. On Prosody., Rhetorics and Dramaturgy, 

^snr^rff by ^g^^jft, ^^^r^^^r by ^nsr (1866), 
by *TO3ra > i%5, KSTSHST by fsr^w, s^^i^rniNrfepPT by f seR^fa, 
pftr^fafa" by ^T*rf%, g?3*rrc x^T^ft by gf^nrers*, f<rn*r- 
by ^T^TTST, ^frFmsrsrsr^r by sfTntera, f%*rvr^?ter by 
and a number of other works by 

Jainas developed various forms of comments on Sanskrit, such 
as Balavabodha, Tavba and the number of such works is very large. 28 

What has been given above is simply a casual illustrative list 
of Rajastbani ( Dingal and Pingal ) works taken down at 
random from the catalogue of Sanskrit and Rajasthani manuscripts 
deposited in the Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute, Jodhpur. 
In many cases the names of writers are unknown and even the dates 
of the manuscripts are not traceable. 

Sanskrit contributed words, contents, forms and style to 
Rajasthani, which in its turn inspired the poets of Rajasthan to 
write Sanskrit works eulogising bravery, chivalry and culture of 
Rajasthan. These works in Sanskiit have at times the same atmos- 
phere as found in the popular speech. 3t was but natural because 
a poet who wrote both in Sanskrit and Rajasthani could not split 
himself emotionally. The result is that we have a number of small 
and big poems in Sanskrit eulogising Hindi kings of Rajasthan 
and not surrendering literary results of their talents to the Dillisvara 
as the king amongst Pandits Panditaraja Jagannatha did 


Particularly Dingala) is known primarily for its carana hteratuie 
glorifying the deeds of the brave kings. Sanskrit poets also gave a 
number of Sanskrit Kavyas and Mahakavyas like the following : 
(dates within brackets are in Vikram era unless otherwise specified) 
*nr*^1665,*faPRrf%* W*TS* (1685) 

Like Rajasthani Sanskrit also used words of local 
origin, such as : 

, 5f3?fl, sfoft, ^R, feftfou, 

(as found in the WKlfo of TT^? "%&, a work of 

It is not only that the poets like Valmlki, Vyasa, Kalidasa 
Bhavabhuti of distant past inspired the Rajasthani literature butii 
fact contemporary poets of Sanskrit and Rajasthani sang together 
the chorus of Rajput chivalry and displayed loyalty to their fe 
and'love and admiration for the history and culture of Rajasthan 


University of Ceylon, Peradaniaya 

While it cannot be denied that Ceylon in its long history of 
twenty-five centuries has maintained itself as a separate political 
and economic entity, in literary and cultural matters it has largely 
been dependent on India. Its religion is Theravada Buddhism, 
which originated on the sub-continent, and was subsequently intro- 
duced to the island in the time of Asoka, and its secular arts and 
science's too came from the same source, at least in the early period. 
For instance, as Professor Paranavitana points out. 1 "The archi- 
tecture of the Anuradhapura period preserved, in its essentials, the 
forms which the Sinhalese brought with them when they originally 
1 settled in this Island, or were introduced with Buddhism as a result 
of the missionary activities of Asoka. There was natural develop- 
ment in certain of its aspects and refinement of certain features, 
but no extraneous influences profoundly modified the inherited 
forms in such manner as to obscure their origins." The same is 
true of the fine arts, poetics and belies lettres, as well as of technical 
and scientific subjects like astronomy (including astrology) and 
medicine. Since language is the most explicit vehicle of culture, a 
study of its influence on any other literature is bound to reflect the 
degree of the latter's indebtedness to the original culture. This is 
exactly what we find in the case of Sanskrit and Sinhalese literature. 
Although the hey-day of Sanskrit learning in Ceylon falls in 
the Polonnaruva period [starting about the llth century, yet the 
influence of Sanskrit on the life and thought of the Sinhalese people 
must be considered to stretch back to several centuries before the 
Christian era. The Polonnaruva period only marked the culmina- 
tion of a proeess that had gone on throughout the previous history 

of the island. ___ 

1. In his article on the "Art and Architecture of Ceylon" in a 
monograph published by Arts Council of Ceylon and re- 
published in the Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol. IV, pp. 69 n. 

( 255 ) 

In fact, it is a safe presumption to think that some at least of 
the first Aiyan colonizers of Ceylon must have been Brahmins or 
at least bearers of Brahmin civilization. In his Early History O f 
Buddhism in Ceylon, (p. 44), Dr. Adikaram has stated : "'There were 
Brahmanas who came along with Vijaya to Ceylon. Upatissa was 
one of them. He founded the village Upatissaguma which was for 
some time the capital of Ceylon. The same Brahmana held the 
post of chaplain (pitrohita) to King Vijaya." The famous chronicle 
of Ceylon, the Mahavamsa (x. 20), says that Prince Pandukabhaya 
born about 423 B. C., was sent for higher studies and instructions 
in regal polity to Parujula, a brahmin well versed in the Vedas, and 
that the son of Pandula, Candra, became chaplain to the King 
(x. 79). The appointment of Brahmins to the office of purohita 
continued for several centuries and while the Buddhist Sangha 
played the part of spiritual guides to the rulers it was the Brahmins 
that advised them on secular or temporal matters. 

That the Sinhalese monarchs gave ample patronage to Brahma- 
is conclusively proved at least for the Polonnaruva period. 
The Mahavamsa (Ixii. 31-33) states that King Vikramabahu It who 
ascended the throne in 1116 A. D had such Brahmanic rites as the 
Homa sacrifice performed by his Purohita and other brahmins well- 
versed in the Veda and Vedangas, while at the same time having 
Buddhist ceremonies like Parittas (Sinhalese pirit) conducted on 
suitable occasions. It is of great significance in this connexion to 
find it mentioned in an inscription of the twelfth century that King 
Nissanl-a Malla established an alms-house called * Brahmaoa-ja/fra' 
especially to provide accommodation and alms to the Brahi .ins. 2 
No more striking instance of the prevalence of Brahmin institutions 
at least among the royalty and the upper straf im of Sinhalese 
society can be adduced than the one found in the Kandavurusirita 
which describes the daily routine of King Parakramabahu II (1211- 
1214). According to this text the monarch, who was a zealous 
Buddhist, arose from bed in the early hours of the morning and sat 
m the padmasana posture on bed practising Buddhist meditation. 
Then his Purohita would come with kusa grass in hand and a conch 
filled with holy water and recite Vedic mantras and perform propitia- 
tory rites for averting evil influences. Much more evidence can be 
adduced from epigraphy and literature to prove that Brahmin 
institutions had gained a foothold in the land of the Sinhalese from 
early times.* However, the influx of Brahmanism was not always 

2. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. 2, p 168 

3. For further evidence see Pafmasara, ' Sanskrit Literature Extant 
Among The Sinhalese, pp. 1 1 ff. 

t>v peaceful penetration History shows that this happened more 
by way of violent incursions starting as early as the third century 
B C. with the inroads made by the two Tamil chieftains Sena and 
Guttika who established a rule at Anuradhapura for about 20 
years. 4 Later came the invasions by the Cholians and the Pandyans. 
Undoubtedly every such invasion from the sub-continent must have 
given a sudden impetus to the spread of Indian culture in 

Another factor that helped the promotion of Sanskrit learning 
in ancient Ceylon was the introduction of Mahayana Buddhism 
into the curriculum of the Abhayagiri Monastery at Anuradhapura 
soon after the beginning of the Christian era. As Professor 
Paranavitana has clearly shown, Mahayanism or Vaitulya-vada 
as it was known in Ceylon evolved in India from about the first 
century AD., and every phase of this development was followed by 
a parallel in Ceylon. 6 Although the more orthodox monks of the 
Mahavihara at Anuradhapura opposed the spread of Mahayanism, 
the rival monks of the Abhayagirivihara took to the study of the 
later Buddhist sectarian texts with great interest. The Vaitulya- 
Pitaka also called the Vaitulya-Sutras and sometimes Vaipulya- 
Sutras' no doubt referred to the canon of the Mahayanists which 
contained the largely extended sutras such as the 'Mahavaipulya- 
Sutra** In spite of the the violent opposition of the Mahavihara 
orthodoxy, it would be surprising if this more popular form of 

Buddhism had not made considerable headway among the people of 
Ceylon and thereby helped the diffusion of Sanskrit language and 
literature in the island. 

The above facts indicate that from the earliest period of 

Sinhalese history there must have been an elite given to the .culfr 

vation of Sauskiit learning. The surmise is stiengthened by the 

existence of several important literary works 


Ibhayagiri monks,' we have a tradition m ancient Ceylon of 

"4."seelheUmversity^fCeylon History of Ceylon, VoLI.Pt.l. 
pp. 42 f . 

5. Article 'Mahayanism in Ceylon' in .the Ceylon Journal of 
Science, Sec. O, Vol. II. 

6. See Pafifiasara, op cit. pp. 34 if- 

noteworthy Sanskrit compositions. The earliest extant work is the 
' Snrarthasangraha, a medical treatise, attributed by the Mahavamsa 
(xxxvii. 108-111, 145) to King Buddhadasa who ascended the throne 
'in 338 A. D. But the most celebrated literary work by a Sinhalese 
author is the famous Janakiharana attributed by Ceylon tradition 
to King Kumaradasa (508-516 A. D.) who was supposed to have 
been a friend of Kalidasa. This tradition, however, never gained 
full acceptance by literary historians and the question of authorship 
^remained unsettled. But recently new light has been thrown on 
the' problem by the discovery of manuscripts of the complete poem 
in Malabar. Four stanzas at the end of the poem establish that 
'the author of the Jariakiharana was certainly one Kumaradasa but 
not a King, although the data prove that he was a member of the 
royal family. His father's name given as Manita has been indenti- 
fied by Professor Paranavitana 7 with Mana mentioned in the 
Culavamsa (xliv, v. 123) as the Yuvaraja in the reign of Aggabodhi 
III (629-639). Thus Kumaradasa must have lived in the 7th century, 
arid this date tallies with the one inferred by Keith (Sanskrit Litera- 
ture, p. 119) on evidence of style and language in comparison with 
those of Kalidasa, etc. 

*. r .."'. 

3 > As has been noted above, it is with the Polonnaruva period 
that we come to the heyday of Sanskrit learning in Ceylon. 
^However, there is reason to surmise that many of the Sanskrit 
compositions by > the celebrated scholars and poets of this period 
have been lost during the centuries of neglect that followed it. Most 
of the Buddhist Elders of this period famous as Pali authors also 
'tried their hand at original Sanskrit compositions. The doyen of 
'classical scholars during this period, Mahakassapa of Udumbaragiri 
vihara, was an expert in Sanskrit grammar and wrote a treatise 
called the Balnvabodhana on the lines of the Candra-Vyakarana. 
-His learned and famous pupil Sariputta wrote a flkz on the Cnndm- 
Vynkarana entitled the Pancikulankara, but this work is probably 
4ost for ever. There is also a still unpublished exegetical work of 
; Candra School composed in Ceylon, namely the Lmarthadlpa 

f the Elder Buddhanaga. It is said there 
was written by one Gunakara, who according 

-- ryed ln the T ' k3 > was a Buddhist with Maha- 
tendencies, since the original contained a salutation to 

University of Ceylon History of. Ceylon, pp. 393-4. 

The Sanskrit works of this period, however, do not deal only 
w ith grammatical and exegetical matters. Available data would 
confirm the view that the poetical activities of Santkrit writers on 
the main land of India had their repercussions on the Sanskrit 
authors in Ceylon. Considering the fact that in India the Sataka 
poems had come into vogue about the seventh and eight centuries 
of the Christian era, with the appearance of the works of Mayura, 
Amaru and Bhartrhari, it is easy to understand how the Sanskrit 
writers of Ceylon were inspired, three or four centuries later, to 
compose poems a la mode these Indian models. The first and fore- 
most among the Ceylon 'Centuries' is undoubtedly the Anuruddha- 
Sataka, an eulogy of the Buddha, which as its name implies, was 
the work of the Elder Anuruddha. The poem compares favourably 
with the Sanskrit works of Indian origin. It is characterized by 
lucidity of expression, evenness of sound, and beauty of sense, 
showing that the author was consciously attempting a work in the 
Vaidarbha style of Indian masters of the kavya. 

Another poem of this type, probably composed in the Polon- 
naruva period, is Namast.a-$ataka, stanzas in praise of the 108 
epithets of the Master. Its authorship is unknown. The work is 
inferior to the Anuruddha-Sataka in poetical merit, and smaller in 
volume In the temple-monasteries even to this day it is read as a 
beginner for Sanskrit students. Finally, it remains to mention a 
Sanskrit poem of a somewhat different nature, the Buddhagadya, 
again by an unknown author who too most probably belonged to 
the Polonnaruva period. The work is simpler in character and the 
versification shows some slight resemblance to the celebrated Gita- 
govinda of Jayadeva by virtue of the consecutive use of the vocative 
case in each succeeding stanza. Even if the Sanskrit works of this 
era by Ceylon authors are numerically not on a par with the 
corresponding Pali compositions, the literary excellence of the few 
that have come down to us is sufficient to warrant the assumption 
that Sanskrit scholarship of the Polonnaruva period must have been 
as great as the one in Pali. Towards the end of this period we 
have a technical treatise oa astrology, the yf^^^ ***! 
Yen. Anomadassi, who, "''f***^ 
the time of King Parakramabahu II (1236-1271). It is an 
work in 2618 Sanskrit stanzas which purport to J^ 
of all authoritatives treatise on astrology, such as those f by 
mihira, Bhojaraja and Parana who are actual^ J^^^d 
work Along with Buddhadasa's summary of Medical Knowledge, 
Svrtrth asa* g raka, referredo^bo^^ 

- - - " ' 

8. See PannasSra, op ctt. pp. 218 f. 

deep knowledge of Sanskrit technical literature and indicates td 
what an extent Sanskrit had influenced the life and thought of the 
Sinhalese at that time. Such influence, particularly in the political 
and social spheres, may be judged from the statement in the 
Mahavamsa that Parakramabahu, the Great was well versed in the 
Indian works on polity such as that of Kautalya. The same 
authority states that Parakramabahu II was trained in the 
ordinances of Manu. It is also mentioned that King Vijayabahul 
encouraged learned men from the sub-continent to come and settle 
down in Ceylon, and these scholars were, undoubtedly, great 
Sanskritists. It may be mentioned also that ICing Parakramabahu 
1(1153-1186) is recorded in the Mahavamsa (ixxiii. 82) as having 
inaugurated a centre for music and dancing called the Sarasvatt- 
Marujapa where in all probability, Indian musical theory formed 
the technical basis for these arts. 9 Thus the influence of Sanskrit 
on all aspects of the life and thought of the Sinhalese, at least in 
the ancient period, is an undeniable fact. 

The most striking influence of Sanskrit, however, is on the 
Sinhalese language and literary styles and forms. The influx of 
Sanskrit words into the Sinhalese vocabulary is already seen in the 
early inscriptions. An inscription 10 of the first century of the 
Christian era commences with the benedictory word "Siddham" 
which is purely Sanskrit, and gradually more and more Sanskrit 
terms and expressions came to be employed. So great was the 
effect of such usage on the vocabulary that in course of time the 
whole character of the Sinhalese language came to be transformed. 
Even before the Polonnaruva period during which Sanskrit became 
the dominant factor in linguistic form and structure the old Sinhalese 
or Elu had undergone such transformation that the language of a 
text like the Dampiyn-Atuva Ga^apadaya composed in the ninth 
century is best described as c mixed Sinhalese' (misra Sinhald) in 
contrast to the Prakritic idiom of Elu. 11 As it has been pointed 
out 12 in the Katik&vata or 'Ordinance for the Sangha' out of the 
first 69 words only 21 are pure Sinhalese, the rest being all Sanskrit 
in form and significance. This trend has gained momentum with 
the passage of time and today in the idiom of the educated Sinhalese, 
both written and spoken, the Sanskrit element is the most notice- 
able. This influx of Sanskrit terms and expressions into the 
language of the Sinhalese naturally led to the innovation of new 

9. See Introduction to the Gltasikaka by M. G. " Peter aT (1933). 

10. Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. Ill, p. 154. 

11. See Pafinasara, op. cit. pp. 242 fT. 

12. See Miss S. Saparamadu, The Ceylon HistoricalJournal, Vol. 
IV, p. 100, citing the work of E>r. Anaada Guruge. 

literary styles and forms which came to stay as an irreversible 

The repercussions of such influences on the poetical and other 
literary works in Sinhalese could well be imagined. Three famous 
epic works in Sinhalese, the Sasada, Muvedevda and Kavsilumina, 
all probably of the thirteenth century, are in form and style just 
parallels of the similar works of Kalidasa, Magha, Bharavi and 
other Indian authors. They were bound by the same canons of 
poetics and use the same poetical devices of sound and sense. Of 
course, their themes are derived from the Jataka stories and their 
hero, as may be expected from Buddhist authors, is the Bodhisattva 
or Buddha in one of his previous lives. In general structure and 
salient features these poems are genuine Mahdknvyas. Another class 
of Sinhalese poems composed from about the sixteenth or seventeenth 
century are the sandesa or 'message poems*. They were undoubtedly 
inspired by the duta-kavyas of Sanskrit literature beginning with 
Kalidasa's famous Meghaduta. The secular outlook of these poems 
contrasting with the exclusive by religious character of the earlier 
mentioned works gave ample scope to the Sinhalese poets for 
descriptions of nature, contemporary life and eminent personalities 
of Ceylon history. Two of the earliest poems of this class, namely, 
Tisara-Sandesa and the Mayura-Sandefa by their structure and 
characteristics of expression show to what extent they are indebted 
to the Sanskrit models. The mastery of Sanskrit poetics by 
Sinhalese writers is clearly demonstrated by the Siyabaslakara 
attributed by some authorities 13 to King Sena IV, who came to the 
throne in 954 A. D. It is the earliest extant work on poetics in 
Sinhalese and is almost an exact replica of the KdvyadarSa of 
Dandin. The author refers to an Elder of the Abhayagiri Vihara 
who had composed an earlier work on Sinhalese prosody, thus 
furnishing some indirect evidence that poetics had been studied in 
Ceylon for a long time before the Siyabaslakara. Similar influence 
of Sanskrit learning on the study of Sinhalese grammar is clearly 
attested by the Sidatsangara of Anomadassi who is said to have 
lived in the reign of Parakramabahu II in the twelfth century. As 
the late Ven. Panftasara has shown 14 the work closely follows the 
grammatical principles laid down by Indian authorities such as the 
Sarasvata, the Katantra and the Siddhantakaumudi. 

In addition to such influence of Sanskrit on the sciences of 
poetics and grammar of the Sinhalese there is considerable evidence 
for its influence on their more material, technical and scientific 
pursuits. How their knowledge of Sanskrit promoted the medical 

13. See University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, p. 395, 

14. See PanTmsara, op, cit^ pp. 253 flf, 

astronomical and astrological activities of the Sinhalese has been 
referred to above. As some scholars have pointed out the ancient 
Buddhist statues and paintings of Ceylon show marked similarities 
to those in India in point of technical peculiarities. The Sariput- 
nya, a Sanskrit treatise on statuary, was very popular in Ceylon 
and there is no doubt that here too the Sinhalese continued the 
technical traditions of India as in architecture. Similarly in irrigation 
and other agricultural activities, the Sinhalese in the early period 
developed their skills on the basis of theoretical knowledge derived 
from the mainland. It has been surmised that there were in Ceylon 
even Sanskrit treatise dealing with the technique of tank-building. 

From the above considerations, it can be seen that from the 
earliest beginnings the civilization of the Sinhalese was primarily 
indebted to Sanskrit both as a linguistic medium and as the vehicle 
of one of its parent cultures that inspired it in its secular aspects 
while its spiritual trend derived mainly from Theravada Buddhism' 
Thus it is by no means an exaggeration to say that Ceylon, at least 
in its material culture, was part of Greater India during the major 
part of its long history. 

15. Ibid., p. 264, 


Paris & Pondicherry 

Sanskrit has long been and still is considered by many 

cholars as a sacred and a literary language essentially belonging 

to the Brahmanical class. That is true but not enough to charac- 

rise the whole of its function in the Indian society and to explain 

its strong and wide influence on foreign languages and even on 

m odern and colloquial languages of India herself. 

If Sanskrit, as a means * of expression, had been confined to 
orthodox literary circles, how aie we to understand the fact that 
it was propagated throughout the Asian mainland and beyond the 
Las up to China and Japan by the Buddhists, who admitted 
Brahmins among them, but not as such, and were in majority non~ 
Brahmins ? 

On another side, Saivism and Vaishnavism in South-East Asia 
are generally considered as propagated by Brahmins Sanskrit 

nrviUramadharma which these Brahmins'ought to respect. 
' Our Purpose 

( 263 ) 

afresh the facts in a general survey of the actual use of the San 
among the peoples of India and of the foreign countries which h ^ 
been in long and close intercourses with India. ave 

First, we must recall that we have no evidence about th 
of Vedic and Brahmanical Sanskrit for lay and general purpc^ ^ 
the antiquity. When we get from the Greek records dating T * 
the 4th century B. C. Indian names or words they already an m 
in SansKrit intermixed with Prakrit forms. For example p]^J 
putra^ appears in Greek as Palibothra where Pali proves the d 
appearance of the intervocalic /a, b the sonorisation of 
intervocalic pa which are common Prakrit features, and wh 
thra is Sanskrit in spite of the aspiration added in the Gre'k 
form. The famous name Sandrakottos in Greek corresponds to 
Prakrit Candiragutta as well as to the Sanskrit Candragupta 
Even in Vedic hymns, Prakrit words or features have been traced 
out. In any case, the first epigraphical documents available to us 
the ASoka's inscriptions in the 3rd century B. C. are in Prakrit 
with various peculiarities following the various geographical location 
of these inscriptions. Sanskrit is seen gradually replacing Prakrit 
in the Indian inscriptions in the course of the subsequent centuries 
and in Indo-China, since the oldest inscription so far known the 
famous Vocanh inscription found in the Champa country* the 
language is Sanskrit, even literary Sanskrit, not Prakrit * No 
Prakrit inscription has been found in South-East Asia All are in 
Sanskrit or in local languages written in Sanskrit characters more or 
less differentiated in the course of time. Middle-Indian language. 
are represented by the Pali alone after it has been introduced from 
Ceylon and popularised as the language of the Theravada Buddhism 
in Indo-China. 

This fact of the exclusive importation of Sanskrit in South- 
Eas .Asm is chronologically in accordance both with the data of 
the Chinese records locating in the first centuries A. D the besin 

H fV tr0n ! IndianimpaCt n Sou th-Ea S t Asia and with the 
of the predommance of Sanskrit epigraphy in India 

S the Ca * in f WC observe ** India the use of the so-called 


mixture of Sanskrit 

= wmcn oeiong to the centuries around the beginning 

of aka or Christian eras or to the very first centuries of these 

eras. But I cannot agree with the explanation given by Prof. 

Edgerton of the use of such an Hybrid Sanskrit. He thought the 

older Buddhist tradition was entirely in Middle-Indian languages 

and that is very likely as we have no evidence at all of any 

Buddhistic literature in Sanskrit before the appearance of Sanskrit 

in the Hybrid texts. But he thought also a sanskritisation of the 

literary Buddhist tradition was attempted by the Buddhist authors 

in order to enhance by the use of the Sanskrit the prestige of their 

Scriptures. This hypothesis, in my opinion, cannot be accepted. 

For the sake of prestige it would have been very easy to write or 

re-write the Buddhist texts in pure grammatical Sanskrit, as it has 

been done later. Sanskrit, at that time, was taught for centuries 

in schools. If it was not a colloquial tongue like the various kinds 

of Prakrits, it was a strongly living language among educated 

peoples. And even if we think it was used only in Brahmanical 

circles and families, there was no difficulty to introduce it directly 

in its correct form in the Buddhistic circles, as many fully educated 

Brahmins had turned Buddhist since the very beginning of the 

Buddha's predication. If the gain of prestige had been the sole 

aim of the so-called sanskritisation, this aim would have been 

missed. How could a barbarous mixture of Sanskrit and Prakrit 

have seemed prestigious in a country where pure Sanskrit was so 

largely cultivated and was ready to conquer new literary circles 

throughout the whole of Eastern Asia ? 

The reason for the temporary use of mixture of Sanskrit and 
Prakrit, both in epigraphy and Buddhist literature, must be traced 

We have to consider the general linguistic situation of India 
in the time of the Buddhist expansion and of the development of 
contacts and intercourses with foreigners of the mainland of Asia 
and, through the seas, of West and East. Prakrits were 
developing more and more differences from each other in the various 
countries of the subcontinent. Pali and Ardhamagadhi had already 
fixed forms, grammatically and literary. Prakrits were also 
confronted with Dravidiar* languages. Tamilians, though fully 
aware in their literary circles of the Sanskrit culture, not only 
preserved their mother tongue but also fixed it in their own 
grammar and literature. Some among them were Buddhists and 
used Pali. One of them, around 400 A.D., Buddhadatta, born at 
Uraiyur in the Cola country and living at Kaveripattinam, was^a 
Pali author and one of the great commentatois of the Pali 

Facing such a diversity of languages, a common means of 
expression became a need. In a period of intense activity O f 
Buddhist propaganda and of expansion of what has been later 
termed as Hindu religions, a link language was necessary. N one 
was available except Sanskrit. Regional languages, either Indo- 
Aryan or Dravidian, either colloquial or literary, were unfit to be 
adopted everywhere. Sanskrit alone, even if it was the mother 
tongue of a limited number of groups or families, and in spite of 
its much sophisticated shape, was regularly taught everywhere in 
traditional schools. Brahmins attached to Vedic lore and followers 
of Vainavism, Saivism, etc. may have used in their respective 
regions, Indo- Aryan or Dravidian, their regional tongues, but they 
had only Sanskrit in common. The French Archaeological 
Delegation in Afghanistan has just unearthed, in North Afghanistan 
at Ai-Khanum, in an old Greek settlement, some coins of 
Agathokles, belonging to the 2nd century B.C. and bearing an 
Indian deity on each side, clearly Balarama Haluyudha and probably 
Vasudeva, the legends of the coins being in Greek and Prakrit. This 
Prakrit was evidently the ordinary language of the country. Never- 
theless, the literature of All India, thanks to which we know these 
deities, is primarily in classical Sanskrit or very lately in various 
Indian languages, developed later and resting upon the Sanskrit 
tradition. Only in Tamil, which often preserves side by side with 
Sanskrit old data in its old literature, Halayudha is referred to 
(Paripatal 1,5), but for Tamil scholars only. Really, Sanskrit was 
the only link language from Afghanistan to Kanyakumart 
between the Indian communities. So, the post- Vedic religions were 
able to compose directly their Scriptures in Sanskrit. 

But the case is different with the Buddhist teachings which 
Jiave been first given in regional Prakrit languages and to everybody, 
eVen to uneducated peoples. For the practical preaching to such 
-peoples no link language was necessary. Monks were obliged, like 
now in all the Buddhist countries, to use the ordinary local 
language. But the Buddhist scholars for their own instruction and 
foi discussions with pilgrims and visiting scholars belonging to 
various countries needed a link language. Sanskrit again was the 
-only available one. But the Holy Scriptures being in Prakrit and 
the grammatical teaching of Sanskrit having been at first useless 
for their study, as long as a regular Sanskrit teaching has not been 
organized in the communities, the trend towards its use could not 
immediately lead to proficiency. So the Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit 
represented a step to the final passage from the regional or sectarian 
Prakrits to the all Indian classical Sanskrit. There >yas not an 

incomplete sanskritisation for gaming an unreachable prestige, but 
a trend to adopt for the sake of wider communications the only 
language common, if not to everybody, at least to every country 
of India. 

That was also convenient for foreigners. We know through 
the testimony of the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Yi-tsing in the 7th 
century Sanskrit schools had been established abroad, as he learnt 
Sanskrit at Palembang in Sumatra on the way from. China to India. 
Instead of being obliged to learn many languages when travelling 
in India, the foreigners had just to get some acquaintance with the 
classical Sanskrit. Yi-tsing himself never got mastery in Sanskrit 
and no doubt the Sanskrit of the foreigners and even of many 
Indian people was not always correct and rich, but it was sufficient 
for ordinary purposes and to undertake the reading of books. In 
any case there was no alternative link language. 

So Sanskrit has played in India and around India the same 
r6le that Latin in old Europe or Persian for a time in India, and 
above all, English today, played. 

In Gandhara and in Central, Asia, in the region of Niya, in 
the Kroraina kingdom, Prakrit languages have been used in the 
first centuries of Saka or Christian eras. That was at the beginning 
of the propagation of the Buddhism or of some elements of the 
Indian culture. But, in the same period, Sanskrit manuscripts weie 
also brought to Central Asia from India, or were written in Sans- 
krit in Central Asia itself. Later, only Sanskrit texts appear to have 
been preserved side by side with national texts in Central Asia, in 
Tibet, in China, in Korea, in Japan. The propagation of the Indian 
culture in those countries has been done mainly through Sanskrit 
and through translations from Sanskrit as soon as the classical 
Sanskrit became in India the actual link language. Only few texts 
have been translated from Pali into Chinese or Tibetan. But the 
great works composed in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit have been 
included in the bulk of translated texts in Chinese and Tibetan 
(and from Tibetan into Mongolian) because they were canonical 

Later minor works, chiefly songs in apabhramsa, have also 
been included in the Tibetan translations of Buddhist texts. These 
apabhrama texts, like the dohas of Kanha and Saraha, several 
caryapadas and some stanzas quoted in Tantras like Cangamaharo- 
$ava tantra are ordinarily considered as representing a form of old 
Bengali But they have been composed by various authors of 

Northern and Eastern India from Kashmir to Orissa and seem 
rather to correspond to a stage of apabhramsa just prior to the 
development of the modern languages of the North like Hindi and 

In spite of the fact that in continental Asia the Indian influence 
has been essentially a result of the Buddhist missionary spirit, 
non-Buddhist Sanskrit texts, had also been introduced. We have 
recovered from Central Asia several Ayurvedic texts, also a magical 
fragmentary text, partly in Sanskrit, partly in Kuchean language, 
written in the 7th or 8th century A. D. Some specific similarities 
between practices of Chinese Taoism and Indian Yoga imply com- 
munications which were independent from Buddhism. Moreover 
pure Sanskrit literature has also been brought beyond the 
mountains. There is a Tibetan translation of Panini included in 
the Tanjur together with Chandoratnakara, Dandin's Kavyadarsa 
Kalidasa's Meghaduta and many others. 

Some inscriptions in Sanskrit have been found in Southern 
China as well as in Tibet, Mongolia, etc. They are written in 
Siddhamatfk a characters but they are not original compositions. 
They are Buddhist formulas like those which are kept with the 
same writing in the Chinese and Japanese translations of Buddhist 
works, except in Tibet where they are written, in Tibetan characters. 
But this Siddhamatrka writing coming from Northern India has 
been widely propagated, chiefly in the 8th and 9th centuries, 
throughout the Buddhist world upto Java (KLalasan inscription), and 
even in countries where other writings of Indian origin were already 
in use and even in Non-Buddhist inscriptions like those in Southern 
India at Kancipuram (Kailasanatha temple) and in Cambodia 
(digraphic inscriptions of Yaovarman). 

Though the propagation of Sanskrit has been very large 
throughout the continent of Asia, its influence and its adaptation 
in South-East Asia has been much greater. There, it has not merely 
been imported and translated : it has flourished. 

More than one thousand Sanskrit inscriptions, often very 
long and in kavya style, have been found in Campa, Cambodia and 
Indonesia, from the 3rd till the 13th century. They give a clear 
evidence of the high level of Indian culture in those countries. The 
question comes immediately : by whom and for whom have such 
inscriptions been composed. 

First, we must observe they could not have been inscribed for 
the sake of the ordinary peoples. They are mainly charters of dona- 
tions and religious foundations beginning with elaborate invocations 

V *~^ 

tfce gods and with prasastis of the kings. Even in India such a 

kind of inscriptions cannot be expected to be read by everybody. 

They cannot be understood but by literary men fully acquainted 

with the Vyakarana and the Alamkdrasdstra. They are not composed 

for general information but in order to sanction officially grants 

and dedications and to create for the kings what Kalhana in his 

R&jatarangini termed as a yasahsarira, i.e. a "body of glory". This 

practice was quite famous in India not only according to the 

Rajatarangirii\^ut also according to other traditions. The kings are 

equalled to gods and even to major deities not only in the Sanskrit 

tradition but also in the ancient Tamil Sangam literature. A 

Pai?L4y atl king, for example, is described as ruling not only from 

the Himalayas upto Kanyakumarl but also on the Goloka in the sky. 

That means that the king was considered not in his limited capacity 

of human ruler but also as a representative of the God lord of the 

world. The inscriptions and even the texts written in praise of 

the kings in Sanskrit literature also refer, not always to the real 

situation, but to an idealized one. For example, according to the 

literary tradition, Vidyanatha, the poet of Prataparudra of Warangal, 

in the 13th century, at a time when his patron was taken as prisoner 

by Muslims still celebrated him as a great monarch, saying he was 

considering not what had happened but what should be the right 


If inscriptions composed with such a purpose in kavya style 
in Cambodia, Campa or Java did not have any direct influence on 
the peoples of the countries, they were often completed by an asso- 
ciate text in the regional language, giving a translation or at least 
an idea of the contents of the Sanskrit text and supplying all the 
particulars of the donation, giving, for exemple, precise lists of 
furniture or servants ordered to be given to a temple. 

These highly literary Sanskrit texts are precious testimonies 
of the full assimilation and establishment of the Sanskrit culture in 
South-East Asia and, as we shall see later, they have not been with- 
out indirect influence on the ordinary peoples, even quite unedu- 
cated. In any cases, they have been composed exclusively by 

literary men. 

According to Chinese sources concerning the first centuries 
of Christian era, one Kauijxjinya had conquered a kingdom in 
South-East Asia in the second century A.D. This is corroborated 
by later Sanskrit inscriptions from Indochina. This Kaundinya 
had been educated in Dhanurveda by Asvatthaman (or some teacher 
bearing this name or claiming to belong ot the Dro^a- Asvatthaman 

In aoy cases those having true Bi ah nuns, among ancestors have 
piacttcaJly been termed as Brahmins especial!} if they kept the 

than birth m any family, 

It is atso well known that Siva and Buddha religions wilh 
Sander* teats hive been picked till today m Bah Island where 

the name for "religion", is Agamai it is so in Java and in the modern 
Indonesian language. Unfortunately, in those countries if Sanskrit 
manuscripts are preserved the> are no more used or even under- 
stood. Sanskrit there is now a dead language. But there is a strong 
evidence, during the long centuries of the use of literary Sanskrit 
in the inscriptions, Sanskrit was not confined to literal y circles 
and had echoes in the colloquial and ordinary languages. Other^ 
wise, we cannot explain how the popular languages of Campa, Cam- 
bodia, Burma, Thailand, Laos. Malaysia and Indonesia have incorpo- 
rated many Sanskrit words. We have just to refer to the great work 
of Prof. J. Gonda on Sanskrit in Indonesia. Even in Madagascar, as 
Mrs. Thierry has pointed out, Sanskrit words have been borrowed 
probably through Java rather than directly, according to the 
opinion of the late L.C. Damais. The large boirowing of Sanskrit 
words does not imply Sanskrit was popular throughout these 
countries. But it is evident that it was the only link language 
of Indians from various parts of India, was used as the common 
language of official documents in different countries of South-East 
Asia ; aad as a real language of prestige in literature, it had a 
strong impact on the local languages and cultures. 

We may localise in time the duration of its influence ; it was 
from the centuries of the beginning of Saka era (Saka era is the 
most common era in the ancient inscriptions throughout the South 
East-Asia) till the development of the Pali in the Indo-Chinese 
peninsula aad the Muslim influence in Indonesia, from the 13th 
and 14th centuries upwards. In India itself, we observe all along 
this period, and also later, the formation of the modern Indian 

Those Indian languages, either Indo- Aryan and deriving from 
Ancient-Indian, through Middle-Indian, or even if theywere 
Dravidian, have also included a lot of Sanskrit words. It is clear 
that it is so because Sanskrit was a common link language iu India, 
it was present and widely cultivated everywhere, although not used 
or understood by everybody. Indo-Aryan vernaculars may well in 
some cases, be considered as sanskritised apabhramsas , Kanna<Ja, 
Telugu, Malayalam have also been much sanskritised in the same 
period. Tamil too, but in its oldest texts corresponding to the 
time of predominance of various Prakrits, it has borrowed much 
from Prakrits. Its large sanskritisation begins in the time when 
Hybrid Buddhist Sanskrit and epigraphy gave place to Classical 
Sanskrit and it continued all along the centuries of lexical Sanskrit- 

jsation of both the lido-Aryan languages of India and of the langu- 
f South-East Asia, 

Really Sanskrit has not been con toed throughout the history 

lo a closed literary class, It has been raised by the Brahmanical 

' . , l ; 1 - : " t "* ' A "" 1 Li * '* u i also been expanded to all 

. . , st Asia and so has been the 

luv ^"t"" 

uujiuin of the cultural unity of All India and of the Indian 
cultural expansion outside India, 



Director, Tibet House, New Delhi. 

It is a common place of Oriental studies that India has shared 
the heritage of Sanskrit with other countries. On purely philological 
considerations the ancient-most Sanskrit is the matrix of the 
speeches of more than half of mankind through ancient and modem 
times. On deeper pUlos iphical considerations Sanskrit is reputed 
to have made profound impact on foreign mind, Mieccha or 
Yavana. The response to Vedanta or Kalidasa of distant foreigner 
from Plato and Plotinus to Schopenhauer and William Jones 
has so much exercised the imagination of our scholars that 
the role of Sanskrit in the cultural milieu of our neighbours is often 
overlooked. Countries across the Himalayas happened to be most 
important acquisitions of Sanskrit abroad and yet more than the 
Trans-Himalayan highlands other lands interest Indian Sanskritists, 
This is despite the fact that India produced two pioneers in 
the field, namely, Sarat Chandra Das and Rahul Sankrityayana, 
I have no claim to be a Sanskrit scholar. It is only as a student 
of history, specializing in the survivals of Indian culture abroad, 
that I venture to present the contribution of Tibet and Mongolia 
to Sanskrit through the ages. The story of Indian Panditas and 
their Bhota collaborators is an edifying chapter in the history of 

The history of Asia is a sort of triangular complex composed 
of Iranic, Sanskritic and Sinic traditions. Much of Asian history 
is the product of permutation and combination of the three. In 
Northern Buddhist terms, history is a process of flux and there is 
no set pattern in history except the Dharma; and strange are the 
ways of the Dharma. The encounter between Sanskrit and other 
traditions had thus no fixed norm in history. It is now well known 

C 274 ) 

( 275 ) 

that in the confines of Indie sub-continent Sanskrit yielded, in 
different ways, to Irano-Persian and Sino-Mongoloid encroach- 
ments while in the highlands of Trans-Himalayas Sanskrit most 
successfully encountered Jranic and Sinic traditions, both in ling- 
uistic form and literary expression. 

Yet the Sanskrit which accomplished this Digvijaya, from 
Kashmir to Kokonor or from Bangala to Baikala, had no title to 
high caste; this Sanskrit hardly conformed to the grammar or finesse 
of what is called Vedic or Classical form. Buddha Sakyamuni is 
known to have spoken the dialects of the diverse regions. In short 
Buddha did not preach in "perfected and refined form" which 
happened to be the . - . : ' - * ^ " * '- * -* the Ksatriya. So 
Sanskrit, Vedic or ,:.-,,, ; < ' -. ' - : - "for the profit of 
the many, for the bliss of the many and out of compassion For 
the world". Yet Sanskrit and nothing but Sanskrit was found 
worthy and capable of expessing or expounding the Perfected 
Wisdom or Transcendental Learning. Thus the texts of Prajnapnra- 
mita and the commentaries and dissertations of the saints and 
fiura anu ^_ _ ^ ^ ^ ^^ ^ ^^ ^ 980-1054) happened to 

'.,,".. .. anical and Hindu scholars described as 
bad or impure Sanskrit. Recently, some western scholars have 


Buddhism outside India, particularly m Tibet and Mongolia. 



i n jjt,o ciaVvflmuni na-u vi*i"^ *~~ * 

VaranasI, where Buddha baicyamu ^^ ^^ ^ withered away 

In trans-Himalayan legend ^acr ^ dthe Master s b ody, speech 
in Varfmas 7 Hrs<=r^ert in 
and mind*' - - ; "?-* 

( 276 ) 

Lhasa in welcoming Sanskrit was no doubt sheltering the language 
of the Land of Enlightenment and Bod-skad (Tibetan) as the 
medium of the Dharma became as sacred as Sanskrit. The layout 
content and presentation of Tibetan canon and all later works 
down to the last days of Lamaism have been such that a Nepali 
Vajracarya proud of his country having been the refuge of Sanskrit 
learning has no hesitation to describe Bod-skad (Tibetan) as Lhasa 
Sanskrit. By the label Lhasa Sanskrit a Nepali Buddhist would not 
merely imply that the Tibetan script is derived from Sanskrit source 
but also acclaim that Tibetan literature preserves the treasures of 
Sanskrit literature. Much of the original are lost to the world today 
while most of the remnants in Sanskrit the world owes to the care 
and zeal of Nepali scholars during the centuries when Sanskrit 
learning in the Land of Enlightenment was in shade. Western 
sholarship would testify further that the monastic universities in 
Tibet and Mongolia not merely preserved the treasures of Sanskrit 
but also developed the Sanskrit traditions in their seats. Thus 
Logic and Metaphysics, Medicine and Chemistry from India 
flourished in Sakya, Tashilhunpo, Drepung, Derge, Kumbum and 

Why the legendary author of Tibetan alphabet, Thomi 
Sambhota, did not seek inspiration for a script from the great 
neighbouring country in the east, has puzzled many Sinologists 
today. As the medium of expression in the Celestial Empire, the 
Chinese script had a sanctity of its own. Mastery of the ideograph 
was a hall-rnark of academic and bureaucratic power inside the 
Middle Kingdom while beyond the outermost frontiers of the Middle 
Kingdom the ideograph was a symbol of culture. A barbarian 
speaking the Celestial language was a lesser barbarian and if a 
barbarian could read and write the script his access to power and 
privilege in the Celestical court was ensured. Besides dissemination 
of Chinese language and Chinese script beyond the Han frontiers 
was a fundamental principle of imperial statecraft throughout 
history. Thus the Manchu, the Mongol and even |he Turki 
(Uighur) had to accept Chinese language and script for varying 
periods to varying degrees and the vertical form was adopted in 
1 ! An American Sinologist has there- 

at v^uiiucu iae nueian escape from Chinese language and script 
as an inexplicable phenomenon. The truth of the matter is that 
the Tibetan speech is not as near the Han as many Sinologists 
presume. If the term Mongofoid is used in a wide sense both 
Tibetan and Chinese languages are Mongoloid languages. Tibetan 
is also a tonal speech like Chinese but Tibetan is not so predomi- 
nantly monosyllabic as Chinese. Even if there are affinities, as 

( 277 ) 

presumed by some Sinologists, an ideograph established in one 
language is not necessarily adequate for the imagery and idiom of 
another. While linguistics and morphology conceal the secrets of 
failure of Chinese ideograph in Tibet, Tibetans have their own 
explanation for the success of Sanskrit Aksara. Sixteen years ago 
in Tashilhunpo and Drepung I made enquiries as to why the 
pjctograph was found unsuitable for tran-cr:rt!vMi o r Tibetan speech 
and how did Thomi Sambhota ;rui hu colleagues adjudicate the 
claims of different Indo-Iranian and Mediterranean scripts. I had 
in mind that the Brahml script was possibly an import from the 
west of Saptasindhu and that in the first half of the seventh century 
Kharosthi and several other scripts were prevalent in the regions 
west and northwest of Tibet. The answer of the Tibetan scholars 
was, however, as simple as the Tibetan mind. I was told that 
there was no need to adjudicate the merits of different phonetic 
scripts kaown to Thomi and his friends. The need for a script had 
arisen out of the need for translating Buddhist texts in Tibetan 
language. It was thus "a good act" or "a natural process", inter- 
dependent on the other processes ofDharma as in Pratityasamutp&da. 
.'.-.'" * - - * - ~ . < . . from where 

i , - .".-, .''.'< . . th the Svara 

Vyanjana of Sanskrit or the horizontal Rupa from left to right. 
The Tibetan book, though made of paper, did not follow the format 
of Chinese scroll but adopted the palm-leaf format of India. An 
honorific designation for a Tibetan loose-leaf book is Poti derived 
from Sanskrit Punthi/Pustika* Indie or Sanskritic sentiments for 
books and learning have influenced Tibetan mind ever since. 

To start with, the invention of alphabet was treated as a 
divine gift as in Sanskrit tradition; Brahml was reputed to have 
come from the mouth of BrahmS. It is not certain whether Thomi 
Sambhota, the formulator of Tibetan alphabet, devised his set of 
thirty letters from the archaic Nagarl (Ranjana/Lantsha) or from 
Kashmiri (SaradS) characters. What is certain and indisputable, 
both among Tibetan believers and modern scholars, is that the 
Tibetan alphabet was of Brahmi origin. It is curious that while 
the words Brahmi and NSgarl were obsolete in many Indian 
vernaculars by the beginning of the nineteenth century, these words 
were current among the Lamas and other learned people all over 
the Tibetan-speaking world, A Sanskrit-Tibetan Thesaurus of 1771 
from Kham enters the word BrShmi with its Tibetan equivalent as 
the first item under the head "speech". This was undoubtedly 
following the ancient Sanskrit tradition. For instance, the .Lalita- 
vistaralist of sixty-four kinds of writting begins with Brahmi. it is 
relevant to point out that in India the term Brahm! was a re- 

( 278 ) 

discovery towards the middle of the nineteenth century, thanks to 
archaeologists and epigraphists. In Tibet terms like Aksara, abda t 
Vak or Varya came to be sanctified exactly as jn India and each 
term was most meticulously translated to convey the different 
meaning under different contexts. The veneration for Ak$ara as 
in traditional India was fully reflected in Tibet in handling of books 
as if they were icons. I was surprised to notice such usage m Tibet 
in 1955-56. A Tibetan book, even if it be on a mundane matter, 
cannot be left on the floor or cast away like an old pair of shoes. 
The Imperishable Object., as the Sacred Letter or Aksara* is the 
heart of the matter. Much later in Sikkim I had another experience. 
A sign board warning the visitors to take off their shoes while 
entering the temple was fixed right on the floor. The sign-board 
was intended mainly for the foreigners and the trilingual inscription : 
Tibetan, Hindi & English, was my responsibility. On protest 
against the written word being on the floor I had proposed that 
the Tibetan inscription could be erased and the signboard left as 
it was. An ordinary man, who was not a monk or priest, protes- 
ted +*r* TS T -~ - v t V : -~ *V itrix was more sacred than even 
the s, - . be raised a few inches from the 

floor but still today no Tibetan or Sikkimese would keep his shoes 
near that trilingual inscription. The Tibetan veneration for Nagarl 
as the kin of Brahmi should be an enlightenment to several Indian 
scholars who, having read Sanskrit in the Western seats of Occi- 
dental learning, champion transcription of Sanskrit works in Roman 
and would discard Nagari as internationally less honourable than 
Roman. I am not a linguist nor by any means am good in reading 
scripts obsolete in our country today. But for me the most impor- 
tant evidence of Indian culture in Sikkim, Tibet and even the 
Baikal has been the most ubiquitous presence of the Six Mvstic 
Syllables OM - MA - NI - PAD , ME . HUM on rocks and boulders 
*Hfru and temples, pray-wheels and altars; and 1 had not the least 
doubt on my first sight of Six Mystic Syllables that the Tibetan 
Akjcara was a Rapa of Sanskrit Akfara ^oeian 

Sarasvatiin RgVeda and later literature needs no presentation^ 

Ezrre ^-j?irt sf^lFH 

Br^an.., o, H tad , dclty ^ ta ,,,,' J^,, * 

( 279 ) 

Mahayana pantheon and therefore in Northern Buddhist countries 
like Tibet and Mongolia. While other Hindu deities like Brahma, 
Indra or Ganesa were incorporated into Mahayana pantheon 
simply as accessory deities aiding and serving Buddha Sakyamuni 
or other Buddhas and while even some Hindu deities were depicted 
under the feet of a Buddha or held in utmost ridicule, Saras vatl was 
admitted as a goddess on her own right. The Mahayana veneration 
for Sarasvati progressed across the Himalayas, and as Yang-chen 
in Tibet and Mongolia, Sarasvati is the deity for scholars and 
laymen alike irrespective of any sectarian considerations. The Tibetan 
literature from Thomi Sambhota down to the twentieth century 
abounds with utterances and remarks about the significance and 
sanctity of Sabda Brahman. 


The translation of the Buddhist canon from Sanskrit into 
Tibetan has been universally admitted as the most scientific and 
yet lucid ever before the present day UNESCO programme. The 
national endeavour in Bod-yul (Tibet) running through four centu- 
ries may be best described in esoteric diction as the union of PrajfiS 
(Wisdom) of India and Updyakausala (Ingenuity) of Tibet. Infinite 
wealth and refinement of Sanskrit had to come to terms with the 
originality and independence of Tibetan. Western scholars who 
have mastered Iranic, Sanskritic and Sinic languages have not 
discovered any affinities between Tibetan and any of these groups. 
Basil Gould and Hugh Richardson speaking, reading and writing 
Tibetan almost like the Bod-pa (Tibetan) wrote in 1943 that 
"Tibetan is widely separated in vocabulary, grammar and mode of 
thought from any language with which the learner i s expected to be 
familiar", r^rlljr ; !c:^\ icJ UL^UM of languages, Denison Ross, 
had admitte-.i isc *: m, ils.'.ig:-. ^ fo 1 : that his mastery of Russian 
was complementary to his mastery of Tibetan and vice versa. 
Knowledge of Sanskrit, which Denison Ross and Hugh Richardson 
had acquired before beginning Tibetan, did not determine the 
proficiency of such eminent Tibetologists. 

To obtain the exact meaning of Sanskrit words and phrases 
Thomi Sambhota and his successors had first resorted to a servile 
imitation of Sanskrit layout and style and ignored the claims of 
Tibetan syntax. This resulted in monstrous compositions which 
misrepresented the potentialities of Sanskrit and denied the genius 
of Tibetan language. These translations were later on considerably 
revised or altogether replaced; a few servive in the manuscripts 
discovered from the Caves of Thousand Buddhas and other sites 

( 280 ) 

in the north and north-webl of Tibet. Tn the later or revised 
translations imagery and idiom of Sanskrit underwent welcome 
Tibetanization along with honourable acceptance of native idiom 

No effort was spared to probe into the etymology of a Sabda 
or to unravel the aphorisms of Vynkarana. Panini and later 
Sarasvata Vynkarana were studied with the same zeal as in the fols 
in India. Thus while each word of the original was rendered into 
its exact appropriate in Tibetan, the Tibetan syntax was complied 
with. For every translation there would be one (or two) Indian 
scholar knowing Tibetan and one (or two) Tibetan scholar knowing 
Sanskrit. For support to translators, compilation of grammars and 
lexicons was slso taken in hand. For widely used or commonplace 
terms like Buddha, Dharma or Sangha uniform sets of equivalents 
were fixed by a central council of translators. The result of the 
translations from the time of Tliomi (c. 650) till the propagation 
by Atisa(c. 1050) were later incorporated into two encyclopaedic 
ca'lecrior.a. cai'.cd Kanfur ^and Tanjur. Kanjur stands for Buddh- 
aiccana and "Janjur lor Sdsira. Thus Abhidharma, Prajftnparamitn 
and Vlnaya, the treatises of Nagarjuna, Asanga and Dinnaga or the 
\i:ov. Mi 1 '.";!*" 1 .. i:r:* f^r T** 1 ." "R?-.' are all enshrined in these 
C.M..J: * i". " ! 1 .. :.'. ! > .! = - ' - : idiomatic translation many 
of the Buddhist Sanskrit works would have been lost forever. I need 
not recite the great Mahayana works recovered by Brian Hodgson 
and Rahula Sankrityayana or refer to the Gilgit Manuscripts 
read by Nalinaksha Dutt. I would however remind that 
Nagarjuna's Suhfllekha or Dinnaga's Pramanasamuccaya are yet to 
be discovered. 

Through such scientific translations and regular exchanges 
with Nepali and Indian scholars, imagery and idiom of Sanskrit 
became a part and parcel of Tibetan literature and later, when 
Mongols embraced the Dharma, of Mongol literature. This impact 
is noticed most in the art of dialectics, science of poetics, and 
historiography. Buddhist logic with Indian art of polemics and 
Indian logician's mannerisms flourished in refuge in Sakya, Drepung 
and Urga. For nodels of rhetoric and prosody, men of letters in 
T:VC! p-i:1 \ f ,v"l' invariably referred back to Kavyadarfa and 
si:i: : : ^ V:* 'r\ n I'll::. Dialectics or poetics were, however, not 
much developed in Tibet before the advent of Dharma; therefore 
such Indie elements in Tibetan literaiure were more in the nature of 
innovations than revolutions. For a true revolution in Tibetan 
literature one has to notice the historiographica! writings in Tibet. 
In the beginning, that is, before Sanskrit made its impact, the annals 
and chronicles of Tibet were inspired by the Chinese tradition of 

( 281 ) 

Shin-chi (the Record of the Scnb = the Record of a Historian). The 
Chinese method of record-keeping meant a meticulous -regard for 
events and their dates. The Indian tradition of historical writings, 
as will be accepted by this distinguished grathering of Sanskritists* 
was indifferent to mundane happenings and their chronological 
sequence. TU ? r* nj-n-- , ,. wa& evcntually 

the victory : -.,,.,_ Men of letters> 

including historical scholars, submitted to the Indian school of 
history. The Tibetan nomenclature for records, Yig-tshang, yielded 
to a new form Chon-jung (Chos-hbyung) or the Growth of Religion. 
As the new nomenclature suggests the content of chronicles, that is 
the subject-matter of history was now the Dharma, its origin in 
India and its growth in the Trans-Himalayas. The Dharma was 
eternal and everything else was transitory; therefore the story of 
Dharma was history par- excellence. The ideal history was no longer 
the Records (Yig-tshang) or the Line of Kings (Rgyal-rabs) but the 
Dharmakahini (Chos-hbyung). The lives and thoughts of the saints 
and scholars, the doctrinal debates and the construction of temples 
and monasteries were now the stuff for the historiographer. Even 
then a strong sense for historical sequence and a high regard for 
firm chronology continued to characterize the chronicles of Tibet. 
It cannot be denied that Tibetan historical writings contained much 
useful data for history of the neighbouring countries. Taranatha's 
'History of Buddhism' abounds with legends and myths but provides 
some unimpeachable evidence where Indian literary sources are 

A measure of Sanskrit impact on Tibetan and Mongol 
languages is provided by the wide currency of loan-words from 
Sanskrit. While a most fuithful and yet perfect translation of the 
entire corpus of Sanskrit vocabulary was achieved and even many 
proper names like ASoka and VaiSali were rendered into Tibetan, 
for academic as well as sentimental grounds the Sanskrit forms of 
certain words were preferred. Thus while Buddha, Dharma and 
Sangha or Veda and Vijnnna were always expressed in Tibetan 
forms, terms like Guru and, Muni or Sakyamuni and Panini have 
been used in the original form down to our times. Not that 
good Tibetan equivalents could not be coined but that such 
coinage could not satisfactorily convey the full context of the 
term. It will be interesting to give a few examples of Sanskrit 
loan-words : Om, Mani, Padma, VSranasI, NalandS, Taksagila. 
Some Sanskrit words underwent sea-change in spelling and pronun- 
ciation. Five such loan-words common to Tibetan and Mongol 
would be - Arya, Dharma Pa?(Jita, Ratna, Vajra. In Mongol there 

( 282 ) 

was a greater zeal to have as many Sanskrit words as possible f or 
the Mongol translators rightly found that in the relay of Dharma 
from Sanskrit to Mongol via Tibetan the original context would be 
more obscure. A thirteenth century Mongol version of Lalitavistara 
is conspicuously punctuated with Sanskrit words. I cull here some 
as per transcription of Professor Nicholas Poppe with regular 
Sanskrit form in brackets. Duvaja (Dhvaja), Laksa (Laksmaija) 
Bodi (Bodhi), Dibangkara (Dlparp kara), Hrdini (Ratna), Arsi (^ 
Diyan (Dhyana), Esrua (ISvara), Kadali (Kackili), Tusid (Tu$ita)', 
Manggal (Mangala), Sarati (Sarathi), Vmai (Vinaya), YaSodari 
(YaSodhara), Sidi (Siddhi), Darm-zicari (Dharmacan), Kumuda 
(Kumuda), Vcir 0* ; :,- : .\ \:..,..:.; -V .- --.-, ."./, . ,. : _.. ; . 
Sarvaartasidi (San:!:;" -:*;. : . ..%".* % ." ,.- -. ,' . . - v .:: . ".- . 
(Us.lsa), Arata Kalmi (Arada Kalama), Badir (.Patra), Badmi 
(Padma), Samadi (Samadhi), Maqamayi (Mahamuya), Siramani 
(rama^a), Vayiduri (Vaidurya), Gunamati (Gunamaii), Ratnagarci 
(Ratnagarbha), Ridi (Rddhi). It is not necessary to extend the list 
of Sanskrit words in the Trans-Himalayas. I need however record 
my most pleasant experience in the Baikals regions to hear the 
Burial Mongols uttering the words like Adisa (Atisa), Bandita 
(Pan4ita) and Erteni (Ratna) without any efforts in their prayers in 
Mongol and their talks in Russian. 

If I tell a LSma (Mongol or Tibetan) that modern researches 
have proved that there are substantial non-Aryan elements ia 
Sanskrit vocabulary and that such words as Candana, Da^wja, 
Paijijita and Bilva are pobably of Dravidian stock the Lama would 
retort that whatever is Sanskrit is Arya. If I argue further I may 
offend the Trans-Himalayan believer be he a monk or a layman, 
a scholar or a muleteer. I had on several occasions told Lama$ 
that in modern Indian opinion Buddha Sakyamuni would be traced 
to Tibeto-Mongoloid stock and not Indo-Aryan. Far from pleasing 
the Lamas my statement was a sort of blasphemy which pained them 
considerably. To a Northern Buddhist all moral and spiritual 
values are from AryabhQmi (Phags-yul in Tibetan) and Buddha 

[ Acknowledgement : My own on-the-spot observations as 
well as the works of pioneers in the study of Trans-Himalayas 
provide data for this paper* All necessary references will be found 
in V. Bhattacharya : Bholaprakasa (Calcutta 1939); N. Dutt : Gflgtt 
Manuscripts I (Srinagar 1939); N.Dutt (ed) : Prajna (Gangtok 1961); 
and F. W. Thomas : "Brahmi Script in Central Asian Sanskrit 
Manuscripts" in Asiatica festschrift Friedrich Welter (Leipzig 1954). 

( 283 ) 

In a, recent paper entitled "Study of Sanskrit Grammar in Tibet" 
Mb ofTibetokgy, Vol. VII No. 2) B. Ghosh nanates the 
history of Sanskrit grammar in Tibet down to the nineteenth 
cen tury. Regarding Tibetan (and Mongol) sentiments on Buddha's 
nationality vide N. C. Sinha : Greater Mia ; Fact, Fiction & Fetish 

D**vi v * 

r, 1971) and "Indie elements in Tibetan culture" in jKon 
Vol. 49, No. 1. For an authoritative statement of 
Tibetan sentiments about Tibet's indebtedness to Sanskrit vide the 
palai Lama's address to the Buddha Jayanti Symposium on 
November 29, 1956, in Shakabpa ; Tibet (New Haven 1967), 


DR. K. K. Roy 


The Indo-Tibetan people occupy territory to the north-east of 
India and south of Tibet, which is politically known as Bhutan, 
Sikkim and parts of Arunachal Pradesh in India. Through the 
ages it has evolved its own pattern of existence. Sparse population, 
rugged terrain and poor communications have been the lot of these 
nv.v">*r ,';,' 1" j :""" ? ".^r- u r< v ~n to first exist in this part of the 
vv/M. ".i 1 ; I 1 .*-, -" the Lcpchas, or as they prefer to 
call themselves fhe "Rong-pa", the Bhutius, the Tsongs, the 
1 .11 -I . p-. 'V ? f r -=! s *!-? Kv~*epas, the Khengs, the Wangs 
: ,; iv , sj\_; ' -i ,-: s ;.':: ,v. > . \. all over the region including 
the Mirasaktens who are closely related to the Monpas of the 
Tawang area of Arunachal Pradesh. No single or common linguis- 
tic or ethnological basis can be made in the case of these people; 
suffice it to say that their languages are all derived from the 
Tibeto-Sanskrit group and that most of these tribes, if not all, are 
Buddhists or Lamaists which is a form of Mahayana Buddhism. 

Prior to the advent of Buddhism in this region, the people had 
taken to a form of nature worship, variously referred toasPon 
(also spelt Bon) or Shamanism. It was a curious mixture of 
witchcraft and sorcery with the worship of spirits and ghosts. In 
or about 640 A.D. Songtsen Gampo was ruling Tibet. This King 
had a Nepalese queen who was locally regarded as an incarnation 
of the Buddhist saviouress, Tara, the goddess of Knowledge. This 
made the Tibetan ruler deeply interested in Buddhism and in order 
to fulfil his Queen's wishes, he sent one of his trusted ministers, 
Thonmi Sambhata, as an envoy to India to know more about 
Buddhism and bring all holy scriptures to Tibet. Thonmi Sambhata 
duly came to India in the same year and seriously applied himself 
to the study of Sanskrit which in turn led him to the study of 
Buddhist religious scriptures. In all he was in India for seven years 

( 284 ) 

during which he visited ail the principal places of Buddhist interest 
&ich made a deep and a lasting impression on him. 

When Thonmi Sambhata went back to Tibet by way of 

.adakh, he was asked by King Songtsen Gampo to make an 

jlphabet of the Tibetan language since prior to this period, Tibet 

aad no written language. My findings show that the Tibetan 

alphabet as devised by Thonmi Sambhata is completely and 

thoroughly based on Sanskrit alphabet, as was then written in 

Kashmir. This alphabet has undoubtedly undergone some changes 

jn later period, but it can still be deciphered by those knowing the 

Sanskrit alphabet as was then being written in Kashmir. The 

Tibetan language was thus only reduced to writing in the seventh 

century and its entire alphabet was based on Sanskrit alphabet. 

True enough, Tibetan words were derived from a variety of 

languages such as the Shina languages of the Dardic sub-family, 

the Bodhi language of the Buddhist Ladakh, Chinese and Burmese 

VJ.. ;:- JV :^:-^ -,--? T; ::,-.' V : .y i. .- . , :- : .- ,. -phabet 

*.::: :.-'.... -; S; - . ' ! ...,.;,:;. * - w , , ../,, , .'words 

in the Tibetan language which are derived from Sanskrit. It is 

small wonder because at that time Sanskrit as a vehicle of Buddhism 

had gone right up and into Chinese Turkestan in Central Asia. 

About the year A.D. 742 when Buddhism was fast declining 
in India, Guru Padma Sambhava, the Lotus-Born and also subse- 
quently known as Guru Rimpoche brought Buddhism to what is 
known as the Indo-Tibetan region* This was almost a hundred 
years after Thonmi Sambhata came back with holy Buddhist 
scriptures in Sanskrit to Tibet, Padma Sambhava was a teacher of 
mysticism at the Nalanda University and was well versed in 
Tantricism, an amalgam of Buddhism with primitive belief and 
nature worship then current in certain parts of Indki and Nepal, 
He travelled on foot all <r , TT ' <=" " * " ' r A . : , ' ' 
Pradesh for nearly five ye , , , w - " k _ 

disputing with local chieftains and high priests of Shamanism, 
composing soul-stirring hymns to Buddha in local dialects, training 
several local disciples and establishing mani-lakhangs that even 
to-day remain active and alive. He set in motion all over the Indo- 
Tibetan region a tidal wave of spirituality, which even after the 
passage of more than 1200 years is on i'- ,v JT;- : "f; -n.irr 1 *. His 
another abiding contribution is that he ;*r *. vj-.i :,i:*i -'. :il Indo- 
Tibetan tribal languages with such a rich wealth of Sanskrit words 
that even a casual probe in these dialects is enough to convince 
c , " *..- " . x * * A -- J ^ on these languages at that time, 
j BI -..(,..< , ; said to have vanquished all the 

( 286 ) 

demons of the Shamanistic school of thought and through conver 
sion established the first community of the lamas in 747. A.D. 

During this sojourn in these regions, the Guru's fame as a 
mystic and a teacher spread naturally into Tibet also. He was soon 
sought after by the then Tibetan King, Thiarong Detsan, \vho had 
inherited from his forbears a strong leaning towards Buddhism 
Thisrong Detsan was the son of a Chinese Princess and was known 
to be more interested in the Chinese style of Buddhism rather than 
Indian. When Guru Rimpoche reached the Tibetan capital, he was 
pleasantly surprised to find another notable Indian scholar of th 
times. He was none other than Santaraksita with his disciple 
Kamalastla. All these three Indian Buddhist teachers gradually won 
over King Thisrong Detsan to the Indian merit of Buddhism 
Systematic translations of Buddhist scriptures from Sanskrit to 
Tibetan were undertaken by these three Buddhist scholars and their 
growing number of disciples. Teachers to teach Buddhism were 
imported from India and the first monastery was established by Guru 
Rimpoche in 747 A.D at Samye in Tibet. This monastery still 
stands and is built on the style of Indian viharas. Buddhism, as 
then established by Guru Rimpoche in Tibet and in the Indo-Tibetan 
region is a superb mixture of MahaySna Buddhism with local mytho- 
logy, mysticism and magic. The relics of Pon as well as Tantric 
practices in regard to Prannya?na 9 Asanas and Mantras were essential 
ingredients. These are clearly Sanskrit terms describing certain 
postures and positions for meditation, recitation and incantation of 
prayers 01 sacred texts. 

On his return from Tibet to Bhutan and Sikkim in A.D 750. 
Guru Rimpoche set about translating sacred Buddhist texts from 
Sanskrit in the local Indo-Tibetan tribal languages. The translations 
had to be oral and teaching was only from word of mouth because 
none of the Indo-Tibetans had any written language at the time. They 
only used to speak different kinds of patois which can be said to he 
a mixture of Tibetan and Sanskrit with no clear line of demarcation. 
As I have tried to show, the Tibetan alphabet itself was then only a 

'' ' ; ' ' in no way be compared to 

-Sanskrit which was far more advanced. Guru Rimpoche and his 
disciples were more tuned to Sanskrit than to Tibetan which is 
probably the only reason for his attempt to enlarge the Indo-Tibetan 
languages with Sanskrit words and phrases. This period according 
to Fr. Cacella, a Jesuit traveller in 1627, was the height ofproto- 
historic contacts between Sanskrit and Tibetan in these regions. Fr. 
further traces the earliest stages of Indo-Tibetan language 

and has shown a morphology consisting of prefixes and suffixes. By 
the time the written form of these languages became fixed around 
the seventeenth century, the prefixes and suffixes of Sanskrit origin 
were tending to disappear and were replaced by Sanskrit features of 
tone accompanied by simpler forms with complex consonant clusters. 
This development was uneven in various dialects; in some the 
clusters tended to remain; in others the tonal system developed. 
The evolution of the script of this group of languages is a matter of 
greater controversy in as much as a definite history of these lang- 
uages is still in the making. 

During the period, seventh to seventeenth century, it is without 
doubt that Sanskrit developed as a larguage of administration in 
this region. The records of the reign of two famous Kings of the 
era, Khikharathoid, the ruler of Khempajonj in Kurtoi and 
Naguchhi, King of Sindhu, both of whom flourished duiing the late 
eighth and early ninth century in these parts bear testimony to this 
fact. Even upto the time of Phuntshog Namgyal in A.D. 1642 
administrative records were in Sanskrit, though Fr. Cacella does 
record the fact that signs of Sanskrit having undergone some 
linguistic mutation were visible then. 

Another evidence of the impact of Sanskrit in this region can 
be seen by the fiist Sanskritized Buddhist scriptures inscribed at 
Takphu, literally a rock-cave (associated with Guru Rirapoche). 
Tongsa, Punakha, Taksang Dzong and numerous mani-lakkangs 
which are even to-day to be found in several villages in Bhutan, 
Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh. These mani-lakhangs are somewhat 
akin to the present-day gompas and they minister to the religious 
needs of the local villagers. Each of these inscriptions contains 
correct ^vV^.s -V. : * "T-, J = md most of these words have found 
their w,-y : i . ::i ' j "I v:* :' dialects either in their original or 
varied forms. 

The traditional arts and crafts as also architecture of the 
people of these parts, especially in the construction of dzongs, fort 
monasteries and residential buildings clearly reflect early Indian 
influence when Sanskrit was widely prevalent in use all over the sub- 
continent. This has been interpreted by historians as a continuation 
of medieval Buddhist art and language of the Pala Kings who ruled 
a part of North India from 750 to 1150 A.D. An examination of 
the later period shows that Tibetan and Chinese influence over tradi- 
tional arts and crafts was predominant. 

It is thus clear that Sanskrit, both in its pure and hybridised 
form, has through the centuries freely given of its own rich heritage 



11 T ( . 4 - T*1 , ^ . - 1 .-.,.,. j.1. ^ . I . ' f 

' : reducing theflo w 


01 '' ' v "'' ' ' ' ' '-'- is a later deveU 
ment around the end of the seventeenth century. Sanskrit is ' \ 
held to be the repository of all essential knowledge in these / ' 
where even nr-^rr^t T-.-:*:-';^ are being discovered 68 ? 
multiplicity o'.--. ' i 1 -.-..:. a: .... ::,., are really local or dialJ-S 
variants of a few prominent dynamic and hard core languages k 
as Dzongkha, but the common features in the local scrints 
extensively Sanskrit-based that we can, with a few exceptio 
quite easily from one language to another. Most Indo i?' 
languages lack literary and scientific vocabulary It is her nT 
Sanskrit can once again play its role of a mother language Aft 
its revival in India, as is being done now, it can with local scnW 
Indo-Tibetan tongues, continue its role of give and take ah J 
elements of value and beauty in the local language and literature 
as to readily equip these languases for their proper role for A 
future upliftment of the people of this region. 


1. TV P " - . 

-. Account of an Embassy to the Court of the Teshu Lam 
Tibet by Capt. Samuel Turner (1800). 

3. Ancient Geography by Cunningham. 

4. History of India by M. Elphinstone (Cowell's Notes) 

5. Report on Bhutan by R.T). TV.,\.,; O ,-* ; ;,, '" 

6. Indo- Aryans by %.*&..: ..',.i M'.-i.^j!^." 1 '' 

7. 5X2^i and Bhutan by J. Claude White 0909) 

8. The Religion of Tibet by Sir Charles Bell (1931) 



National University of Australia, 

In 1929 F.W. Thomas announced the discovery of a Tibetan 
version of the Ramayana story among the manuscripts brought back 
from Tun-huang by Sir Aurei Stein in the beginning of this 
century. 1 A few years later Marcelle Lalou described two other 
manuscripts, which also contain fragments of the story of Rama 
and Slta. a In his article Thomas gave a summary of three of his 
manuscripts and translated most of the verses. One of the Paris 
manuscripts has been edited and translated by J. K. Balbir in 1963. 3 
In a volume, published last year in memory of Marcelle Lalou, f 
have contributed an edition and translation of the second of the 
Paris manuscripts. 4 In view of the importance of this Tibetan 
version, a complete edition and translation of all six manuscripts is 
highly desirable. For some time I have been working on this project 
which will comprise an introduction, an edition of the six fragments, 
a translation, notes and a glossary. It is not an easy task to 
translate these fragments which are written in pre-classical Tibetan. 
Especially the verses are often difficult to understand. However, 
the greater part of the texts can be translated without too many 
difficulties. I hope that even a provisional translation will be of 
interest to scholars, concerned with the history of the RamSyana- 

None of the six manuscripts contains a date. Some of the 
manuscripts, found in Tun-huang, have been brought there from 
central Tibet, but probably most of them have been written by local 
scribes. Many Tibetan texts are written on the verso of Chinese 
manuscripts. These texts must have been written in Tun-huang 
during the Tibetan occupation which lasted from 787 (according to 
Demieville 5 ) or 782 (according to Fujieda') to 848. Two of the 
Tibetan texts in the India Office (MSS A and D) are written on the 

( 289 ) 

( 290 ) 

verso of Chinese texts. It is therefore not too rash to assume that, 
probably, all six manuscripts, which are closely related to each 
other, were written during the Tibetan occupation of Tun-huang. 
The story of Rama and SIta was known also in Central Tibet. The 
famous Sanskrit- Tibetan terminological dictionary, the Mahavyut- 
patti, which was compiled in the beginning of the ninth century 7 
contains an entry : Sitaharanarn, lib. rol-med phrogs-pa (no. 7629). 
SitSharanam probably is the title of a work known to the compilers 
of the Mahavyutpatti. Sarat Chandra Das refers for this work to 
the biography of Atisa, the famous Indian scholar who arrived in 
Western Tibet in 1042 and died near Lhasa in 1054. 8 According to 
Das the full title is : "The story of the ravishment of SIta and of 
the killing of the yaksa A-a-pa" (rol rned-ma phrogs-pa dan gnod- 
sbyin a-sa-pa bsad-pd'i gtam-rgyud). The word which 1 translate 
as "story** (gtam-rgyudy is used to render Sanskrit dkhyana (cf. 
Mahavyutpatti no. 7128). The Tibetan version of the Ramayana, 
found in the Tun-huang manuscripts, is written in prose, inters- 
persed with verses. Perhaps the "Story of the ravishment of SIta 
and of the killing of the yaksa A-sa-pa" was also written in this 
style. However, this story is not identical with the one found 
in Tun-huang. The Tun-huang version does not mention a 
yaksa A-sa-pa. One of the six manuscripts contains a title of 
which only the words king Ramana (rgyal-po Ra-ma-na) have been 
preserved. Jn any case, there is no doubt that versions of the 
Ramayana story were known about 800 A.D. both in Central Tibet 
and m the North-East. In the Mahavyutpatti STta is rendered in 
Tibetan by Rol-rned-ma 'Found in the furrow 1 . This has not been 
noticed by Das who reconstructs the Sanskrit name as Lllavatl. In 
the Tun-huang version of the Ramayana it is told that SIta was 
enclosed in a copper vessel and committed to the waters. She was 
found by an Indian peasant, while he was channelling water in a 
furrow of his field. For this reason he gave her the name 
Rol-rned-ma. It is clear from this story that Rol-rned-ma renders 
Sanskrit SIta. Nevertheless, Thomas, probably misguided by Das, 
indicates as Sanskrit name Lllavatl. 9 This error has been perpe^ 
tuated in later publications dealing with the Tibetan Ramayana 
There can be no doubt that the author of the Tibetan version knew 
the meaning of the word Sita. In this version Sanskrit names are 
sometimes transcribed, sometimes translated. When king 
DaSaratha is first mentioned, the author adds a Tibetan translation 
Ten chariots" (tifi-rta bcu-pd). These examples show clearly that 

this Tibetan version must be closely related to an unknown Indian 

All six manuscripts are incomplete. However, by piecing the 
fragments together it is possible to reconstruct an almost complete 

( 291 ) 

text. Thomas has designated the four manuscripts in the India 
Office Libzary with the letters A, B, C and D Marcelle L^ou 
has accordingly given the letters E and F to the two Paris 
manuscripts.*- Manuscript A contains 440 lines, manuscript E 276 
lines and the four others between 41 and 99 lines. Thomas already 
indicated that manuscript D is probably an earlier part of 
manuscript A. Closer examination of these two manuscripts and a 
comparison with the other manuscripts shows that D contains a 
part of the story immediately preceding that given in A. The first 
few lines of D are missing. The complete manuscript must have 
contained almost 500 lines of which 491 have been preserved. Two 
other manuscripts C and F are closely related to manuscript A. 
The four manuscripts A, D, C and F thus represent one recension : 
recension I. The other two manuscripts B and E are almost 
identical, the main difference between the two consisting in the fact 
that the text of B has been expanded by a few additions between 
the lines. This recension, which I call recension II, is more concise 
than version I, as appears already from the fact that the 276 lines 
of E correspond to about 340 lines of the manuscripts D and A. 
However, recension II contains one episode which is missing from 
recension I. 

Before discussing a few points of the Tun-huang RImayana 
story it is necessary to give a summary. In this summary, which is 
divided into 46 sections, the main differences between the two 
versions have been indicated. Variant forms of the names which 
occur in the manuscripts have been added in parentheses. 

SUMMARY of An old Tibetan Version of the Ramayava. 
/. Description of the country of Lankapura, situated on an 

island in the ocean. Dl-9, E 2-7, B 1-5. 

//. The king of the demons, YagSakoric (Yagsakore), reigns over 
the three worlds and cannot be overcome by gods or men. 
The gods decide to ask Visravas and Sridevi to bear a son 
who will be capable of defeating him. D 9-16, E 8-16, B 6-14. 
///. The gods address their request to Visravas and Srldevl. By 
means of a smile a son is born. He kills all demons but 
spares the infant Main: -.--'. - -,*-'- lpan ta, 

Malyapa'da), the son of' ' : ' -. t 15-21. 

/K. A brahman, Ratana, tells Malhyapanta about the killing of 
the demons. In order to seek revenge he devotes himself to 
the service of a divine rsi; Svapasina (Bisurasena), the son of 
p 24-33, E 23-32, B 21-30, 

( 292 ) 

V Malhyapanta offers his daughter Meke&ena 'Mekns.r.a, 

" Megasina) to him. D 24-33, E 32-43, B 21-30. 
VI. Svapasina accepts Mekesena. D 43-51, A 1-2, E 43-51, 

B 42-48. 

VII. Three sons are born to Mekesena : Dasagrlva, Udpakana 
(Ampakarna) and Cirisana (Birmasa). Brahmfi gives ten 
heads to DaSagrlva. Malhyapanta asks them to go to 
Lankapura. They promise to do so. A 2-9 E 51-59, B 48-56. 
VIII. The three sons (devaputras) ohtain power over the gods from 
Mahadeva. They defeat the gods and kill both gods and men 
in Lankapura. E 59-67, B 56-63. 

(a) Malhyapanta offers a banquet. The devaputras promise 
to avenge him. A 9-16, C 1-5. 

(b) Malhyapanta tells them about his father Yagsakore and 
asks them again to avenge him. They promise to do so. 
A 16-22, C 5-8. 

(c) They are unable to defeat the gods and ask Brahma for 
three miraculous powers : (1) that everybody at whom 
they shoot an arrow shall die; (2) immortality; (3) power 
over the three worlds. Brahma refuses. A 22.30, C 8-15. 

(d) The devaputras ask Mahadeva for his miraculous power. 
Although DaSagrlva cuts off one of his heads and offers 
it, Mahadeva does not grant their request. His wife, 
Upade (Umade), offers her own miraculous power which 
they reject. She curses them and prophesies that they 
will be destroyed by a woman. A 30-41, C 15-23. 

(?) Mahadeva's minister, Prahasti (Prahaste), offers his 
miraculous power which they reject. He prophesies that 
they will be destroyed by a monkey. A 41-47, C 23-30. 

(/) The goddess of speech transforms herself into the tip 
of the tongue of the devaputras and modifies their 
requests. They obtain the following powers : (1) power 
over the gods; (2) the death of any being that is struck 
by the first arrow shot; (3) immortality as long as the 
horse-head of Dasagrlva has not been cut ofT. 
They defeat the gods, kill the gods and the men in 
Lankapura. A 47-56, C 30-41. End of C. 
IX. Dasagrlva goes to Visnu who lives in the North, in the Ocean 

of Milk, but is unable even to attack him. E 67-80, B 63-77. 

Episode missing in A and C. 
Jf. The gods deliberate what to do against DasugrTva and the 

demons. Mahadeva declares himself unable to assist them 

but advises them to ask Vigrtu for help. Vi$iju incarnates 

himself as Ramana, the son of Dasaratha, and his son appears 
on earth as LagSana. In order to bring about Dasagrlva's 
ruin, a goddess enters into the womb of his wife. E 80-92, 
B 77-89. 

(a) The gods deliberate. As the demons cannot be defeated 
by the gods, the gods cause a being capable of destroying 
the demons, to be born as the daughter of DaSagrlva, 
A 56-60. 

(&) The king of Jambudvlpa, DaSaratha, prays to five hundred 
Arhats on Mount Kailasa for a son. They give him a 
flower for the chief queen. The chief queen gives one 
half to the junior queen. The son of the junior queen , 
Raman a, is born three days before the son of the chief 
queen, LagSana. A 65-73. 

XL Birth of the daughter of Dasagrlva. Readers of signs predict 
that she shall cause the ruin of her father and the demons. 
She is placed in a copper box and committed to the waters. 
An Indian peasant finds her and gives her the name 
Rol-rned-ma 'Found in the furrow*. A 60-65, E 92-95, 
B 89-92. 

XIT. King Dasaratha is wounded in a battle between the gods and 
" " ' * * . appoint as successor. 

... 'is appointed. King 

Dasaratha dies. A 73-83, E 104-111. 

XIII. LagSana offers the reign over the four dvipas to Ramana who 
refuses. Lagsana places one of the shoes of Ramana on the 
throne and acts as minister. A 83-90, Fa 1-4, E 111-116. 

XIV Rol-rned-ma grows up. The peasants search for a suitable 

" husband. They find Ramana. A 90-96, Fa 4-9, E 116-119. 
XV. The peasants praise the beauty of Rol-rned-ma. 24 verses in 
A 96-109, Fa 10-19; 12 in E 119-126. 

XVI "R ' ' !" ' '^ H l* 1 "- r an(i gives her the name of queen Sita. 
' K.rii", ; !vj<r.> .'::?. A 106-109, Fa 19-20, E 126-128. 

XVII A minister of YagSakore, Marutse, prevents 500 brahmans 
from obtaining a Siddhi. Ramana throws a finger-ring at 
Marutse and injures one of his eyes. The brahmans obtain 
their siddhi and give Ramana a blessing : all those who will 
die by his arrows will be reborn as gods. A 109-119. 

XVIII. Daugava's sister, Purpala (Phurpala) falls in love with 
Ramana. Ramana, who loves Sita very much, rejects her. 
A 119-130, E 128-136. 

XIX. Purpala advises her brother DaSagrlva to steal Slta. His 
minister. Marutse, tries in vain to dissuade him. A 131 14n 
E 136-143. " U> 

XX* Marutse transforms himself into a deer. Slta asks Raman 
to capture the deer for her. Marutse interposes a storm 
between Ramana and Slta. Raman a shoots the deer, who 
exclaims: "Pity, O Lags an a". Slta begs Lagsana to 'go to 
the assistance of his brother. A 140-J52, E 143-155. 

XXI. At first Lagsana refuses to leave Slta but, eventually, he gives 
in to her and leaves, uttering this curse : fc< If in my mind there 
is no deceit, may you, husband and wife, feel hatred for each 
other one time 1" Slta regrets having persuaded Ramana to 
go after the deer. A 153-162, E 155-167. 

XXII. Dasagrlva appears before Slta in the form of an elephant then 
in the form of a horse but Slta refuses to mount him. Af rai d 
to be burned by touching Slta, he carries her away along with 
a plot of ground. Ramana and Lagsana return and search 
everywhere for Slta. A 162-171, Fb 1-3, E 167-176. 

XXIII. They come upon a stream of black water and discover that it 
flows from the eyes, mouth and nose of Sugnva, the youneer 
son of the king of monkeys. He explains that his elder 
brother, Balin, has injured him. Sugrlva advises them to ask 
three monkeys who had fled to a mountain for information 
about S5ta. A 171-182, Fb 3-14, E 176-183. 

XXIV. The monkeys tell Ramana that a man with ten beads (the 
first of which is a horse-head) has carried away STtS Ramana 
makes a pact with Sugrlva, promising to make him king if he 
helps him to find Slta. A 182-190, Fb 14-23 E 1 83-193 

. Sugrlva fights with Balin. Ramana is unable to distinguish 

^a^-"^. ^ ^ "- f "<* The 
A 190-198, F1 - . from further fighting. 

XXVI. A mirror is attached to Sugrlva's tail, The wife of Balia tries 

M " ni 

A 20818, E22i8 glVeS w " * - "tter for hor. 

( 295 ) 

/. The monkeys arc very thirsty. Following two ducks they 
enter a cavern. They discover the residence of gTsug-rgyal 
sgeg-mo, the daughter of SrJdevi. The goddess tells them to 
close their- eyes. When they awaken, they are on a large beach 
in front of a black mountain, which proves to be a black bird 
with burned wings. He tells them that he is Pada', the elder 
son of Agajaya (Agajana), king of eagles. Pada* had entered 
into a contest with his younger brother Sampada' for the 
kingdom. They both flew away from the mountain. 
Sampada^s wing was in danger of being burnt by the sun. 
Pada' came to his assistance and thus lost the contest and the 
kingdom. Pada' tells them that SIta was ravished by 
Dasagriva, His father, an old friend of Dasaratha, snatched 
SIta from DaSagriva. DasagrTva threw a lump of red-hot iron 
at him. Agajaya ate it and, his heart burnt, he died. 
DasagrTva took SIta away. A 218-238, E 218-222 (E omits 
the visit to the cave.). 

XXIX. Hanumanta leaps to Lanka, leaving the two other monkeys 
behind. He finds Sita in a castle with nine walls without 
gates. He gives her the letter and the ring. A 238-246, 
E 222-229, 

XXX, SIta reads Raman a' s letter, 20 verses. A 246-256, E 229-240, 

XXX T. Hanumanta uproots the trees in the park and kills the 
demons sent to capture him. The eldest son of DaSagriva 
tries to capture him with a magic noose made of sun-beams. 
The gods of the magical power order Hanumanta to enter the 
noose. Hanumanta asks as favour to be killed in the same 
way as his father was killed. The demons wrap his tail in 
cloth, dip it in butter and set it on fire. Hanumanta burns 
the castle of the demons and many demons die. A 256-272, 
E 240-253, 

XXX/A Hanumanta returns to Sita who gives him a letter for 
Raman a. Hanumanta goes and gives the letter to Rarnana 
who reads it. A 272-286, E 253-267. 

XXX///. The monkeys and the men set out for Lanka. The monkeys 
Maku and Damsi (Dan'du) quarrel while constructing a bridge. 
Ramana reconciles them. They arrive in Lanka. DaSagriva's 
younger brother, Ampakarna (Udpakarna) advises his brother 
to flee. DaSagrlva does not listen to him and Ampakarna 
joins Ramana. A 286-301, E 267-275. 

XXX/K. Kumbhakarna had formerly obtained the boon of eternal 
sleep. Dasagriva and the others try to wake him up by pouring 
liquid in his ear and by making a thousand elephants trample 

( 296 ) 

his bdoy. They finally succeed by beating one hundred thousand 
great drums. Kumbha karna swallows the men and the monkeys, 
but Ramana and Hanumanta escape. Kumbhakarna falls 
asleep again. A 301308. 

XXXV. At the advice of Ampakarna, Hanumanta is sent to fetch a 
herb Amrtasamjlva on mount Kailasa, He returns with the 
entire mountain which is replaced again. All men and monkeys 
are revived. A 308 3 1 1 . 

XXXVI. Battle with Dasagrlva. His younger brother, Birinasa, flees. 
Lagsana is killed. Dasagrlva makes himself invisible. Ramana 
defies him to show the toe of his foot. Ramana cuts off his 
horse-head and Dasagrlva dies, killing the demons in his fall 
A 31 1323. 

XXXVII. Ramana climbs through the window of the castle and 
liberates SIta. He revives Lagsana. SugrTva and Ramana 
return to their respective countries. A 323 327. 

XXXVIII. Hanumanta is appointed minister of Sugrlva. They invite 
Ramana, LagSana and SIta and organise banquets. Later 
Sugriva dies and the reign is offered to Hanumanta. A 328-333, 

XXXIX. Hanumanta first refuses but finally accepts. A 333-340, 
XL. Hanumanta forgets to send letters and presents to Ramana. 

Ramana sends him a message. Hanumanta repents and they 
become friends as before. A 340-352. 

XLI. King Benbala revolts and before setting out to fight him 
Ramana leaves SIta and his son in the care of SOOrsis on 
mount Malayan a. SIta goes for a walk and leaves her son 
with the rsis, but he follows her. When the realise that he 
is missing, they create another son> made of Kusa grass. SIta 
returns with Lava and adopts Kusa. Ramana returns after 
having reduced Benbala to subjection. A 352-368. 

XT IT. "R-.: . ir *w * .. i s ; ^ ^ - t ' between the Licchavi Vimala 
' 11) -. i , : ,i ,= .. :. He accuses her of adultery 
She says that Sita lived for a hundred years with Das*agriva 
but that nevertheless Ramana loves her. She asks him whether 
he knows the nature of women. Ramana wants to find out 
from her about the nature of women and arranges a meeting 
with her. A 368386. 

XLIII. The Licchavi Vimala's wife explains the nature of women to 

Ramana. A 386392. 
XLIV. Ramana is convinced that SIta slept with the demon and 

rejects her. SIta goes away together with Lava and KuSa, 

A 392409. 

( 297 ) 

XLV. Raman a invites Hanumanta who is surprised not to see Slta 
Ramana tells him about the words of the wife of the Licchav; 
and his rejection of Slta. A 410422. 

XLVI. Hanumanta explains that Dagagrlva was unable to approach 
Slta. Ramana is convinced and sends for Slta and his two 
sons. They hold a feast for Hanumanta who returns to his 
own Kingdom. Ramana, Slta and their two sons live happily 
in the palace 'Old Earth' (sa-rnin). A 422-440. 
It is undoubtedly not necessary to indicate in which respects 
this story differs from Valmiki's Ramayana. However, it is perhaps 
useful to compare briefly the Tibetan story with the two Rama- 
stories, which have been preserved in Chinese Buddhist text, and 
with the Khotanese version. 

The Tibetan version of the Ramayana does not show any 
Buddhist influence unhke the earlier of the two Chinese Rama- 
stories 'the Story without Names' which was first translated into 
French by Edouard Huber and, later, by Edouard Chavannes. 13 At 
the end of one of the Tibetan manuscripts the scribe has added the 
words : "Hommage to Sakyamuni, the Tathagata, the Arhat, the 
Samyaksambuddha'% but this is only of importance with relation to 
the beliefs held by the scribe. Both in the Chinese version and in 
the Khotanes Rama text 14 the story is told in the form of a Jataka 
but both texts are written entirely in prose. The Tibetan text 
contains many verses, more than 250 in recension I. The relation 
between verse and prose is not the same as in Pali Jataka in which 
both prose and verse relate the same story. In the Tibetan version 
the story is told in prose. The verses contain the words spoken 
on different occasions, and also the texts of the letters from Ramana 
to Slta and from Slta to Ramana. The prosody of these verses is 
much more complicated than that which is found in other ancient 
Tibetan texts from Tun-huang. 15 It seems probable that the text of 
the verses follows closely an Indian original. For the history of 
the Tibetan Rama-story and for the Ivl'o .. -JjrMf"; 1 '"; rf "In- 
verses, which are often difficult to .. ^i-.-'.J, i \-^.:if :,j -*> 
useful to find in Indian Ramayana recensions verses which resemble 
those found in the Tibetan story. As yet, only one close parallel 
has been, pointed out by Balbir. 18 In Valmiki's Ram&yatia Laksmana 
reminds Sugriva of his promise to come to the assistance of Rama. 
Laksmarjia pronounces the following verse : 

na sa samkucitafi pantha yena v&li hato gatafyj 
samaye iiftha sttgriva mn vatipatham anvagafy. (IV.30.81). 
This verse is reproduced almost with the same words in both Tibetan 
recensions. The difference between the two resides in the qualifica- 

( 298 ) 

tions of the path which is said to be na samkucitab in Sanskrit 
According to recension I the path is 'not good 1 and according t n 
recension It 'not wide\ However, a third variant of this verse i s 
found surprisingly enough, in a folio of a Tibetan translation of the 
Satasahasrika-prajnaparamfta from Tun-huang. 17 This folio contains 
the end of a fascicle (Tib. bam-po} followed by the same verse. l n 
this case, the path is said to be "not narrow* which is much closer 
to the Sanskrit than the two other variants. The fact that this 
verse has been copied by the scribe of this Prajnnparamita manuscript 
shows that it must have been well-known at that time. It is of 
course impossible to know whether this verse was part of the Indian 
original of the Tibetan version of the Ramayana or has been incor- 
porated into it from another source. 

It is possible that the study of the Tibetan manuscripts from 
Tun-huang and of ancient Tibetan literature may result in the dis- 
covery of other quotations from or references to the story of Rama, 
A comparison of the Tibetan Rama-story with ihe two Chinese 
versions of the Rama-story, the one just mentioned, and the 
Dasaratha-story, translated by Sylvam Lovi and Edouard 
Chavarmes 18 and with the Khotanese version, shows that there is 
no direct relation between these four stories However, a few points 
are worth noting. In Valmlki's Ramayana, Rama and Laksmana, 
when searching for Sita, find Jatayus who tells them what has 
happened. Jatayus advises Rama to allay himself with the monkey- 
king Sugriva. In the Tibetan story Rarnana and LagSana do not 
find Jatayus but they come upon a stream of black water flowing 
from the eyes, mouth and nose of Sugriva. In the Chinese 'Story 
without names' it is told that the king after discovering the absence 
of his wife, searches for her and comes upon a mountain-stream 
which he follows to its source. There he sees a huge monkey. 
Several points of agreement between the Tibetan and Khotanese 
stories have already been pointed out by H.W. Bailey. Jean Przyluski 
and Camille Bulcke. 10 To these one can add the mention of the herb 
amrta-samjiva in both stories. In the Khotanese version, following 
the advice of JIvaka the physician, the monkey Nan^a is sent to the 
Himavant mountain to fetch the herb a mrta-samjlva?* In the Tibetan 
version, following the advice of Ampakaroa. the brother of DaSagriva, 
Hanumnata is sent to mount Kail as a to fetch the herba mrta-samjlva. 
Bailey and Bulcke have already drawn attention to the fact that 
both the Khotanese and the Tibetan version mention Das*agrlva's 
toe. According to the first, to quote Bailey's translation : "They 
looked to his (Das*agriva*s) horoscope, t6 Where is his vital point ?" 
They saw that it was on the toe of his right foot. They said to him 
"If you are a hero to behold, stretch out to us the toe of your right 

( 299 ) 

foot." He stretched out his foot. Rama shot him with an arrow 
jw fell at the blow upon the earth." 21 Jn the Tibetan story Dasagriva 
m akes himself invisible and Rama defies him to show the toe of his 
foot. As has been told before in the story, Dasagriva is immortal 
as long as his first head, the head of a horse, is not struck. When 
Rama sees the toe of his foot, he is able to calculate the place of his 
horse-head and with an arrow he cuts it off. Dasagriva then loses 
''* ! - * ' '-"^ ""*"" -X -"v . . army of demons. 
- : ...-*:::-_ " . / : - not the toe of his 
foot but his horse-head. 22 It is obvious that this version has 
combined diffeient themes : the toe of the right foot, the horse-head 
as vital point and finally the invisibility of DaSagrlva which reminds 
us of the invisibility of Indrajit In Valmiki's Rnmayana. The Indian 
original of the Tibetan version seems to have taken elements from 
Valmiki's Rdmayana and to have combined them with stories taken 
from other Rdmayana recensions. Also the fact, mentioned before, 
that Sita is given the name of 'Found in. the furrow* points in the 
same direction. Fn the Tibetan story Sita is the daughter of 
Dasagriva, she is enclosed in a box and committed to the waters. In 
all these details, which are found also in other RamSyana recensions, 
the story is quite difierent from Valmlki's Ramdyarta. However, the 
finding of Sita in a field and her name remind us again of the 
classical version. A parallel occurs in the Vasudevahindi, Here 
Sit is also the daughter of Dasagriva and enclosed in a box. 
However* the box is not committed to the waters but put before a 
plough in the park of king Janaka in Mithila. 21 * 

Some interesting parallels to the Tibetan story can be found 
in the Malay version which has been studied by Stutterheim and 
Zieseniss, 24 In Valmlki's Rdmayana Rama kills Ravana by shooting 
an arrow in his heart, but in the Malay version Ravana is killed by 
a shot in a little head behind his right ear. The Dutch missionary 
Abraham Roger, in his book published in 1651, relates a South- 
Indian version of the Rnmayana in which Laksmana kills Ravana by 
shooting an arrow into his donkey-head which arises above his 
other heads. 35 It would be interesting to know whether, in any 
Indian recension, the horse-head is mentioned instead of the donkey- 
head. Another striking parallel to be found in the Malay version 
relates to the capture of Hanumat, In the Tibetan story 
Hanumanta is rer^in^ed K y * t1n e gods of the magical power' to be 
caught in a noo-.-. 1 ..-. 1 i/ .1:'. "Your life is not at stake. Let 
yourself be caught by the noose. Hanumanta requests the demons 
as a favour to be killed in the same way as his father. He tells 
them that the tail of his father was wrapped in a thousand pieces 
of cloth, then put into ten thousand ounces of butter-oil and lit. 

( 300 ) 

one of the most fascinating topics for future icseatk The critical 
edmon of the Mmayana which is, neanng completion, will be of 

sdiolar is able to know all the languages m which the Raiti&yana 
has been transmitted For this reason h is absolutely necessary 
that translations should be published Another desideratum ffae 

-J-1-^y-.i-Kl nf f n f-\f*.rtnn" * i-.J _j^i 1 , a.f , "__ -*-- 

( 301 ) 

a pd m many countries, has pfaycd such a great part m the 
imagins^ 1011 ^ raa-nkind. 


1. F W. Thomas 'A Rnmiyana S cor y m Tibetan from Chinese 
Tmteatan, fnduin StitJiet in Honor of Charles Xackwell Larman 
(C ambndge. Mass , 1929), pp 193-212 

2, Marcel le Lalou, L'histoirc de Rama en lib*.' tain Jtmrnal 
asictique, 1936, pp 560-562. 

3 Jf K Balbir, L'histoire de Kama en iib'tam d aptJs des textes de 
Totten-hoaatig Edition du texte et tra<luctioii annotee Pans, 
19t>3 For my review see Indo-liamun Journal^ IX, 1966 pp 

1 ,.. , ^ <rr r -- . * 1 1,, , - 

5 Paul DemKiMlIe, Le concile de Lhasa (Par is , 1952), pp 176-177 

6 Fujiecia Akira, The Tufihwn$ Manuscripts. A General Descrip- 
tion Part H.Kjoto, 1969, p 22 

< ' * 

i . t ! 



14, H.W, Bailey, 'Rama\ BSOS, X, J94G, pp. 365-376, - 
SQAS,\]94l,rp 559-098 

15. Cf R.A Stem, Ltt civilisation ub mv, Pans, 1292, p. 212 
16 Cf.JK. Balbir op cit.. p* 33 


20 Cf, H,W Bdjlej, op f , pp. 570 and 594 

21. HW Bailey open, p. 57U 

22 This hai not been made cleai by Bulcke, cf op^it p, 5S5. 

23. Atm&nandJam Granth Ratnam$a> Nos, 80-81, Bhdvnagar, 193(K 

31, p 241 
24 WiUera Smtterheum Jtfnto-Lcgenden ttnd Rama- Reliefs fe 

25. Cf Stutterhftim, op cit.> p. 99. 

26 Cf, Zwseniss, op cit , pp 63 and i53 

27 Cf, Camille Bulcke, p. 520. 



( '03 ) 

f 304 } 
-^ -T, , i,.ii, d 

Many import,iiit loan words* aeeru to have com* through 
Tokhan&n, c g, 

Mo. binwad 'alms, almsgrvlng' Uig. pmwat . ToVfe, pm 

Mo matar^-madfur *sea-monbter' : Uig, madar . Tokh 
motor , Satiskr Ma&ara, 

Mo sattawaki "caravan leader 1 Utg. JOT^HU^ : Tokh 

sznha\She Sansjkr siirthuv&ha, 
Mo garag~-graq 'planet, demon' - Uig. ^raw . Tokh, jrnwfc Sanskr. 

Mo aswwfiffrf-full ordination of a monk' : Uig. ? : Tokh, 
Khot. vaysambnta Sanskr. upasatnpads, 

Mo z/ 'poetry, poem, verse 1 . Uig. /ofc - Tokb A dfj-rifc^B JWL - 

( 305 ) 

Mo* Karkasundi (or Krakasundi ?) *a previous Buddha' : Uig. ? : 

Tokh. Krakasundi : Sanskr. Krakucchcmda, 
Mo. abi$ig 'inauguration' ; Uig. ab&ik : Tokh. abhisek : Sanskr. 

Mo. yag^as^- yagcis : Uig. yak (has been connected with Middle 

Indie yakkha) : Tokh. yak as : Sanskr. yaksa, 
Mo. ag$abad 'commandment; precept* : Uig. Zaxsapat I Tokh. 

siksapat : Sogd. cxg'^5 : Sanskr. Siksapada, 

modern Mo. mixa-bod (according to Vladimircov understood as mixa 
'flesh' and boda 'matter'), old literary Mongolian maqamud^ 
maqabud 'element, matter' : Uig. maxabut : Tokh. mahabhut : 
Sanskr mah&bhuta, 

Mo. n<? 'miracle, magic' : Uig. ?: Tokh - rfl&HW : Sanskr ^ 
there also occurs in Mongolian a word ids 'sorcery connected 
by Ramstedt with the above Sanskrit word. If, howevr, this 
latter word really is of Indian origin it must obviously go back 
to a MIA form like Pali iddhi which perhaps also occurs in the 
Mahavastu. Another loan word which might be based on a 
Prakrit form is Mo. Saman 'ascetic, mendicant : Tokh. samarn I 
Sanskr. foam this word was further ^^^^^^^ 
Tungus languages and became at last an inte 
word shaman 'exorcist, medicine man. 
Vladimircov Mo. Sabi 'novice, adherent, subject ' 
is through a Chinese intermediary sha-mi borrowed fro ^J<^ 
L> 'novice': Sanskr. Iramanera. The femmine of sramana 
is a loan from Sogdian and fitted with a Sogctan 
, in Uisurian and in Mongolian : Mo. ^ 

Mo. w5/r : Uig. w&r : Sogd. ^yr^ 
Mo. bertegtin 'unenlightened person ^ 

Sanskr. pfthagjana 'ordinary man , 5*55^ : Sanskr 

-u , TTiff c&dlK ijugvA. v v 

Mo. Sadig^tedig 'biograpny *"& 

jntaka, , . rj i tindcm : Sogd. 

&ndan~&mdan 'sandal wood, s. tree . uig. 

t, Sanskr. candana 9 

( 306 ) 

nMo. invan : Uig. nirwan : Sogd. nyrpn : Sanskr. nirvaria, 
Mo. Wibasi^BibaSi : Uig. Wipasi : Sogd. $yp>$y : Sanskr. 
'SL former Buddha'. 

Mo. biraman (modern Khalkha byarman) : Uig. braman~barman : 

Sogd. prmn~pr*m } n : Khotanese Saka brammana : Sanskr. 


Some words were perhaps borrowed through Khotanese : 
Mo. SaS/n 'faith, doctrine'; Uig. sazan sasin : Khot. &asara : 

Sanskr. Sasana, 
Mo. arlan 'nectar, elixir' : Uig. rasayan : Khot. raysapana : Sanskr 


Under the reign of the Mongol Emperor Temur Qljeitii (1294- 
1307 A.D.) chos sku'od zer or chos kyi'od zer was invited to the 
>\ -, V. j.- .-r 1 ---: ^.- tV," i- ,\r^-ieror Q..:*. TC'/v; ^ '" i--i- 
,:-.: '. '^^ - -, ,-- =- A.D, ,-,- ' - -.-,- 
texts beginning with the Pancaraksd. We know the name of this 
scholar only in Tibetan, but it seems probable that he was of Uigur 
origin. It is in any case known that he made his translations from 
Sanskrit originals using Uigur translations as an aid. There is a 
very clear correspondence in the wording between his translations 
and the Sanskrit text. This congruity seems now and then permit 
us to check the Sanskrit text. E.g. Pancaraksa 2 fol. 20 r occurs 
prasadamya which is translated by Edgerton 'cheering, gracious, 
plea'sing'. He criticizes as "not happy" the meaning given in the 
Pali Text Society Dictionary pasadaniya 'inspiring confidence, giving 
faith' : the Mongol rendering unen susuldekui yosutu speaks in favour 
of the latter explanation. 

I quote below a passage from the beginning of the first of the 
Paricaraksa-texts : 

evam maya srutam ekasmin eyin kemen minu sonosursann- 

samaye Bhagavan Rajagrhe ingen Saytur il a j u tegus nog&gsen 

viharati sma/Grdhraktite parvate burqan rajagriqa balyasunu- 

daksine parsve buddhagocare gadarigud ayula-yin emiineji 

ratnavrkse prabhase vanasande eteged burqan-u yajar asuru 

mahata bhikgusamghena sardham sayin QJekui metu erdin modu- 

ardhatrayodasabhir bhiksuSatairi// tu oidu" mingyan qoyar jayun 

tad yatha/ayusmata ca Sariputrena tabin ayay-qa tegimlig-ud-un 

/.. Mahamaudgalyayanena/... yeke quwarayud-luya nigen-e 

Mahakasyapena/...Gayakasya- biikiln-i// eyin uqaydaqui/amin 

pena/...Nad!kayapena/ . Uru- qabiyatu saributari kiged/... 

maqamodgalwani/...maqa kaSibi/ 

( 307 ) 

nyena/... Mahakatyayanena/ 

...gaya kaibi/-"nandi (?) kaibi/ 
.urubila kaibi/...anjata 

l w 
Kosthilena/...VagIsena/...A^vajita/ koodani/...nandiki/...maqa kata- 

Nan dike 11 a/... Anandena/ evam 
pramukhair ardhatrayodasabhir 
bhiksusatais (?) tasmin^ ca samaye 
Bhagavan sabhiksusamgho 
Magadhena rajn'Ajatasatruna 
VaidehTputrena satkrlo gurukrto 
manitah pujito 'rcito yacayitas 

tena khalu pun ah samayena Vai- 
salyani mahanagaryam mahan 
bhumi. calo 7 bhud abhrakutaiji ca 
pradur. bhutam/ mahati cakala- 
vataanir mahanieghas ca 
samutthito devo garjati gu4aguda- 
yati vidyutas ca niScaranti/ 
daadias cakullbhutas tamo 
'ndhakarain ca pradurbhutam/ 
naksatra^i ca na bhasante/ 
candrasuryau na prabjiavato na 
tapato na virocato na ca prabha- 
svarau bhavatab// 

yani/,. bakuli/.../ 
.. wagisai/ aua3i/...subti/ 
...subaqu/ anirudi/ 

an an da kiged/edeger terigiiten 
mingyan qoyar jayun tabin ayay- 
qa tegimlig-iid-iige qamtu biiliigei/ 
tere 6ay-tur wayidiqi qatun-u kobe- 
gtin magada ulus-un ejen ajatasa- 
turu qayan ilajutegus nogiSigsen 
burqan kiged ayay-qa tegimlig-iid- 
iin quwary-ud-i degel qubfc'es 
bin wad idegen or on debiisker 
ebecin-diir keregleku emkiged/ 
kereg jaray-ud-iyar ergiin 
kundiilen takin tabiylan btiliige// 
tere 6ay-tur basa yajar ber yeke- 
deko d6liiged/eguled ber yekede 
Sirulju 5ay busu-yin kei qui 
boluyad yeke miindur kiged yeke 
qura beroro^u tngri ber kiinggeri- 
sun dongyuduyad yal gilbeigen 
dekiljeju/ biiglide arban jugtiir 
yeke kimuray bolju qab qara yeke 
qara ngyui boluyad/ odud ber 
lilii ujegden naran saran ber 
gerelkiii gilbekiii ge yikeulktii 
gegen duHyan iigei bolbai/tende5e 
wayisali balyasun-dur . . - 
kyi' od zer is the , "Twelve > Deeds 

that : 

An original work by Chos 

of Buddha" Curiously enough the colophon states 
author had written it in Tibetan and 
lated, into Mongolian. It is also 

great number of Sanskrit loan words. knlSntlsyri . 

ably near that of the Lalitavistara, cf e.g. LV 'p. Wl J* f 

( 308 ) 

lation" we are able to check the text of the LaHtavistara edited by 
Lefmann, e.g. LV p. 208, 13 we should obviously read karmak$etra 
(ruhairi) = jayagan-u tariyan : Lefmann has ksetra alone among his 
variants. On the other hand there seems to be a certain depen- 
dence on a work with the same name written by Bu ston. 

Chos kyi *od zer's Pancaraksa-translation quoted above and 

referred to as A in the following, was later revised by the Sakya 

monk Ses rab sen ge under Togan Temur (1333-1367 A.D.) A 

draft of this translation was again revised by the redactors of the 

Mongol Kanjur and included in the canon (this edition is referred 

to as B below). In the latter half of the eighteenth century Ses rah 

sen ge's translation was again revised and printed separately (the 

draft C below). The redactors of the Mongol Kanjur who worked 

under Ligdan-Khan in 1628-29 and those who finally carried out 

the editing and printing under K'ang hsi in 1718-20 followed in 

their revision the principles laid down in the Tibetan hand-book 

Sgra sbyor composed for the "Great Revision" of the Tibetan 

canonical texts and included in the Tanjur. This meant i.a. that 

Sanskrit technical terms and even proper names were rendered in 

^translation" based on their real or "popular" etymology. Later 

editors often tried to restore at least the most important terms and 

names which in their translated renderings some time were quite 

unintelligible. In order to illustrate the development in translation 

methods I quote in the following some verses out of the Yaksa 

catalogue in the second text of the Pancaraksa : 

1. Krakucchandab PafaUputre, Sthunayam (Msc. London Sthalnydm) 

A batalibutar ulus-tur kirakudandi sutul ulus-tur abaraciti 
B Sagabir (?) ulus-a or6ilang-i ebdegdi (:Tib. *khor ba jig 
*cercle break') busud-a iilli ilagdagdi (:Tib, gzan gyis mi 
thub 'other-by not vanquishable*) kaban-a (Tib. ka ba 
'pillar* and na Tib. Locative ?) 

C batalibutar ulus-tur or&lang-i ebdegci busud-ta iilli ilagda- 
gdi kaban-a 

2. Sailo Bhadrapure yaksa, UttarayUm ca Manavah 

A badirabur ulus-tur saili yaksa manawi yaksa utari ulus-tur 
B qour dggugcl k6lti (:Tib. brag 'rock'?) sayin balgasun-a 

(Tib. gron khyer bzan 'town happy*) boke-yin (or boge- 

jm) kobegtin (Tib. Sid kyi bu) inu umar-a jug-tur (Tib. 

'byan phyogs 'northern direction') ele 
C sayin balgasun-a sine (?) yaksa boke-yin (or boge-yin) 

Kobegxin inu umara Jug-tut ele 

3. Vajrapdni Rajagrhe Grdhrakute krtalayafy 

A raagraq balgasun-dur weir barigci gadarigud agula-dur 
ordn jasagsaii 

B gar-tagan wcirtu (:Tib. lag na rdo rje 'hand-in diamond) 
qagan-u qarsi-dur ('palace*, a Tokhariaii loan word) qajir 
sibagun-u agula-dur (:Tib. bya rgod phun po 'vulture 
peak") ayu 1 

C gar-tagan wcir-tu qagan-u qarsi-dur gadarigud agula-dur 
ayu 1 

4. trisk?tvd cdnuparyeti sagarnntam vasumdharam 

A dalai-yin kijagar torug delekei-yi gurban-tatogurin cidagcl 

B dalai-yin kijagar-un Jagur-a-tu gajar-a .(-Tib. rgya mcho'i 

mtha* yi bar gyi sar 'ocean's end's interval's country') 

gurban-daki odun iiileduyu 2 

C dalai-yin kijagar-un }agura-tu gajar-a gurban-ta daki odun 

iiilediipu 1 
4a. mahnbalo mahntejali dasayojanavikramab? 

A yeke kuciitu yeke cSogtu arban bere-dtir kiirtele darugci 

B yeke kudiitu gajar-a (has the translator read mahabale ?) 

yeke jog jali-tu arban beres-i tegsi darugCi 
C yeke-kudutu bolugad yeke cog jali-tu arban beres-i teyin 

bilged darugci 
5. Garudo Vipule yak$as, Citraguptafy Sthitimukhe 

A wibul agula-dur garudi yaksa sititamug agula-dur itiragubti 

B delgeregsen (:Tib. rghyas pa *wide% cf. London msc. Vipu- 

lo) 4 qour oggiig^i ogtargui-dur nisiig6i (Tib. mkha' Idin 

*sky soaring 9 ) ber eldeb yabudal-tan (suggests an original 

1. Only A renders kftalayab literally, as does also the Tibetan 
translation : bya rgod phun por gnas byas pa ; 

Mongol ayu 6 is* looks rather concise. 

2. According to Levi, Journal Asiatique 1915 p. 31, the Tibetan 
translation suggests an original antarayati instead of anuparyeti. 
The latter reading is, however, clearly supported by the old 
Mongol translation A. 

3. L,vi I.e. seems to believe the reading fatayojanavikrama 
of the London msc. to be the original one, but even the 
Paris msc. D has dasa-, and all the translations go back to 

4. To be read delgeregsen-e, or has the original had 'Vipulo like 
the London msc. ? 

like 'citragati' ''citragamana ?) oron-u qagalga-da (:Tib. 
gnas sgo 'place gate") 

C delegeregsen qour oggugci ogtargui-dur nisugci ber eldeb 
nigugsan (:Tib. sna chogs sbed pa 'various hidden") oron-u 

In his edition of three Mongol translations of the Vajracchedi- 
kaprajnnpnrmita Prof. Poppe states (p. 6) : "One should also keep 
in his mind that the Mongolian versions are verbatim translations 
from Tibetan'*. It seems to me, however, that the oldest version 
which in its language shows many features characteristic of 
Mongolian of the fourteenth century, is remarkably near the 
Sanskrit original. In fact, all the translations of this work seem 
to be based on a Sanskrit original somewhat differing from the 
preserved draft. According to the colophon the Mongol trans- 
lation was made from "the language of the gods". During the 
great revision preceding the edition of the canon, e.g. the term 
arhat, Mo. arqat was "translated" on the basis of a Sanskrit 
popular etymology as dayin-i darugsan corresponding to Tib. dgra 
bom pa 'one that has vanquished the enemy' : the oldest Mongol 
Vajracchedika shows (15 b) dayin-i darugsan arqad ku bolbai bi 
rendering Sanskrit maya-arhattvam praptam. We possess fragments 
of the Vajracchedika in Khotanese too, and it seems probable that 
there has been an Uigur translation of this work. In order to 
show the parallelism of the Sanskrit and Mongol texts I quote the 
beginning and end of the story : 

evain maya Srutam ekasmin eyin kemen minu sonosuysan 

samaye/Bhagavaii Sravastyaip nigen Saytur/ ilaju tegiis nogSi- 

viharati sma Jeta vane' natha- gsen burqan sirawasti-daki did 

pin4adasya-alrame mahata bhiksu- kobegiin-u deSeglig anaata 

sainghena sardham ardhatrayo- bindadi-yin qotola-yi bayasqaqui 

aSabhir bhikusataib sambahulais" sangram-dur ayay-qa tegimlig-iid- 

ca bodhisattvair mahasattvaifr/ iir mingyan qojar 3ayun tabin a.t. 

atha khalu Bhagavan purvahna- yekes quwaray-ud kiged/ asuru 

kala-samaye nivasya patraclvaram olan bodmstw maqastw-nar-luy-a 

adaya Sravastim mahanagarirn qamtu sayun biiliige// 

pi^<Jaya praviksat/. tendeCe i.t.n. Ude manayar-yin 

cSaytur samtabs kiged karsa degei-i 
beyedegen emtisiiged badir ayay- 

atha khalu Bhagavan gravastim a-yi beriju burur/ sirawastayin 

mahanagarim pi^cjaya caritva ye ke balyasun-dur binwadtur 

kfta-bhaktakytyati pa^cad-bhakta- ajirabai/ tende5e i.t.n. s. y. b. 

pi^dopata-pratikrantaU patra. binwad-an tulada ajiraju btirun/ 

civararn pratisamya padau 
praksalya n>asldat prajnapta 
eva-asane paryahkam abhujya 
rjuni kayam pranidhaya pratimu- 
khini smrtim upasthapya/ atha 
khalu sambahula bhikavo yena 
Bhagavams tenopasamkraman 
upasamkramya Bhagavatafr 
padau irobhir abhivaiidya 
Bhagavantarn trispradaksimkrtyai- 
kante nyasidan// 

tena khalu punah samayena- 
ayusman Subhutis tasyam eva 
parisadi samnipatito' bhat 
samnisannali/ atha khalu ayusman 
Subhutir utthaya-asanad eka- 
ainsam uttarasangam kytva 
daksinain janu-marwjalam 
pythivyaip pratithapya yena 
Bhagavams tena-anjaliip 
prai>amya Bhagavantam etad 

binwad idegen-i ideriin/ idegen-u 
iiile-yi iiiledcu/ qoyitu idegen-u 
binwad-i tebcigsen-u tula/ badir 
ayay-a kiged/karsa degel-iyeii 
talbiju/ kol-iyen ugiyayad beled- 
ugsen debisker-tur jabilaju beye- 
ben siduryu jalayad/ duradqu-yi 
ilete ayulju sayubai// 

tendece olan ayay-qa tegimlig-ud 
i.t.n. qamiy-a blikli tendefyoriyad 
odCu/ i.t.n. kol-dlir teriguber- 
iyen morgugal i.t.n. liurban-ta 
toyoriju nigen 3ugtiir bayibai// 
basa tere cay-tur amin qabiy-a-tu 
subuti terekii nokod-tur diyulju 
sayun biiliige// tendede a.q.s. 
oron-a5ayan bosSu degedii degel- 
iyen nigen moriindegen qumbiju 
barayun ebiidug-iyer-iyeyajar-tur 
sogodiiged i.t.n. qamiy-a biikii 
tere 3^g~tu r bokoyin alayaban 
qamtudqaju biirun i.t.ii. eyin 
kemen ocibei. 

In these passages cases occur in which a Sanskrit word has 
been rendered in Mongolian with a binomial, e.g. pntra : badir 
ayag-a, civara : karSa degeL These represent a very common 
feature in the Mongol translations. E.g. the expression putracivaram 
addya is in general rendered like * 'having put on the karSa samdab 
clothes and taken the badir bowl", and kosa 'treasure' by ed tawar 
'property possession*. We meet this type in Tokharian and Uigur 
too. But comparable turns can be found already in Indian 
languages, e.g. in Pali. fc ln some cases we have very authoritative 
parallels : c mind, sentiment* can in Mongolian b? expressed by a 
bi-nomial sedkil ^iriiken : Uig. kdngiil saqint, Tokh. arint pvltsZk, 
Vedic Sanskrit hfdn manatt correspond to this. 

At least since the fifteenth century Mongolian literary life as 
well as the language were dominated by Tibetan influence. A 
number of Sanskrit loan words seem to have come into Mongolian 
through Tibetan, e.g. 
Mo- badmaraga *ruby' : Tib. pad ma rm ga : Sanskr. padmraaga, 

Mo. baiduri^biiduriy-a : Tib. bai du rya : Sanskr. vaidnrya <lapis 


Mo. bajar : Tib. ba ^ar^baj ra : Sanskr. vajra, 

Mo. madumadi 'Mohammed', Tib. ma dhu ma ti : Sanskr. madhumati, 
Mo. mahi "buffalo : Tib. ma he : Sanskr. vnahi$a 9 
Mo. udbala 'lotus' : Tib. ut pa la : Sanskr. utpala, 
Mo. udumbar 'fig tree* : Tib. u dum ba ra 'a giant lotus (in tales) 4 : 

Sanskr udumbara 'fig tree', etc. 

In some cases such loans seem to reflect Middle Iiidic forms, cf. e.g. 
Mo. amindiwa : Tib. a ma de ba : Apabhr. ajnidewa : Sanskr. 
Amitabha, Mo. neule 'mongoose' : Tib. He* u le : MI neula : 
Sanskr. nakula, etc. 

The old Mongolian translations of Buddhist texts were revised 
with the aid of the Tibetan canonical texts on which all new 
translations from Sanskrit were exclusively based. Soon after the 
edition of the Kanjur referred to above the Tanjur was translated 
and published under K'ien lung (1741-49 A.D.) Among the Tanjur 
works we also meet a translation of Kalidasa's Meghaduta- The 
Tibetan translation of it is metrical while the Mongolian is in 
prose. The latter was perhaps meant only as an aid when reading 
the Tibetan text. It seems, however, that the translators into 
Mongolian have had a Sanskrit commentary at their disposal. 
E.g. Id taru, Tib. Ijon sin is exactly specified as kalbarawaras modu 
kalpavrksa-taru. The peculiar forms (even kalbavrS, in Oirat 
Mongolian galburgusri) of this word in Mongolian are perhaps due 
to an intermediary language. The abnormal forms of many loans 
like maqarari&a (Uig. maqarac, Sogd. wyV'5, Sanskr. maharajd) might 
be originally pure misreadings (cf. however Tokh. A land 'royal*, 
B luntsa 'Queen'); Naganjuna from Nagnrjuna, Sibarag from sravaka, 
ubadini from upadhyaya etc. might even depend on clerical errors. 
Mo. bisman for Sanskrit Vaisravana might go back to a Prakrit form 
like Ardha-Magadhi Vesamana, Pali Vessavana (cf. above). 

A special problem in translating from Sanskrit into a language 
like Mongolian were the verbal prefixes. To render them the 
Mongol translators had to use adverbs, e.g. Mo. dagan (Converbum 
modale of daga- 'to follow') stands for Sanskrit anu-; asuru 'very 
much' for v/-, ati-i ile~iledte 'obviously* for abhi-; magad 'surely, 
really' for nir- and vi~; magu 'bad, evil* for apa- 9 dur-\ masi 'very* 
for ati- 9 pra-; vz-; neng Very' for ati-\ ogugata 'completely* for part-; 
teyin^teyin bilged 'thus* for vz-, e.g. teyin ilgal "thus distinction*' 
'grammatical case* : Sanskr. Vibhaktii qamug-a 'everywhere' for 
part-; qotala 'id.* for part-, a-; quran^quriyan (Converbum modale 

( 313 ; 

of qura-^- >quriya- 'to gather*) for sam- 9 e.g. quran uiledkili "gathering 
doing" : Sanskr. samskara\ unen~uneker 'truly* for sam- samyak- 
pra-. The nominal prefix su- is rendered by saytn 'good' and its* 
derivatives sayibar^sayitur* sometimes also by asuru. The use of 
these adverbs seems in general to follow very consistent patterns, at 
least in the context of a given translator's work. 

When the Mongolian literary tradition begins in 1240 A.E>. 
with the Secret History we meet fully developed poetical perfor- 
mance certainly based on an oral folklore tradition still living today. 
Historical prose is also clear and fluent as shown by the above 
quotations from Buddhist works. What was obviously difficult to 
express was the Buddhist philosophy, as can be seen e.g. in the 
main part of the Mongol Vajracchedika. The philosophical trans- 
lations introduced several important Sanskrit loan words into 
Mongolian. In Vajr. the translation of Sanskrit prthivirajas with 
baramanu= Sanskrit, paramanu 'atom* is interesting, in the later 
draft we have tovosun 'dust'; Sanskrit, adhicitta higher thought* is 
rendered adicid sedkil y in the later draft bisirel sedkil, etc. Likewise 
a new meaning was given to many Mongolian words. It is not 
clear how far such "translation loans" could be understood without 
knowledge of their Sanskrit models. So e.g. Mo. ilbe^yilbe 
'shrewdness* was given the sense mdyd 'illusion*, Mo. oron 'place, 
locality, site* was used to render Sanskrit dhntu 'plane of existence' 
(also Mo. tob), visaya 'sphere, range', kgetra in Bttddhaketra 9 
dlaya 'basis, base*, sth&na 'point, matter, subject*, bhumi 'stage, 
state*; Mo. iindiisun 'root' renders e.g. Sanskrit, paramparn 'tradi- 
tion*, hetu 'cause*, mula 'base, root*, tantra 'mystical treatise*, 
samtana 'mentality*; Mo. sedkil referred to above also renders e.g. 
Sanskrit abhiprdya 'difference', citta 'thought, consciousness*, manas 
'mind, intellect*, cintd 'thought, reflection', vijndna 'knowledge', 

A sphere in which the influence of Sanskrit has been most 
important is astronomy and astrology. We do not know the Indian 
sources of the (n on -canonical) "Manual of Mongol Astrology and 
Divination** so named by the editors Mostaert and Cleaves but 
we can see that it is built on Sanskrit terminology, e.g. the names 
of all of the 28 nagSadar (^naksatrd) are directly borrowed from 
Sanskrit. There is, however, an interesting case among them, viz. 
the No. 14 su$ag which probably reflects an original su&khd corres- 
ponding to the Sanskrit name vidkhd\ this constellation is explained 
as ''guarding the treasures'*. The details of the tradition as well as 
of the Sanskrit terminology are to be investigated more thoroughly. 

( 314 ; 

The vast majority of Sanskrit works reached Mongolia i n 
translations carried out or at least revised on the basis of Tibetan 
translations. As a reeult it is not easy to know whether the achieve- 
ments of Indian science were already known in Mongolia before the 
Tibetan influence set in. In several cases, however, we are in 
possession of Sanskrit works found in East-Turkestan or of old 
translations into the local languages there. In these cases, especially, 
it seems probable that the contents were known in Mongolia early 
enough. E.g. the so-called Bower-Manuscript, discovered in 1890, 
contains a metrical Sanskrit text Navamtakam. It consists of three 
medical treatises, two treatises on divination and two on magic. 
The latter two are parts of the Mahamayurividyarajni, one of the 
Pancaraksa texts referred to above. We know that just text has this 
been very popular among the Mongols. Remains of medical texts 
of Indian origin written in Turkestanese languages Uigurian 
included clearly show the influence of Sanskrit in this science 

The very popular Mongolian medical work Rasiyan-u jiriiken 
naiman keSigutii niguca ubadis-un uiidiisuii bears the Sanskrit title 
'Amita-hrdaya-asta-anga-gxihya-upadesa-tantra'. Here *rasiyan' is a 
borrowing from the Sanskrit *rasayana' while 'ubadis' of course 
derives from 'upadesa*. The Sanskrit original seems to have been lost, 
but it derived probably from the Astangahrdayasamhitd by Vagbhata. 
This famous physician is said to have been a Buddhist which may 
be an additional explanation for his great popularity in the Buddkist 
countries outside India. We meet his work under the title 'Astankar' 
even in Arab translation. Vagbhata's Amrtd was translated into 
Tibetan under Khri sron sde'u bdan (728-786 A.D.) and is generally 
known as the Rgyud bzi, in its Mongol translation as E>6rben 

In the Suvarriaprdbhasa there also occurs a list of medical 
substances, the Mongol names of which we thus can compare with 
their Sanskrit, Uigur and Tibetan equivalents. The preserved 
Uigur translation of this work is based on the Chinese version by 
I-tsing. The translators have tried to rendei the names both in 
Sanskrit and in Uigur. The Mongol versions also translate some 
names but in most cases use a Sanskrit loan word : 
Mo. Sbrika~isburakin : Sanskr. sprkka (Trigonella corniculata), 
Mo. Szr/Sa : Sanskr. sirifa (Acacia Seeressa), 
Mo. indiraqasta : Sanskr, indrahasta (Mandragora ?), 
Mo. Siravista : Sanskr. frivestaka (gum of Pinus Longifolia), 
Mo. agaru. Uig. agaru : Sanskr. agaru (Amyris agallocha = Comtni- 

phora A.)* 

V ~ 

MO. cindan : Uig. candcma : Sanskr. candana (Sandal), 

Ma. tagara : Sanskr. tagara (Tabernaemontana coronaria), 

Mo. gurgtim : Uig. gurgurn : Sanskr. kunkuma (Ciocus sativus), 

Mo. naldan (?) : Sanskr. nalada (Naradostachys Jatamansi), 

Mo. tolotana : Sanskr. sarocana (Tabasheer), 

Mo. sungsumair (?) : Uig. suksumur : Sanskr. suksmaila (Elettaria 

Mo. samuta : Uig. samata (?) : Sanskr. jammita (?), 

Mo. usira : Uig. usir-a : Sanskr. usira (Andropogon muricatus = 

= A. squarrosus), 

Mo. silaki : Sanskr. sallakl (Boswellia thurifera=B. serrata), 
Mo. yabuni (?) : Sanskr. yabham(f) : ^vaf(Canim copticum), 
Mo. nagakesar : Uig. nagakesar-a : Sanskr. nagakesara (Mesua 

Roxburghii=M. ferrea), 
Mo. kosti (?) : Uig. kusta (?) : Sanskr. kustha (Aplotaxis auriculata 

= Saussurea hypoleuca). 

The medicine shall be prepared pusyanaksatrena : Mo. bus 
odm-u ediir Uig. bus yoldus-qa, ' 

We can see that in all fields of the literature the Mongol 
culture was deeply influenced by Indian achievements. By adopting 
Sanskrit cultural words and scientific terms and by adopting 
Mongolian expressions to render the ideas conveyed by Sanskrit 
texts, the Mongolian language thus grew more and more capable 
of expressing the sophisticated scientific and metaphysical thinking 

of the time. 


University of Goettingen, Federal Republic of Germany 

By reason of climate, manuscripts survive in India only for a 
limited space of time. Thus, during the greater period of 19th 
century works of Sanskrit literature were known to Sanskrit 
scholars only from comparatively recent manuscripts. The Central 
Asian manuscript finds, therefore, meant a break-through for 
Sanskrit philology in many respects. From the publication of the 
"Bower manuscript" from Eastern Turkestan by A.F.R. Hoernle 
in 1891 onwards, there was a new dimension of Sanskrit philology, 
A large amount of manuscript material was collected from different 
parts of Eastern Turkestan (Sinkiang) by English, French, Russian, 
German, Swedish, Finnish, Japanese and Chinese expeditions since 

Most of these manuscript remains were rather fragmentary, 
but there were fragments belonging to most branches of Sanskrit 
literature, the fully documented history of which thereby can be 
traced back several centuries earlier. In spite of the fragmentary 
character of the finds the study of this material yielded results of 
utmost Importance. Let me quote a few examples. There are the 
f ragmc*ns of early dramas in the collection of manuscript finds 
discovered by the German "Turfan expeditions" and edited by 
Heinrich Lueders in 1911. (Cf. Heinrich Lueders, Bruchstuecke 
buddhistischer Dramen, Berlin, 1911). These manuscript fragments 
written on palm leaves provide us with specimens of forms of the 
Prakrit dialects found in Sanskrit plays which are several centuries 
older than those which were known before. Even the existence of 
this early Buddhist dramatical literature was unknown so far. Only 
of one of these plays the name was found in the manuscript 
remains, viz. the Sariputraprakarana of As*vaghos.a. These manus- 
cript remains were written in North-western India and belong to 

( 316 ) 

( 317 ) 

the Kuana period, thus belonging to the earliest extant manuscript 
remains in an Indian script. Not less important was the discovery 
of early manuscripts written in Kharosthi script from Eastern 
Turkestan which, however, are in a Prakrit dialect of North- 
western India called Gandhiiri and not in Sanskrit. Therefore, 
these finds shall not be discussed here. 

No other branch of Sanskrit studies was more influenced by 
these discoveries than the study of Buddhist Sanskrit literature. 
YiT.:t ? 4.i. P fi^<; ^f s^ A"^ Stein's expeditions (1900-01 and 1906- 
j -. . ".' : ".-.'. to the knowledge of Mahayana litera- 
ture, the literature of the influential Sarvastivada school of early 
Buddhism forms the main contents of the finds of the four German 
expeditions to Central Asia called "Turfan expeditions** (1902-03, 
1904-05, 1905-07, and 1913-14). These texts were edited by a 
number of German scholars, particularly Heinrich Lueders, Ernst 
Waldschmidt, and their disciples and co-workers. The editions 
prepared by these scholars are based on a comparative study of 
the various recensions of Buddhist scriptures with the help of the 
Pali, Tibetan, and Chinese parallel versions. 

Recently, some comprehensive works on these manuscripts 
have been undertaken. E. Waldschmidt (together with W. Clawiter 
and L. Sander) is preparing a detailed descriptive catalogue of the 
Sanskrit manuscripts from, the Turfan collection, three volumes of 
which are already published (Sanskrithandschriften aus den Turf an- 
fwden, by Ernst Waldschmidt, vol. 1-3, Wiesbaden, 1965-1971, 
published in the series "Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften 
in Deutschland", part. lo). L. Sander contributed a palaeographical 
study of these ancient manuscripts (falaeographisches zu den 
Sanskrithandschriften der Berliner Turfansammlung, Wiesbaden, 
1968). A comprehensive dictionary of the Sanskrit Buddhist litera- 
ture from these finds is being prepared as a research project of the 
Academy of Sciences in Goettingen. 

It is not possible to provide an .:,>,-": (3 *ri"c*- c p t??e 
texts in a short paper. Therefore, as an o\. ! ,". ^ '*- 
of the material available from the Central Asian finds, I shall 
mention here those texts belonging to the canonical scriptures of 
Buddhism, of which greater parts became known from these finds 
for the first time. These texts were either known only from 
Chinese or Tibetan translations before or they were completely 

From the Vinayapitaka, we have large parts of the Bhiksu- 
pratimoksa of the Sarvastivadin (to be edited by H. Haertel) a frag- 
ment of* the PrZtimoksa of the Dharmaguptakas (identified and 

( 318 ) 

edited by Waldschmidt, Sanskrithandschriften, foe. cit., no. 656), 
parts of the Bhiksunipratimoksa (edited by E. Waldschmidt, Bruchs-* 
tuecke des Bhiksitm-Pratimoksa, Leipzig, 1926), Karmavacanz manus- 
cripts of Sarvaslivada and of Mulasarvastivada school (edited by 
H. Haertel, Karmavacana, Berlin 1956), sizeable portions of the 
Vinayavibhanga (edited by V. Rosen, Der Vinayavibhanga zw 
Bhiksuprntimoksa der Sarv&stivndins, Berlin, 1959) and some other 
small fragments. From the Sutrapitaka, a large number of texts is 
represented in the Turfan collection. Mahaparinirvanasatra (with 
Mahasudarfanasutra), Catusparisatsfttra and Mahdvadanasutra were 
edited by E. Waldschmidt (Das Mahaparinirvanasutra, 3 vols., 
Berlin 1950-51 ; Das Catusparisatsutra, 3 vols., Berlin, 1952-62 ; 
Das Mahavadanasutra, 2 vols., Berlin 1953-56) and evaluated for 
the knowledge of the biography of the Buddha (cf. E. Waldschmidt, 
Die Ueberlieferung vom Lebensende des Buddha* 2 vols., Goettingen 
1944-48; 'Vergleichende Analyse des Catusparisatsutra/ Festschrift 
W. Schubring, Hamburg, 1951, pp. 82-122). Numerous texts from 
Samyuktagama in the Turfan manuscripts were identified (cf. the 
relevant contributions collected in E. Waldschmidt, Von Ceylon bis 
Turfan, Gottmgen, 1967 ; Ch. Tnpathi, Fiinfundzwanzig Sutras des 
Nid&nasamyukta, Berlin, 1962) Dasottarasiitra and Sangitisittm are 
important sources for the knowledge of the dogmatics of early 
Buddhism (see Dogmatise fie Begriffsreihen im aelteren Buddhismw> 
vol. 1 by Kusum Mittal, Berlin, 1957 ; vol. la by D. Schlingloff; 
1958 ; vol. 2 in two parts by V. Stache-Rosen, 1968). There is a 
number of other sutra texts extant in manuscript remains in the 
Turfan collection, a number of which was also edited, but cannot 
be mentioned here. Complete information can be found in 
Waldschmidt's above-mentioned descriptive catalogue. 

Special reference should be made to the texts belonging to 
Ksudrakagama, the collection of "minor works'" in the Tripitdka. 
F. Bernhard has edited the complete Udnnavarga which was one 
of the most popular texts of Sanskrit Buddhism (F. Bernhard, 
Udanavarga, 2 vols., Goettingen, 1968) which can be attributed to 
Sarvastivada and, in a slightly different recension, to Muiasarvasti- 
vada school (see L. Schmithausen, Zu den Rezensionen des Udnna- 
vargafr, Wiener Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde Suedasiens 14, 1970, pp, 
47-124), The present author has published Sthariragntha fragments 
which are parallels to Theragatha of Pali canon as well as Anava- 
taptagatha which correspond to Apadana in the Pali tradition (H. 
Bechert, Bruchstuecke buddhistischer Verssammlungen, Berlin, 1961). 
There are also Arthavargiyayani Siitr&rii (corresponding with the 
similarly named section of Suttanipdta), Prctnvaduna and VimanU- 
vadffrw which will be edited. Of the Abhidharma literature, frag* 

( 319 ) 

ments of Fancavastuka and its Vibhasn were edited by J. Imanishi 
(Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschrften in Goettingen, 1969, 
no . 1). Though not belonging to the Tripitaka itself, the manual 
of meditation extant in a birch bark manuscript from the Turfan 
collection must be mentioned here (D. Schlingloff, Bin buddhistisches 
Yogalehrbuch, 2 vols., Berlin 1964-66). 

This is a very incomplete report of canonical Buddhist texts 
from the Turfan collection. The collections in London, Paris etc. 
contain other Buddhist texts of equal importance. It must be 
recalled here that also a number of important non-Buddhist 
Sanskrit works, particularly Sastra texts (Sanskrit grammar, metrics, 
medicine, astrology etc.) were found m Central Asian manuscripts. 

The importance of these finds can be exemplified in many 
ways. I .*-" '. ,' * . '" " "the study of Saddhanna- 

pwidarlk , . is Sutra which is one of the 

most famous sacred books of mankind is available in Sanskrit 
manuscripts written in Nepal, in a Tibetan and in three Chinese 
translation . Parts of two manuscripts are traceable in the manus- 
cripts discovered in Gilgit. It is, however, beyond doubt that the 
text found in the Gilgit manuscripts is very similar to that of the 
Nepalese manuscripts as well as the texts underlying the Tibetan 
and Kumarajlva's Chinese translation. But there is a large number 
of Central Asian manuscript remains of the Saddharmapungarika. 
A.F.R. Hoernle published first notices of these manuscripts already 
in 1906 (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1906, pp. 695-698) 
and a number of fragments were described and edited by various 
scholars (see the bibliographical survey in Akira Yuyama, *A Biblio- 
graphy of the Sanskrit Texts of the Saddharmapun<Jarikasutra", 
Canberra 1970, pp. 20-34). The editor of the first printed Sans- 
krit text of the Sutra, H. Kern, has used parts of eight different 
manuscripts from Central Asia in the N.F. Petrovsky collection 
which is now in the Leningrad Branch of the USSR Academy of 
Sciences after he had established the text from Nepalese manus- 
cripts. (See Saddliarmapundarika, edited by H. Kern and Bunyiu 
Nanjio, St. Petersbourg 1912, Additional note). Kern has only 
given an unsystematical and casual selection of readings from these 
manuscripts neglecting all rules of philological work. Thus, Kern's 
edition which is based on the tradition of Nepalese manuscripts 
but also includes readings from Central Asian manuscripts some- 
times even without any notice in the critical apparatus is not at 
all a piece of critical scientific work. Unfortunately, all later 
editors of the text (U. Wogihara and C. Tshuchida, 1934-35 : 
p u tt, 1953, and P. I*. Vaidya, 1960) did not substan- 

( 320 ) 

tially improve the text as established by Kern and Narjio, They 
have not altered the method adopted by Kern and did not make 
use of the Central Asian material (apart from printing some trans- 
cripts made by N. D. Mironov in Dutt's edition in form of foot- 

The present author has been able to trace nine leaves of a 
Saddharmapundarika manuscript in the collection of Central Asian 
manuscripts belonging to the West German State Library in 
Marburg forming a part of the "Turfan Collection". It was possible 
to identify these leaves as parts of the same manuscript of which 
the main portion exists in the already mentioned Petrovsky collec- 
tion of the Saddha^rnapundanka texts. Some notes about this 
collection have recently been published by G.M. Bongard-Levin and 
E.N. Tyomkin (in Jazyki Indii, Pakistana i Cejlona, Moscow, 1968, 
pp, 439-451, and in Lido-Iranian Journal 8, 1964/5, pp. 268-274), 
Furthermore, four leaves in the India Office Library which have 
been edited by H. Lueders (in A.F.R. Hoernle, Manuscript Remains 
of Buddhist Literature found in Eastern Turkestan, Oxford, 1916, pp. 
144-152), and some small fragments in the British Museum as well 
as some leaves which had been in the collection of Count Otani, can 
be identified as belonging to this one and the same calligraphic 
manuscript of the Sutra which was written by Central Asian Buddhist 
whose mother tongue had been Khotanese which is a middle^ 
Iranian language. The textual gap in one of the leaves edited by 
Lueders can be explained as a consequence of a misplacement of 
certain leaves in the manuscript copied by the scribe of the manu- 

The portion of the text available in the "Marburg fragments" 
contains the StupasaipdarSana section forming the end of the 
eleventh chapter and the Devadattaparivarta which is a separate 
chapter in this Central Asian manuscript (as well as in the Chinese 
translation), but is included in. the eleventh chapter in the other 
version. In addition, the corresponding part of a Gilgit manuscript 
is also published (see W. Baruch, Beitraege sum Saddharmapwtfari- 
kasutra, Leiden, 1938). Finally, the Devadattaparivarta is altogether 
absent from another Central Asian manuscript called "Farbad- 
Beg manuscript'* which was discovered by Sir Aurel Stein and 
edited by L. de la Vallee Poussin (see Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society J911, pp. 1063-1079). Thus, this part of the text is parti- 
cularly useful for the study of its history. 

I shall sum up here the results of the detailed studies which 
were published by the Academy of Sciences in Goettingen (H. 

( 321 ) 

Becherf, Ueber die "Marburger Fragmente" des Saddharmapungarika, 
Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Gosttingen 1972, 
no. 1). 

The manuscripts of Saddtiannapitridanka discovered in Central 
Asia were copied there from Indian manuscripts without any 
major change in the textual tradition. Therefore, the study of 
these texts provides us with information on the history of the text 
in India. We can trace two versions of the SQtra in these manus- 
cripts, an earlier and a later one which, however, show only minor 
differences. The above-mentioned calligraphic manuscript of 
which parts are kept in various collections (Petrovsky collection, 
Turfan collection, Hoernle Manbuscripts in India Office Library, 
British Museum Ms. or. 9613, Otani collection) belongs to the 
younger of these two versions. The so-called Central Asian tradi- 
tion of the text is also represented by the earliest Chinese transla- 
tion made by Dharmaraksa in 286 A,D, 

The text found in the Central Asian manuscripts shows very 
essential differences from the one handed down in Nepalese and 
Gilgit manuscripts. There can be no doubt that this recension of 
the Nepalese and Gilgit manuscripts (represented also in Kumara- 
jtva's translation of 406 A D. and in the Tibetan translation) is 
definitely a more recent form of the text. It seems to have origina- 
ted ii the 4th century A.D. This ^ext is the work of a redactor 
who consciously remodelled and modernized the text of the Sutra 
according to the taste of his time. It was precisely this revised 
text which became generally adopted in the Buddhist world. 

Therefore, the task which should be taken up by Sanskrit 
philology offers itself in a two-fold manner : firstly, lo establish the 
earlier form of the SaddharmapungarTka as represented by the Central 
\,;-, r -p,.---, i-v^ ^?c-=s this was the original text of the Lotus 
v ,,'."- \ ,- '=-. I'- ! \t of the later "classical" version must be 
re-edited by replacing those readings which were inserted from 
Central Asian manuscripts by the editors adopting the true readings 
of this tradition for all passages, 

It is not possible to establish an "original text" by an clectical 
method i e bv selecting readings from both versions as scholars 

wrong and leads to a falsified text which has never existed m the 
Buddhist tradition. 

Thus, we must confess that Sanskrit philology has Completely 
failed so far to establish critical and reliable editions of Saddharmu- 

( 322 ) 

ik The Lotus Sutra is one of the greatest contribute 
which India has made to the religious literature of the world, As 
Sanskrit scholars, we are challenged by this failure of Sanskrit 
philology to prepare adequate editions of the Lotus Sutra. % 
possess now the knowledge about the history of the text which is 
needed to meet this challenge, but the task is too a big one for a 
,' ' ' ' ' '' '' scholars concerned is 
, ' , , , is no better place for 

; ' : important work than 

the first International Sanskrit Conference. 


(University of Cologne, Germany) 

It is well known that the oldest Indian manuscript fragments, 
discovered in Central Asia, were edited by Lueders in 1911 with 
his famous monograph, Bruchstuecke buddhistiscker Dramen 
(Koeinglich Preussische Turfan-Expeditionen, Kleinere Sanskrit- 
Texte 1.1911, Berlin), Besides the transcriptions and facsimiles of the 
palm-leaf fragments Lueders' book contains also several special 
studies concerning the metres occuring in the texts, the dialects 
spoken by the different acting figures and the presumable contents 
of the dramas, the third of which was, according to a colophon, 
the Sariputraprakarana of Asvaghosa (cf Lueders, Philologica Indica 
1940, pp. 190fT.). On palaeographical grounds the manuscript 
fragments can be dated as written during the Kushana period, i.e. 
during the first centuries A.D. 

But it is not only that those manuscript fragments are interes- 
ting with regard to their most important contents or their script. 
There are, moreover, some seemingly insignificant details which 
deserve our interest from the palaeographical point of view : As 
already observed by Lueders (Bruchstuecke, p. 10), the text within 
the otherwise continuous lines of writing is often segmented, and 
that in two different ways, (L) by "dashes" and (2.) by spaces. 

Comparable with our quotation mark, o "dash" usually is 
written after the nomination of acting figures (such as the Vidfyaka, 
the Gan ika etc.) before and after their direct speech, and at places 
where prose and verse meet. 

Spaces within the lines of these manuscripts, however, occur 
in completely different situations. Lueders could show (Bruchstuecke , 
p. 10) that a space signifies in prose the end of a sentence (A), or 

( 323 ) 

( 324 ) 

in verses the end of apada or quarter (B), i.e. such spaces in wnting 
are found at places where, in later manuscripts, one would expect 
adanda, [This space is not given e.g, for A in fragment 10b3 after 
bbruhi; for lObl srtcna, 50b3 jayaniano, 4V4 grhani, 15VI u^e. 
14b3 jadarena, 65a2 tathayam, 47a2 paran, 27a4 ppradvesarn.] 

Further Lueders pointed out that, moreover, spaces in writing 
often separate single words and groups of words, and that this 
way of writing is known already from some of the inscriptions of 
Asoka. With this last-mentioned observation, Lueders calls attention 
to certain graphical facts of his manuscript fragments written 
during the Kushana period which have on outwardly equal 
appearance with graphical data of some Asokan Inscriptions written 
about four centuries earlier. 

But we need not leave it at that. a thorough study of 
the principles of spacing within the lines of wnting in Asoka- 
Inschriften", 1972), we are today in a position to contribute to the 
problem of spaces in the manuscript fragments edited by Lueders. 

However, before we are able to compare the graphical pheno- 
menon of those manuscript fragments with the relevant graphical 
data of our oldest epigraphs, it is necessary to state that the Eastern 
Asokan Inscriptions show two completely di ilbrenl systems of 
spacing* the difference of which may be estimated to a certain extent 
if, for example, we bear in mind the spacing of texts according to 
padapatfia, or to samhitapStha. 

The first system of spacing i b known from the Asokan 
Inscription of Kalsi, line 1-27, and the Separate Pillar Ldict Topra 
VII, whereas in most of the other A.vokan Pillar I-dicts (Araraj, 
Nandangarh, Rampurva, Mirath, Topra I- VI, Rummindei, Nigali 
Sagar) the second system of spacing can he studied, both serving 
tr \--\-*:.-** ".-.. * -hically, i.e. speech-breaks or pauses 

i -'-., .v- *.. .- / , . down during recitations following 

two different principles of spacing (cf. Adyar Library Bulletin 32, 
1968, p. 515). 

SpaCing accordin S to the first system (Kalsi 1-27 and SepTop 
VII) shows that there were pauses atter every word of two or more 
syllables which one always combined, according to circumstances, 
with foregoing or following monosyllables, proclitics or enclitics 
into a unspaced sequence. 

As already mentioned, this system of spacing is found in Kalsi 
only m lines 1-27 written by the first scribe, whereas there are no 
distinct spaces m line 28-39 of Kalsi East Face showing the more or 

( 325 ) 

less careless work of a second scribe. But also in the master copy 
used by this second scribe of Kalsi East Face, the words seem to 
have been separated according to the same rule. This is testified 
especially by line 36 where quite regularly a danda instead of a space 
serves for segmenting the text : 

(dha)mmak(a)m(a)ta 11 dhammanusathi=ca II deva(!iam)piyasa j| 
[D.] (se) atm anusay(e) 11 de(vanam)piya(Js}a) h vijin(i)t[u] || 
kahgyani ll [E,]av(X) jitam=hi II vijinamane 1! e = tata j] v(a) 
dham=^va || malane=va [| apavahe = (va) 11 jana&a H (s)e = badh 
[*am*] II vedani(y)amu(t)e ll gul(u)mute^=c[a] 11 d(ev)anaip[pi]- 
yasal!^[F.] iya(m)=pi=cu il tato ll galumat(.a)tale H d(e)vana 

[For sentence D compare Thommen, Wortstelhmg, PhiLDiss. 
Goettingcn 1903, p. 36, 42; one could expect a daiida after athu] 
Dandas of the same type and mostly in the same positions are 
sometimes written also in some other lines (cf. 29; 33-35; 39) of 
the inaccurate and careless second hand of Kalsi East Face, only 
not with the regularity of line 36; sometimes the dandas are put even 
at obviously wrong places (cf. 35J. 

Now, if we compare this system of segmenting the text with 
the system of spaces in our manuscript fragments of dramas studied 
by Lueders, the fundamental difference of the two systems is 
obvious : short complexes of words or many separated words here 
against long complexes of words or rarely separated words there. 

Jt remains for us to compare the data of the other Asokan 
Pillar Edicts containing imperial proclamations with the fragments 
of dramas written about 400 years later. 

As demonstrated by me already (cf. Adyar Library 
Bulletin 32 1968; Janert, Abstaencte 1972, etc.), the scribes 
in writing down the texts of the above-given ^"^f^S 
(SepTop VII excluded) marked by their spaces within tbe othrewise 
continuous lines owriting (I.) the rhythmical pauses as well as (H.) 
the syntactical or grammatical pauses they have bear d 

between two words loosely in apposition. 

Even if we take into consideration tl* 


( 326 ) 

to make out certain principles of spacing which, as we shall see, in 
some respects are equal to those of the Asokan Pillar Edicts 
(SepTop VII excluded); cf. 6, 11 above. 

As observed already by Lueders (cf. 2 above), in his manus- 
cript fragments usually there is a space after every syntactically 
independent syntagma, i.e. after om (fragment 3,Vorderseite 2), after 
initial siddham (3V1), after a principal or a subordinate clause, after 
a vocative, e.g. : voyasya gaccha=t (13, bl), Magadhavati 
atitiksnalj=khalv==ayarn = damn4ah~(8,R.3). (bhava)ti na=tava = 
vyakaranasya = kalah (8,V.2), hahgho=KomucIagandha dekkha= 
tava(4,R.l), - /: ,* r/..~ *. >~ ':, ' 1 ;: : :i " .V *' Jl ""--,-; 

units un spaced). 

Short sentences often are written as one complex of words, and 
that also at places without consonant combinations, e.g. : [para] 
sparayattam=idan=dvandvam= iti yatra = hi buddhir= avalisthate 
tatra=dhrtilj=-stha[*n*]am = laL haie yatra=co==dhrtir adhiyate 
tatra = buddhir=vistiryyate (1,V,3), icchami = puppha, = yeva (30, 
b3), idani=kathanci=ussasati (30., al). 

Contrary to the rules of spacing in the afore-mentioned 
As"okan Pillar Edicts, there cccur also longer sentences unspaced 
(sometimes even in spite of the presence of a negative particle), e.g. : 
bhavanivarttakesu = klesesu=na - kincid asti pprahatavyam yasya 
= nityam = an'tyarp va na kincid asti =- boddhuvyam (1,V,1), or 
1.V.2 (Dhrti). 

Even other than such sententious formuhitions sometimes are 
written without a space, e.g. : tasmmn-^ uparadhc kan=dandam 
= anutisthami (8^.3)^ dassanampi = nn;^=imassa = dunabha[m] 

On the other hand there are distinct spaces in sentences spoken 
in Sanskrit as well as in Prakrit, e.g p : kva- punar--- idanlm = sa= 
purusavigraho=dharmatL samprati = viharati 1, R.I), susnigdha 
samprati-=pakt(i)Jj (13,a4), upade&o edissa- bambhanajanassa= 
anuggahako-bb[oti] (14,V.2) ? yuktam^evam^hi^kurvvato moksa 
syad= (12, b2), avikkhittena=hidayena aclamso dharayitavva 
(8, R.1). 

Other spaces seem to be inserted first of all from the gramma- 
tical or syntactical point of view, i.e. after the predicate followed by 
the rest of the sentence, or where in a sentence a space is followed 
by a negative particle, e.g. : gatasi Somadattassa- vas*urakulara 
(13, a3), na-samlpasesv=an[a]stha durasthe[su] (29,a3), vtmm- 
hannantu putt[a-ca] n[a]tt[i]ka ca (8.R.4), anjalim- pi-karaya- 

( 3Z7 ) 

mafia na^jivanti -(10,a2), Somadattena na=blnittam4hti c 


All these observations suggest that probably also the spaces 
occurring within the lines of the manuscript fragments of dramas 
written in the Kushana period, graphically represent speech-breaks 
oi pauses in the spoken chain of words, But, I think, it is a comple- 
tely different question whether in this respect we have to assume a 
direct scribal tradition from the time of Asoka to the time of the 



Jena, G.D.R. 

Phonological Aspects 

The continuous intake of socially, culturally, scientifically, 
and economically important loan words as well as ever newly 
coined internationalisms into the system of a modern national 
language is of . . 'i * ' >' r -': '* ' ' 1>1 " .-'language planning 
in general and , ' ;uages in particular. 

As has been shown by recent developments in African and Asian 
countries, the choice and subsequent modernization process of 
national languages especially in the^e areas of the world reveal a 
great complex of various theoretical and practical aspects. Once 
the selection of the national or official language to be has been made 
out of several languages or dialects of each country, there is the 
problem of standardisation of the chosen official communication 
system. This problem of standardization and we may add 
communicative optimization of a given natural language is 
closely connected with a steady improvement and accomplishment 
of its vocabulary, the creation oi specified systems of terminology 
in the field of science, technology, economics, education, etc* 

As everybody knows, the cultural and linguistic history of 
European countries has been greatly influenced by classical Greek 
and Latin. The borrowing from these ancient pools of lexical and 
word-formation elements continues to serve the whole intellectual 
world with over new and well-defined, internationally accepted and 
standardized scientific and technical terms. 

A similar role is played by Sanskrit in the national language 
of the Indonesian Republic, the Bahasa Indonesia. In many respects 

( 328 ) 

( 329 ) 

the growth and structure of Modern Indonesian may be compared, 
from its developmental point of view, with the history of English! 
The Roman, Scandinavian, and French invasions to England are 
in their cultural and linguistic effects a certain resemblance to the 
Indian, Islamic, Portuguese, Dutch and Japanese invasions to the 
Indonesian archipelago. The consequence for the Indonesians in 
our present time may be seen in a diverse bulk of loan words, 
including loan formations, mainly from Sanskrit, Arabic, Dutch, 
and English, not only in the local dialects, but also in that basic 
interinsular vernacular that has been developed from the original 
Malay language and officially come to be received as the unitary 
hngua franca, and been given the name of "Bahasa Indonesia". 
In his contribution to the Conference on "The Modernization of 
Languages in Asia", held in Kuala Lumpur in September 1967, 
the Indonesian novelist and philologist Sultan Takdir Alisjahbana 
made it clear that there is a passionate rivalry on the lexical field 
between Sanskrit, Arabic, Graeco-Latin and local languages and 
dialects in the standardization and modernization of the Indonesian 
language. In Sukarno's time there was even a noticeable tendency 
to screen off intruding anglo-americanisms by lesorting to anciant 
borrowings or newly patterned forms from Sanskrit, using 
"pramugari" for "stewardess", and "pra-sedjarah" (a Sanskrit- 
Arabic hybrid) for ** prehistory", 6fc wartawan" for "journalist", 
"wisatawan" for "tourist", "swasraja" for "self-service", 
"dwibahasa" for "bilingual". Of late "konamatru" has been 
introduced in mathematics and engineering as a substitute for 
"goniometry"". Moreover, it should be noted from the socio- 
linguistic point of view that the general trend to apply high-flaunting 
Sanskritisms in Modern Indonesian has at the same time a signifi- 
cant bearing on style in its social frame. In many cases the 
preference of a Sanskrit loan word or neologism to a simple- 
sounding vernacular word is meant to show that the speaker is an 
intellectual, educated person, saying "pria" and ^wanita" instead 
of Malay is laki-laki" and "perempuan" for masculine or feminine or 
te boy" and "girl" respectively. 

On the whole, there is a growing tendency to use Sanskritisms 
in the national language of Indonesia, whose very designation, 
"bahasa", has been derived from Sanskrit "bhSsa" - "language'^. 
The fact that we have two forms in Indonesian bisyllabic **basa" 
and trisyllabic "bahasa" was of a certain difficulty for our 
computer experiments concerning an automatic phoneme trans- 
formation Sanskrit-Indonesian, where a number of hitherto 
disregarded or unknown phonematic irregularities could be 
discovered and analyzed. 

( 330 ) 

Phonematic correlations between the two !r-ig^ac cs under 
consideration have been drafted iuluU'vcly and empirically by 
J. Gonda in his book Sanskrit in Indonesia" (Nagpur, 1952), j n 
H. Kahler's "Grammatik der Bahasa Indonesia" (Wiesbaden, 1956), 
and by G. Kahlo with his chapter on the sound changes of Sanskrit 
loan words in Malay contained in his booklet "Indonesische 
Forschungen o__^,_?,, vr ^,," n cipz i g> 1941) Their 
inventories of / l .. rules between Sanskrit 

and Indonesian are far from being exhaustive and carry a certain 
amount of mistakes with them. In the case of the Indonesian 
homonym es bisa", for example, we have to take into account two 
, ".:'.-* --.- .." *' Jl from tho native tongue and 
; . . - ..- . : s . . V, (he other leading straight 

back to Sanskrit "visa", which is "'poison" Up. Latin "virus"). 
That is why we decided to use quadruples consisting of a Sanskrit 
word, its Indonesian counter-part and their respective German 
meanings, each as one entry in our input format tor the purpose of 
data processing. The German equivalents may serve as semantic 
markers in further investigations. A regular howler is Mohammad 
Zain's wilful explanation of Indonesian ^balaP "house, building" 
from Sanskrit "valaya" = "bracelet, circle, enclosure". We always 
have one reliable method at our disposal, by winch to prove that a 
given item is of Sanskrit origin or not. This is the Polynesian 
matching test, because Sanskrit did not spread into the Pacific 
beyond the Philippines. Thus, if we find for our Indonesian word 
"balai" the form "bale" in Javanese, and "fale^ in Sumoun, as well 
as "whale*' in Maori, all expressing the same meaning, we may be 
absolutely sure that we have not to deal with a Sunskritism. The 
same author's identification of the Indonesian word ''meditasi" = 
"meditation" as of Sanskrit origin should not be considered as a 
howler, but as a mere joke, 

Our automatic phoneme transformation through Sanskrit- 
Indonesian word-matching yielded the following results : 

From the given list of quadruples as described above we 

A complete set of transformation rules from Sanskrit phonemes 
to Indonesian phonemes 

Alphabetically arranged word lists for each type of transfor- 

A series of tables, recording both the absolute and relative 
frequencies of the occurrence of the particular trans for mation 

C 331 ) 

Our basic idea was a man-machine interplay, where man 
feeds the machine an empirically or otherwise gained initial set of 
transformation rules and the machine, as it were, is recursively 
"learning" more and more rules by which the whole batch of 
Sanskrit-Indonesian word-couples is filtered. There will always 
remain a residual amount of words not corresponding to the given 
rules from the inventory. Taking this fact into consideration, we 
formulated an algorithmic strategy, the main operations of which 
are : 

(A) Successively increasing the inventory of phonematic transfor- 
mation rules 

'(B) At the same time, successively reducing the list of residual word 

The algorithm turned out to be slightly susceptible toward 
such case, where the Sanskrit-Indonesian word-couples showed 
different lengths. This happens, when the Indonesian syllabic glide 
vowel /Q/ (spelled as an (< e") is inserted between consonant + /r/, 
e.g. Sanskrit "istri" "wife" -> Indonesian * isteri" = "wife", 
or when an aspirated consonant in Sanskrit either looses its 
aspiration in Indonesian or is transformed by insertion of a 
phoneme /a/ into a full syllable, such as in Indonesian "bahagia" 
corresponding to Sanskrit "bhagya" "fortune", whereas in the 
case of Sanskrit "bhasa" we have, as already mentioned above, two 
corresponding forms in Indonesian, viz. '"basa" or "bahasa'". 
Likewise, the Sanskrit suffix "ya" becomes either *'ja" or simply fc i*' 
in Indonesian. 

Apart from these cases, a great number of philologically 
interesting irregularities due to reduction, contraction, and syllable- 
formation, have been revealed through our automatic transfor- 
mation, and, furthermore, have been formulated as regularized 
correspondences between the two languages. In this respect, 
hitherto unnoticed cases of nasalization in Indonesian words, 
especially before dental consonants, are of particular interest to 

Besides this catalogue of phoneme correlations we tried to 
gain descriptive and numerical data for a phonomorphological 
typology of the two languages by means of a statistical contrastive 
analysis. These inquiries resulted in a table of the most frequent 
morpheme types in both languages as well as art index showing 
the degree of consonant clustering, which as was to be expected 
turned out to be significantly higher in Sanskrit than in 

( 332 ) 

As Sanskrit has come to be known tih a l .ar.^" t ^c relativ 
rich in consonants and Indonesian rather poor, just us the who/ 
Malayo-Polynesian family, the difference between th e extent of 
consonant clustering in Sn-^k -it r*~ . J ^ V T - -. * / at ^ Q 

time be regarded as an c^.x<,Vo- .>: ^ ^ ., : , Ldaptibility'tf 
foreign structures into the phonomorphological system of the 
Bahasa Indonesia. 

As has been proved by the phonemic transformation rules in 
the first part of our phonological investigation and by the quantita- 
tive contrastive analysis in ihe second part, words of Sanskrit origin 
or pattern are easily and skilfully assimilated to ~ u ~rr -_ ; ^o logical 
standards of the Indonesian language and not witiiout a certain 
natural elegance and gracefulness incorporated into the analytic- 
agglutinative system of its grammar. 

Trying to overcome the difficulties of Sanskrit spelling, we 
used a machine code developed by Bart van Nooicn at the American 
Institute of Indian Studies from the Deccan College of Poona, 

In order to illustrate the dei ivation of phonematic transfor- 
mation rules the following examples may bo mentioned : 

Phoneme Transformation by Computer 

Sanskrit Input Format English Meaning Indonesian Engish Meaning 

daSa D/A/Z/A TEN D/^/S/A TEN 



Transformation Rules 


"I "| ~ j w-ij r^/jsi./^ 

M etc. 

A ) A l \ u ] ^j BH) r\r* c\ 

>-+A j.->I J->u ,S>-^S >-*B D G K 

AAj nj UUJ Sj Vj 


Lexicological Aspects 

As has been shown in our contribution on "Sanskrit Loan 
Words in the Bahasa Indonesia' % published in -The Journal of 
Oriental Research" Vol. XXXVJ, 1970, by the KL-ppuswam! Sastn 
Research Institute at Mylapore, Madras, a tentative semantic 

( 333 ) 

grouping of Sanskrit words in the Bahasa Indonesia displays the 
following lields of application : 

Religion and Philosophy 

Scholarship, Science, "Numbers 

Abstract Words 

Man, and Parts of the Body 

Family Relations 

Official Appointments and Titles 

Literary Terms and Notions 

Natural Phenomena and Geographical Expressions 

Animals and Plants 

Metals, Minerals , and other Materials 

Notions of Time 

Buildings and Institutions 

Trade and Business. 

In addition to the main stock of lexical items from both, the 
nominal and verbal complex, there is a group of function- words 
(prepositions, adverbs, pronouns, and conjunctions) and prefixal 
as well as suffixal elements to be used in word formation, all of 
them equally derived from Sanskrit, There is a considerable number 
of undoubted Sanskritisms unrecognized and consequently not 
registered as such in Indonesian dictionaries, such as th.e "Kamus 
Moderen Bahasa Indonesia (Djakarta, 1954), by Sutan Mohammad 
Zain, or the Indonesian-German dictionary by Otto Karow and Irene 
Hilgers-Hebse, published in. Wiesbaden, 1962. These two German 
orientalists, in fact, must have failed to know a Sanskritism when 
they saw one, otherwise they would have designated such evident 
items as "bahasa" = "language", "bakti"="devotion", "bisa" = 
"poison", *muka"- <fc face'% "pr as an gka" - "prejudice", "sardjana" 
= ie scholar'% "tjita""idea" (from the Sanskrit Past Participle 
*'citta"* < *thought"), and a great many others as genuine Sans- 

After statistically checking different dictionaries as to their 
content in Sanskritisms we arrived at the following results : 

Karow and Hilgers Hesse booked 545 Sanskritisms among 

19070 dictionary entries, which is 2.9% as compared to 8.7% 

- Sutan Mohammad Zain records 565 Sanskritisms from a total 

of 13182 entries, which is 4.3% as compared to 8.4, 


Already from these numerical data we can infer a general agreement 
with regard to Arabisms and a considerable uncertainty when it 

( 334 ) 

comes to Sanskritisms. Our own file of Sanskrit loan words in 
the Indonesian language, collected by hand in the traditional way 
from novels, scientific and technical publications, magazines and 
newspapers, private letters, together with those specimens found- 
if designated in the dictionaries, amounts up to altogether 760 
items, i.e. both borrowings and new formations with the help of 
Sanskrit implements. It is to be expected that the actual number 
of the Sanskrit share in Indonesian word usage is much higher 
because our collection increases from day to day. As from our 760 
Sanskrit words about 100 are still more or less doubtful in view of 
the shortcomings mentioned above, the need for an exact and 
complete solution of the problem becomes obvious. In order to 

routine techniques of computer systems, seems to be inevitable. A 
given Indonesian word should, in accordance with a system of 
phonological transformation rules be converted into its initially 
quite fictitious Sanskrit counterpart, a process which after a 
suggestion made by Hans Karlgren might duly be called a "trans- 
lation into quasi-Sanskrit". The fictitious Sanskrit word, produced 
in this way, will then be looked up in the Sanskrit dictionary for a 
match, if successful, it will be stripped off its fictitious character 
and be turned into a genuine Sanskritism, if there is no match, the 
next Indonesian word has to be converted. 

As may easily be guessed, the first step in the entire lexico- 
logical research scheme has to be an automatic phonems trans- 
formation Sanskrit Indonesian, yielding the fundamental inventory 
of phonemic correlation rules between the two languages. 

Yet another preliminary procedure to facilitate the dictionary 
comparison will be an automatic root analysis of current Indonesian 
text materials, because only root morphemes are to be finally 
matched so that the Sanskritisms among them can be selected by 
machine routines. Moreaver, an automatic root analysis has to be 
regarded as indispensable for the preparation of dictionaries, 
thesauri, and word-frequency lists, which may then be subjected to 
various procedures of natural language data processing, and be 
further exploited in automatic documentation systems, as for 
instance in key word-in -context (KWIC) indexing, or in mechanized 
information retrieval with indexing, content analysis, abstracting, 
and to some degree at least for purposes of machine translation 
of telegraphic abstracts, again first and foremost in the field of 
information and documentation. Furthermore, it will become 
feasible, after all, to state the relative frequencies of Sanskrit words 

( 335 ) 

to actual usage of the Bahasa Indonesia covering all provinces of 
life, i.e. from newspapers, wireless broadcasting and television, 
frofli publications of any kind, political speeches, university lectures, 
bazaar slang, and so forth. 

Trying to explain this by way of an example, let us take as 
input for our automatic text analysis on any medium-size computer 
just one sentence from the speech held by Sukarno on the occasion 
of the national ceremonies for the 19th anniversary of the Day of 
proclamation on 17th August 1964. Incidentally, Sukarno's name 
is derived from a Sanskrit Bahuvrihi-compound "su-karna" meaning 
as much as "being provided with a nice ear", just as Suharto's goes 
straight back to ^su-artha", which had the meaning of "showing 
nice endeavour, good property'". 

Sukarno said in his speech : 

"Karcna itulah maka pada permulaan pidato ini saja bitjara 
tentang pengalaman dimasa Jang lampau, dan djurusan untuk masa 
jang akan datang". 

In English : "For this reason at the beginning of this speech 
I will talk about the experience drawn from the past and our tasks 

for the future." 

The output in the form of a string of root words after the 
procedure of automatic root analysis looks like this : 


an USL of the ct*t in Sauskritisms an 
scanning of this small piece of text ^ 
words of Sanskrit origin or pattern \ 

sentence are Sanskrit isms. 

Morphological Aspects 

pronouns," conjunctions, demonstrate in ajai 
the process o ' _" .s.'--:.! 1 : ' ' ~r^"- ' ' 

( 336 ) 

of the Bahasa Indonesia up to the final stage of their grammatical! 
zation into pure function words. The following examples maybe 
mentioned : 

"bahwa" -=- "that" (introducing subordinate clauses) from Sanskrit 

"bhava" =- "manner of acting, state of mind or body 1 * 
**atau, atawa" "or" from Sanskrit "athava"" ~- "or" 
"antara" "between" from Sanskrit "antaru" -- "between" 
"karena" = "as, because" 11 from Sanskrit "karana 11 = "reason 


"tatkala" - "when 11 

"sementara" "meanwhile" from Sanskrit "samuntara" = "mean- 

"sarwa" or "serba" = "all, entire" from Sanskrit "sarva" = " a ^> 
"puma" = "complete" from Sanskrit "ptirna" - "complete" 

Among prefixes or quasi-prefixal elements In compound 
structures may be mentioned : 

"antar" = "inter-", as e.g, in "antar-pulau" = -- **interinsular" 
"maha" == "great". Prefixal "maha has become one of the most 
active word-forming morphemes in Modern Indonesian. We 
have discovered more than 20 specimens of word -formation 
with c 'maha-". Among them there arc ^maharadja" - "great 
king", Su mahadjaja" "great victory", "mahadjana" "person 
of high rank", "mahaduta" -, ta *embassador", "mahaguru" 
= "professor", "mahamenteri " - vt high oOicial". ct mahamulia" 
= "Excellency", <fc maharupa" - ht of grand shape or kind", 
(fi Mahasiswa/-i" = "student". For ^God", as pertaining to any 
theistic religion including Catholicism, Protestantism, and 
Islam, the words "Mahadewa, Mahakuasa" 6fc AIraighty", or 
"Mahasempurna" -- ' 4 He who alone is entirely perfect"'are 
in common use. Moreover, "maha" can be used in the func- 
tion of an intensive adverb like "very, extremely, exceedingly" 
Examples are: "mahabaik" - "very good", "mahapenting" 
-= "very important", "mahabesar" - "very great", all of them 
written in one word or with a hyphen, giving the feeling as if 
"maha" has to be considered as the first element in a 

"eka-, dwi-, tri- f tjatur-, pantja- etc." - "mono-, bi-, tri-. tetra-, 
penta-, etc." Expressing the simple, double, threefold, fourfold, 
fivefold, etc. meaning of the semantic content signalled by the 
second element in the compound. In other words, we have 
Sanskrit numbers in quasi-prefixal use : e.g. "dwiwarna" - 
Jin two colours", "dwibahasa" - "bilingual*:, "triwulan" - 
+ " a ? ntu y". "tritunggal" - "unity of three" (referring 
to the Trinity of Brahma, Visnu, and Siva), "tjaturtunggal"- 

( 337 ) 

"unity of local government consisting of four powers or forces * 
civil force, military force, the police, and jurisdiction 'VPant- 
jaindera"--''the five senses". The famous "Pantjasila" and 
modernisms such as "Dwi-Dharma" and "Tjatur-Karya", 
which can also be written in the form of compound words, 
have played an important role in politics. The "Pantjasila", 
as propagated by the Indonesian Government after the Revo- 
lution of 1945, comprise the following five principles of 
statesmanship : 
Belief in One Almighty God (Ketuhanan Jang Maha Esa) 

National Consciousness and Democracy (Kebangsaan) 

The ^ : ' i . "/: T ": '.:.. . '. -i *. 


Social Justice and Common Welfare (Keadilan dan Kema- 

kmuran Sosial). 

Meantime the new government of the Indonesian Republic 
liave contributed some new principles for political and eoconomic 
orientation, yet also decorated with Sanskrit labels. In 1966 
General Soeharto issued a political-economic emergency pro- 
gramme which was summarized under the brief codification "Dwi- 
Dharma" and "Tjatur-Karya", both of which, terms are Sanskrit 
in every syllable. **Dwi Dharma" are the two basic preconditions 
for any further development of the Indonesian Republic, viz. 
political and economic stabilisation, whereas " Tjatur-Karya" 
explicitly state the four necessary practical actions that had to be 
taken without any delay : to provide a livelihood for every citizen, 
to prepare general elections by 1968, to carry on a free and active 
foreign policy, and to continue the fight against imperialism and 

The word "Dwiwarna" together with the honorific article 
"Sang", i.e. "Sang Dwiwarna"-* 4 The Two-Coloured" is used as a 
euphemism for the national flag of the Indonesian Republic, exhi- 
biting the two colours -red and white. 

^self, own" e.g. in *<swasta" = "individual, private", 
"swasraja" - "self-service", "swatantra" - "autonomy", 
"~ "before, pre-". This element has grown to be another 
,.. ,^4 . ^ : ,.^ -,.,-fi^ +^ f~.m is/nrris in analogy to internationalisms 
,, "prae-" as in "praehistoria", 

or English "prehistory", German "Vorgeschichte'% Indo- 
nesian "pra-sedjarah". The word "pra-sedjarah" is a hybrid 
formation whose first element stems from Sanskrit and the 
second from Arabic. Other examples with pra- are : 

"prasaran" - "pre-advice'% iw pr^mugari" "stewardess", 
"prakarsa" ~ "initiative", "prasa ngka" ' "prejudice'* and 
many others. 

"air (Sanskrit "sarva'% e.g. "serbaguna" -"multi- 
purpose", "serbapikir" --= "mentalism" (again a Sanskrit- 
Arabic hybrid). 

"purba" = "ancient" (Sanskrit ik purva), as e.g. in -'->i.rbaka:a'* 
"ancient time". 

* 'par i'* = Serving as an intensifying element, e.g. b *panpurna" 
"very full", "paribahaja"-- -""great danger 1 ". The Sanskrit, 
and with, it also the general lndo-1-uropean meaning of 
"around, about" (cp. Greek "peri-" Russian * pere-", etc.) has 
been retained in "pariwarta" -"all-round report' 1 , and espe- 
^.i. 11 - ' "; :"? -V'==r "tourism", whereas ^tourist" is 
-.--,..-,. , .-. without the prefixed element "pari-". 

"su** = "good, nice", corresponding to Greek "cu-"^ as in * ; eu- 
anggelion"== "Gospel, literally good news", cp. also words 
like "euphemism" or "eulogy" in English. Innumerable 
proper names, such as "'Sukarno, Suharto, Suhadio, Suma- 
dirana, Sutjipto, Sudarsono, etc. etc. are formed with the 
help of this morpheme which has remained active from ancient 
Javanese up to the modern times. Oi her wise it occurs in 
formations like "susastera" - "bclietristic". 

As productive suffixes may be mentioned : 

**-wan/-wati" = Expressing the faculties acquired for a given activity 
or profession, such as in "wartawan"- ^journalist", "wisa- 
tawan" = "tourist", "tjendekiawan" ^scholar" (cp. "sard- 
jana"). The feminine gender is formed by "-watP respec- 

"-man" = is of similar meaning as "-wan", e.g. **seniman"=- 
"artist'% its feminine counterpart being "seniwati'\ however. 

t -bakti" = "service", e.g. "darma-bakti" -"duly", <-kcrdjabakti"- 
"working-service", "pramubakti" =^- "hotel servant". 

**-ta" = In Sanskrit the ending "-la" serves to form Past Partici- 
ples from verbal roots, which may be n o mi n ali/ed into subs- 
tantives, mostly of an abstract character. In the Bahasa 
Indonesia the suffix "-ta" is used in analogy to internationa- 
lisms ending in "-tas'% derived from Latin (e.g. -'facultas", 
"universitas"), in "-ty" as in English ("capacity, quality"), or 
in "-tat" as in the German language ("FakultaU Quantitat")- 
Indonesian examples are : "kap as It a" "capacity", "legalita" 

( 339 ) 

- ^legality", kwahta" - "quality", "kwantita" -"quantity", 
-'fasilitiT' -- ^facility", "fakulta" -"faculty*', "universita" = 
^university". For the two latter, though, the original Latin 
forms "fakultas" and "'universitaV are more frequent. Thus, 
we see that the suffix form "-ta" may have arisen from a con- 
tamination between Latin. (e -tas" and Sanskrit "-ta". 

Every lexical item adopted from Sanskrit is easily and elegan- 
tly incorpoarated into the agglutinative mechanism of Indonesian 
morphology. Thus, e.g. active verbs are given the prefix "me-" 
with concomitant prenasalization and elimination of the voiceless 
consonants /p/, /t/, /k/, and /s/. In accordance with this phono- 
morphological rule a verb fc *lo like" is derived from the root "suka": 
*'menjukai'\ It has attained the prefix "me-*% palal prenasali- 
zation /nj/, and the suffix "-i", which denotes orientation of action 
towards an unmoved object. From the root ^pudja" the verb 
"memudja" "to adore, love, honour" is formed, from "kata" = 
"word" the active verb "mengataken" =- "to say" with suffix "-kan" 
denoting, as a rule, orientation of action towards a moved object. 
Abstract nouns are generated by embedment of the lexical, basic 
root into the affixal frame "ke . an". Thus from "sastera" = 
"books, philology" we form "susastera" = "beautiful books, 
belletristic", and then by attaching both prefix "ke-" and suffix 
"-an'% we obtain "kesusasteraan", which stands for '"literature* . 

The analytical agglutinative character of the Malayo- 
Polynesian languages may be considered as the structural reason 
for the absence of any formal distinction of gender in the 
Bahasa Indonesia. As has already been emphasized in our 
introductory remarks, the modern Bahasa Indonesia is in its 
historical growth and structure more or less comparable to English, 
conspicuously so after the Normanno-French invasion into the 
British Isles or after the exportation and transplantation of the 
English language across the ocean to the American continent. Thus, 
the influence exerted e.g. by the French language upon the lexical 
structure of English with all its consequences as to anincreased rich- 
ness in synonyms, the enhancement of possibilities of word-formations 
and derivation, the occurrence of hybrid formations, greater varieties 
of style, connotative multiplicity etc., is, on the other hand, reflected 
through the role played by Sanskrit and Arabic ia the Bahasa 
Indonesia. And much in the same way as English has adopted a 
few plural endings from Greek and Latin that have remained 
entirely unproductive within the whole language system (e.g. 
-phenomena, algae, fungi", etc.) and some of v/hich are even used 
for tfce .singular number, because their original plural form and 

( 340 ) 

function are no longer to be Felt by the English speakers (e.g. "visa, 
data'", etc.), so, likewise, in the national language of Indonesia we 
may hit upon petrified and hence grammatically v.r. productive 
plural forms taken over from Arabic (such as "saladin, hadirin"), 
which, like their Latin and Greek equivalents in English, are no 
longer looked upon as true plural forms and consequently, are not 
seldom provided with the systematically and paradigTnatically 
prescriptive plural marker "para" (originally - fit ;x:opLe. mass, 
crowd") in front of them. This is what we understand by the 
technical term "lexicalization". There is a similar case of adoption 
of formal means of gender discrimination between masculine nouns 
in * : -a" and feminine ones **-i" borrowed from Sanskrit, but equally 
unproductive within the whole system of the Indonesian language. 
In other words, these few cases should be treated as nothing else 
but an occasional retention of morphological differentiation markers 
that have not become paradigmatic. Such Indonesian instances 
as e.g. 

"dewa dewi"' === "god goddess" 

"mahasiswa mahasiswi"' ^ "boy-student girl-student" 

"putera puteri" ~ "son daughter"" 

"saudara saudari" =- "brother sister" 9 

have to be treated as part of the vocabulary and not of grammar. 
They have been lexicalized. This is a logical postulate, even though 
we might mention some rare example of analogy where the gender 
criterion is used with nouns of Malay origin as in the case of 
< 6 pemuda-pemudi" <= "boy - girl"" or ^p^nibLtjn-pcmlmtji" - 
"reader, masculine and feminine respectively"". The latter, by the 
way,^ is an interesting example of etymologically hybrid nature: 
"batja" "to read" goes back to Sanskrit fcC vac"" "speak" or 
"vaca" "speech", whereas the prefix "pe " is typically Malay 
to indicate the actor of the verbal expression represented by the 
root or basis, the feminine suffix i", after all, is again made use 
of in accordance with the Sanskrit pattern. In how far the morpho- 
logical neutralization of the " a/ i" differentiation in Indonesian 
has actually advanced, may be illustrated by such examples where 
the originally masculine form in " a" may express both masculine 
and feminine gender. This is particularly the case in words of a 
generalizing meaning such as 

"mahasiswa".- "student" (both masc. and fern.) 
"saudara" - "comrade" (both masc t and fern.) 

This neutralizing process may also be illustrated by numerous 
examples from any other language cf. the Russian words 'kollega* 
"colleague" and "tovarisS" -= "mate, fellow, comrade", both of 
which imply masculine as well as feminine gender in one and the 
same word-form. 

From a general linguistic point of view, embracing all aspects 
of language development the phonomorphological phenomena, the 
semantic dynamics, the syntactical conditions the processes of 
lexicalization as in the cases of non-paradigmatic plural endings 
on the one hand, and of grammaticalization as illustrated in the 
process of semantic generalization of the words "saudara" and 
"saudari" up to their iinal desemantization into mere pronouns on 
the other, are of paramount interest for the documentation of 
extra-linguistically conditioned effects of intraiinguistic activities. 
On its long way of gradual loss in semantic content until finally 
gaining the function of a personal pronoun of the second and third 
person, the word "saudara", and respectively its feminine counter- 
part "saudarr% exhibits a complete chain built up by the following 
semantic links : from "brother or sister" to "intimate friend" to 
"mate" to "formal friend" to "fellow" to "comrade" (as an 
equivalent to Russian "tovariS6") to "colleague" (in the general 
sense of the word) to '*M.r. and Mrs. or Miss" (as a manner of 
addressing other persons) and finally to the personal pronoun of 
the second person corresponding to English "you", or German "du, 
ihr, Sie". In postposition, as any other personal pronoun of the 
Bahasa Indonesia, "saudara/saudari" may be used in the function 
of a possessive pi onoun : e.g. "rumah saudara" "your house", 
"suami saudari" == < your husband". Occasionally the words 
"saudara" and "saudari" can also stand for the personal pronoun 
of the third person singular. As to plural formation in the 
pronominal sphere, the usual structural rules have to be applied, as 
there are 

word-repetition : "saudara-saudara" 

adding of "semua", or "sekalian", both of which 

meaning "all" : "saudara/ saudari semua" ) ^ < you a n\ 
"saudara/saudari sekalian** j 

Indonesian "saudara/saudari" is derived from Sanskrit 
"sodara" (m.)/ "sodari" (f.) * "full bi other /sister by kinship**. 
As further Sanskrit forms of the same lexical item under considera- 
tion may be met with : 
adj. usage of "sodara", e.g. ace. sg. "sodaram bhrataram" 

= "the full brother" (as an object), where in the attribute the 
proper basic meaning of "Verr :., ^ from one and the sa 
womb" is inherent. e 

adj. derivation "sodarya" --- "'brotherly, sisterly" 

the latter substantivized : "sodarya (m.) /sodarya (f.)^^* tf s d 
sodari" as mentioned above. a ' 

in addition to these, in compounds : "sodarusneha"" or "sod 
sneha" - "love among brother and sister also used symbolical^*" 
cf. Sakuntala Act IV, line 5 (p.47 in the edition by Cappeler) ' 
"avaimi te tasyam sodara-sneham" ^l know your sisterly J 
to him". In Boehtlingk's edition of "Sakuntala" the /of of tlT 
form "sodarya'* has been changed into the diphthong /au/ : - 

subst. "saudaryam/ (n.) with Vrddhi /o, - au' *'brotherl 
resp. sisterly relation", as occurring in the texts of "JShagavata- 
Purana'* and *Dasakumaracarita\ 

In a line with "mant, - vant, in" expressing something 
like "having, being provided with", also the suffix -* y a * ^ 
"belonging to" may be considered as a deri\ational morpheme, used 
in Sanskrit to form adjectives from noun^. or, more generally 
speaking : nominal stems from nominal stem.-. Of paramount inerest 
is, in this connection, the treatment I\L-U to the ancient forms 
"sodara" and "sodarya" in Panmi's suiras, which have to be 
considered, in terms of modern linguisiics, as the curliest documenta- 
tion of programmed teaching by means of K^icaUy arranged sets of 
rules and metalinguistic symbols. In this respect Leonard Bloom- 
field is scientifically justified calling the Sanskrit - -i..,-. of Panini 
as k< one of the greatest monuments of human ;/>;..:!i. -P^-'\ Thus 
we too, felt justified throwing a glimpse into I>arjii\s sGtras, using 
the annotated edition by Otto Bochtlingk, Leipzig, 1KS7. 
Panini, Sutra 4,4,105 : "sabhaya yah" 

Stating that the suffix "ya"is to be added to "sabha", resulting 

m the form "sabhya'* - "being in community with^ . Panini, Sutra4.4. 

108 : samanodara sayita codattali^ Denoting the meaning of ya" 

expressing -having lain, rested" after -samanodara-. the /o/ in this 

case bearing the accent, e.g. "samanodaryo bhruta' ~ "fuU 

Y ?'^ The /? S t partici P le "Sayita-, mcanisg - having rested or 

slept , is derived from the root form "si" and, us a noun, determines 

the place, where somebody -has been lying-. Phonrlooically, there 

ts asandhi of "samana" + "udara" > "samanodara- " 

P ** in - ip Sfl r ra 4A1 9 : Mfiod radyaV Which says that in this 
same meaning of -has been lying- as shown in rule 4,4 108 --ya" 

( 343 ) 

ma y be added to the' word "sodara", e.g. "sodaryo bhrata" = 
"brother by kinship or biological relation". 

In a later section, Panini describes a powerful algorithm for 
what in modern structural linguistics would be called "substitution 
technique". So, for instance, Sutras 6,3, 84 till 89 are dealing with 
the substitutien of "samana" by monosyllabic fcc sa" = "equal, 
identical, same, together, common, joint" (cp. the same meaning of 
the word "same" in English, "zusammen" in German, and "sama" 
in Indonesian), as it occurred in rules 4,4,108 and 109 just men- 
tioned above. Embedded, now, within the total substitution algorihm 
Panini formulates a clever alternative rule for using either "samana" 
or "sa" according to Sutra 6,3,88 : "vibhasodare", where he says 
that in the case of prefixation before "udara" = "belly, cavity, 
womb'% provided with the suffix "-ya*% substitution of "samana" by 
"sa" is not obligatory, or, in other words, both forms are admitted : 
c samanodarya" and "sodorya". This is an interesting example of 
a so-called ''Not Only But Also" rule as it is known to modern 
mathematical logic. 

The sandhi rule for "vibhasa" -h "udara" -> "vibhasodara* 1 * is 
given in Panini 6,1,87. The feminine noun ''vibhasa"* means 
"arbitrary decision, alternative, free choice". The ending *"e* of 
"vibhasodare" denotes the locative case singular and the existence 
of ec -ya" is to be inferred from the aforegoing sutras. Thus Sutra 
6,3,88 may literally be rendered into English by the following 
prescription : ^Alternative is possible in case of 'udara* ". 

In quoting these few rules from Panini^s programmed Sanskrit 
grammar, we have, at the same time, extracted the two basic ele- 
ments "sa" n and "udara" as they are necessary for an etymological 
understanding of our two Indonesian words "saudara" and 
"saudari"*. Taken together, the Indian preconditions for the 
Indonesian word-couple "saudara/saudari" can best of all be 
explained by referring to a confirmation of the phonomorphological 
facts, as kindly informed by the Principal of the Shri Lai Bahadur 
Shastri Kendriya Sanskrit Vidyapitha in Delhi, Dr. Mandan 
Mishra. He says that the Indonesian and Malay form "saudara" 
does not occur in Sanskrit, where we find "sodara" with fof exclu- 
sively, both in adjectival and substantival usage. As far as the 
opinion of Indian scholars goes, there is no explanation for the 
occurance of the phoneme /au/ in the Bahasa Indonesia. No 
tendency of a shift from "so-" to "sau-" may be traced in modern 
Hindi either. Moreover, Mandan Mishra makes it clear that in 
Sanskrit and Hindi the proper form for the feminine gender of the 
masculine counterpart "sodara" out to be "sodara" with a long 

( 344 ) 

ending vowel /a/ instead of "sodart" with long final /!/. In other 
words, the latter is to be explained by way of analogy to all the 
other feminine nouns of the "i"-class. But, nevertheless, the general 
rule for feminine derivation from "akaranta-words, i.e. words 
ending in "-a", postulates the suffix "-a\ This may be seen from 
examples like "kanya" (m.)- "the samllest one" and "kanya" (f.) 
=s"girr, or e -"rama" (m.)=- cw the dark one" and -rama" (f.) = "the 
dark lady", who, incidentally reminds one of Shakespeare's famous 
lady love to whom he addressed his charming sonnets. The form 
"rSxnI'% also of feminnie gender, however, has quite another meaning, 
viz. "night". 

The modern Indonesian word kfi saudara", and its feminine 
counterpart "saudari" respectively, has the basic meaning of 
"brother (or sister), mate, fellow, comrade". Other meanings have 
been touched upon already. Originally, Sanskrit '"sodara" from 
sa"+"udara' pointed to the fact that brothers and/or sisters are 
stemming from "one and the same maternal womb". Owing to 
the amalgamation of these etymological elements expressing 
'togetherness.' and "uterus" into one sandhi-ibrm ""sodara ', which 
phonomorphological phenomenon the American linguist Paul L. 
Garvin in his book 'On Linguistic Method" (The Hague, 1964, p. 25\ 
very adequately described as a "'rnorpheniL overlap" where the 
phoneme produced by the sandhi acquires an ambi morphemic 
character, prevented the Indonesian borrowers of the word from 
realizing and comprehending the original semantic kernel of the 
compound. Thus, when the necessity should arise in communica- 
tion to make it clear that not just "fellow, or male"., but rather 
"brother or sister by true kinship" is to be meant by the word 
"sauc'ara" or "saudari", the Indonesian speaker feels compelled to 
regenerate or recharge the loan word by a lexical manipulation 
that might linguistically be called something like a *"rescmantization 
process". The resemantization is brought about by introducing 
Malay word "kandung" which has the same meaning as Sanskrit 
'udara'% viz. "womb, or uterus": "Saudara k and ung"- "full 
brother". There is another form, '"saudara sckandung", where the 
prefixed element "-se", though exactly corresponding to the gram- 
matical meaning of Sanskrit "sa-", is not at ail ctymologically 
identical with the latter. Indonesian "se-" is a reduced form of 
the numeral "satu"=* "one" and, when used as a prefix, serves in 
the function to express comparison of equal degree as the syntac- 
tical construction "sama dengan", meaning literally vv together with, 
along with, being of the same degree as". In this construction, 
of course, the grammatical function word '"sania" is another case 
of borrowing from Sanskrit. 

( 345 ) 

For reasons of curiosity, in our etymological and phonomor- 
phological analysis, we have to demonstrate a typical mistake that 
once occurred to the Indonesian philologist and lexicographer 
Sutan Mohammad Zain when trying to explain the etymology of 
the word "saudara" as used in the Bahasa Indonesia. In his 
"Kamus Modern Bahasa Indonesia", == Modern Dictionary of 
Indonesian, Djakarta, 1954), he says about the historical 
development of our word ; "terdjadi dari sa-{-udara"=^ "originated 
from * c sa" (together) plus "udara" (air, atmosphere, sky), and 
then he goes on explaining : "bernapaskan udara Jang sama 
dalam kandung ibu : adik, kakak ; tetapi sekarang artinja 
bertambah luas dengan teman, sahabat". In English: "To breathe 
the same air or having breathed the same air within the mother's 
womb : younger or elder brother or sister ; nowadays, however, in 
a broadened sense referring to mate or friend". The process of 
pronominalization, i.e. of gradually grammaticalizing the words 
"saudara" and "saudari" into a personal pronoun, has not been 
mentioned at all. And, although Muhammad Zain quite correctly 
registers in his Indonesian dictionary the word "udara" with its 
meaning "air., atmosphere, sky" as a Sanskritism and, contrary 
to the prefix "se-** mentioned before, the compository element 
"sa-" has also undoubtedly been taken over from Sanskrit, he feels 
inclined to consider the morphemic amalgamation "saudara" as 
peculiarly and virtually Indonesian and by no means derived from 

A lexico-grammatical analysis of the usage of "saudara/saudari" in 
the Bahasa Indonesia reveals the fact that from the lexical field of 
application in the sense of * 'friend, comrade, Mr, Mrs. or Miss" 
as a semi-grammaticalized lexeme in the function of addressing 
another person, the fully grammaticalized pronoun of the second 
or third person has developed. From linguistic processes of this 
kind, to which may easily be added further examples, certain 
interactions between semantic changes and functional shiftings, 
between lexicon and grammar, or, more commonly speaking, among 
form, meaning, and function, may be concluded. 

Summarizing our lexicological and morphological findings, we 
arrive at the following conclusion : For South-East Asia Sanskrit 
plays a similar role as ancient Creek and Latin do for Europe. It 
is to be considered as a rich source of root morphemes, prefixes, 
and suffixes, as well as morphological patterns for word formation 
in the developmen of national languages. Not only prepositions* 
adverbs, pronouns, and conjunctions, but also certain grammatical 
features, types of compounding and a great number of active pre 
and suffixes have been collected to prove their incorporation into 
the agglutinative mechanism of Indonesian morphology. 

( 346 ) 

From these !:Vu..XV findings a constant process of gramma 
ticalization of Sanskrit words within the system of Bahasa Indonesia 
maybe inferred. The conclusion is drawn that the influenced 
Sanskrit on the development of the national language of Modern 
Indonesia shows an increasing tendency in the present time. This 
general trend is most conspicuous in the field oPj^^'cgv, including 
word-formation, less effective in grammatical morphology, since the 
Bahasa Indonesia is a predominantly r.^ly.'X-a! language, and 
almost negligible in the syn lactic sphere. 


Beskrovnyj, V. M. : <O roll Sanskrita v razvitii novoindoarijskich 
literaturnych jazykov.* In : Sovremennyjc literturnyje jazyki 
stran azii (Collected Papers). Moskva 1965, p. 62ff. 

Gonda, J. : Sanskrit in Indonesia. Nagpur 1952. 

Kahler, H. : Grammatik der Bahasa Indonesia. Wiesbaden 1956. 

Kahlo, G. : Indonesische : : -;-- j!^-r-:CJ! Spr'K'hbetrachiunaen 
Abschnitt 3, Die !>.' . .\ . ,. ^ bei Sanskritlehnwortern 
im Malayischen. Leipzig 1941. 

Karow, O. and !T : h.; '!.- * J. : /m/om' t \ivc/i-/}entschcs Wbrterbuch 
Wiesbaden 1962. 

Soebadio, Nj.H. ; -Penggunaan baJuisa Sanskcrta dalam pemben- 
tukan istilah baru' (The Use of Sanskrit in the Formation of 
Modern Terminology). In : Madjalah limti-Ilmu Sastera 
Indonesia No. 1, 1963, p. 47ir. 

Spitzbardt, H. : 'Sanskrit Loan Words in the Bahasa Indonesia.' 
In: The Journal of Oriental Research (M\ hi pore, Madras) 
Vol. XXXVI, 1970, p. 291T. 

Staal, J.F. : 'Sanskrit and Sanskritizalion\ 3n : The Journal of 
Asian Studie$,VoL XXII, No- 3, 1963, p. 2611V. 

Wirjosuparto, S. : ''Sanskrit in Modern Indonesia*. In : United Asia, 
International Magazine of Afro-Asian Affairs No. 4, Bombay 
1966, p. 165ff. 

Zain, St. M. : Kamus Modern Bahasa Indonesia f Modern Indonesian 
Dictionary). Djakarta, 1954. 



Professor of Thai Language and 

Head of the Thai Department, 

Chulalongkorn University, 

Bangkok, Thailand 

This paper is an attempt at discussing the main points in the 
adaptation and the role of Sanskrit words in the standard or official 
Thai language. 

The Thai language belongs to a type of language called 
Isolating Language, that is, each word in the language is free to 
enter into the construction of sentences without any modification 
as to case, gender, number, mood, or tense. Thai words are usually 
monosyllabic, but there are also words with two or more syllables; 
words of the second type are generally of Indie and other foreign 
origins. Phonologically the Thai language has nine short vowels 
/i- u, e 9 o, ae o a/ which can be geminated to give corresponding long 
vowels, and three dipthongs /ia a ua/. By using semivowels /j, w/ 
it is possible to represent all Indie vowels except r f \\ which are 
represented by the consonants /r/ and /!/ plus a vowel. There are 
twenty consonants and five tones. 

When a Sanskrit word is adapted for use in the Thai language, 
it may have to undergo one or a combination of the following 
changes : a change in the number of the syllables, a change in the 
vowels, and a change in the consonants. 

A change in the number of the syllables 

The main tendency is to cut down the number of the syllables. 
Thus a two-syllabled word becomes monosyllabic, e.g. sattva 'being, 
animal* becomes /sat/, sastra 'science' becomes /skat/, nlti 'conduct' 
becomes /nit/, hetu 'cause' becomes /htet/. A three-syllabled word 
becomes two-syllabled vditya 'sun' becomes /aathit/; anuja 'younger 

( 347 ) 

brother 9 becomes in poetry /niichaa/ also /nut/ down to only one 
syllable, kancana 'gold* becoming /kaan/ is- an example of the loss 
of two syllables in a three-syllabled word. A Sanskrit consonant 
cluster that is not phonologically allowed in the Thai language 
usually splits, resulting in an additional syllable e.g. ksema 'ease, 
comfort' becomes /kaseem/, the number of the syllables remains the 
same because of the loss of the iinal a. 

A Vowel Change 

Although in ordinary Thai words the length of a vowel is 
significant, /tarn/ 'to pound* contrasts with /taam/ *to follow', /aj/ 
*to cough* contrasts with /aaj/ 'to be ashamed , the length of the 
vowels of a Sanskrit loan word, especially in the final open syllabic, 
does not always remain the same. Thus kaya 'body* is represented 
by /kaaj/ /kaaja-/ (as the first member of a compound) and /kaajaa/, 
candra "moon* becomes /can/ /can thru, canthraa/ darsana 'view' 
becomes /that, thatsana. thaisanaa/. sattru 'enemy* becomes 
/sattruu/, sila 'conduct, rules of conduct' becomes /sin, siin/. 

Short a in a close syllable usually becomes /o/. For example, 
janaka 'father' becomes /chanok/, daraka 'child* becomes /thaar6k/, 
vihaga 'bird' becomes /'wihok/. But when followed by /-the short 
a becomes /o/ and the r becomes /n/ t amara 'god' becomes /amoon/, 
nagara 'city' becomes /nakhoon/. In a few words a becomes /e/, 
e.g. vajra 'diamond' becomes /phet/, sarvajna *kno\\ ing air becomes 
/sanphet/, panca 'five' becomes /benca/. 

Long a normally does not change. But vidya 'knowledge' 
becomes /withaja-/ in /withajathaana/ 'academic status' a word 
made up of vidyd and sthana. (P.) 

Short i usually remains short, but in the final open syllable it 
sometimes becomes lengthened, e.g. Indra 4 thelordof heaven' is 
represented as /in/, mati 'thought' remains /mati/ but mani c gem' 
becomes /manti/. The lengthening of /i/ is peihaps due to the 
stress which falls on the last syllable. 

When i precedes a velar or a gutteral in a close syllable it is 
some times represented by ji/ a high central vowel. Thus linga 
'mark* becomes /Itrj/. adhika 'additional' becomes /uthtk/ and Siksa 
'study' becomes /slksaa/. 

The / in Skt. prefix nir 'without' is variously represented : 
/nira/ in /nirathiik/ from nirdu^kha ^without misery*, /neerd/ in/ 
/neerakhun/ 'bad, ungrateful' from nirguna 'without virtue', 
/ndrf/ in narfmon/ "without blemish* from nirmala. 

( 349 ) 

Long / usually remains unchanged. Sometimes however it is 
represented by /i, if, ee/, niti 'conduct 9 becomes /nit, niti, neeti/. 
V ija 'plant* becomes /phtit/. 

With a following r Skt. / often becomes /io/. Thus &fr// 'fame* 

becomes /ktot/ and /kisn/ in raamakisn/ 'the glory of Rama* for 
Skt. RamakTrti. 

Skt. and u usually remain unchanged. Thus kunjara 
'elephant' becomes /kunchoon/. A reversal of length sometimes 
occurs : guru 'teacher* becomes /khruu/, curna 'powder* becomes 


u and w are sometimes represented by /oo/. Thus ktihaka 
*a liar" becomes /kooh6k/ 'to tell a lie% kusuma 'flower* becomes 
/koosum/. The prefix dura- 'far, distant' becomes /thoora-/ and is 
found in /thoorasap/ telephone' for Skt, Durasabda, /thooral&kh/ 
'telegraph' for Skt. duralekha, and /thoorathat/ 'television* for Skt. 

Skt. prefix dus 'bad* which becomes dur before a sonant is 
represented by /thura/ and /thoora/. Thus durjana *a bad man* 
becomes /thurachon, thoo rachon/. durlaksana 'ugly' becomes 
/thiiralak, thooralak/. 

Skt. prefix su 'god* normally remains /su/ but is sometimes 
represented by /suwa/ an /sawwa/. sugandha 'having good smell* is 
represented by /siikhon siawakhon sawakhon/. 

m" in a close syllable is sometimes represented by /ae ae/. 
vaidya 'doctor* becomes /pha^aet/, sam^a 'army' becomes /saeaenjaa/, 
veya becomes /phaeaetsajaa/ *a prostitute*. 

r becomes /ri ri rli" ros/ f^Kftz becomes /rit/ e power% r.yj 'hermit* 
becomes /rt'sil rf tsli/, rA:^ becomes /rook/ 'auspicious moment*. 

It can be seen from the above examples that the change of 
vowels involves both their length and places of articulation. 

A Consonantal Change 

Thai has twenty consonantal sounds or phonemes and one of 
them (a labiodental fricative) is not used to represent any Indie 
consonant. When Sanskrit consonants are to be represented by 
nineteen consonantal sounds, many mergers occur. Some of the 
Skt. consonants are represented by more than one sound. 

(350 ) 

The general scheme of representation is as follows : 

1. All the retroflexes or cerebrals become dentals and subse- 
quently undergo the clianges t .f^:I.^ the dentals. 

2. The voiceless i:r.:::-.p."": tot! stops, (he semivowels and the 
aspiration are represented by the corresponding consonants in Thai. 

3. The voiceless aspirated stops, the voiced stops both 
aspirated and unaspirated merge into a voiceless aspirated stop of 
their class. 

4. The nasals are represented by the corresponding consonants 
in Thai except the palatal nasal which becomes LI semivowel /j/ when 
in the initial position, and becomes dental /n/ when final. 

5 All sibilants are represented by a dental ,'s/. 

6. As the Thai language permits only /k t p n n mj w/ as 
finals, all gutteral stops become /*;/ in this position; all palatal, 
cerebral, dental stops and the sibilants become t/; all labial stops 
become /p/ : and r and / become /n/. 

7. A voiceless unaspirated dental stop and a voiceless 
unaspirated labial stop may become voiced when followed by a 
vowel. Thus pita 'father' becomes , bidaa 1 '. 

8. The semi vowel V may become < f ph : thus both /wicit/ and 
/phicit/ are used to represent Skt. vicitrct *prctty\ 

There are also other changes which are optional and of 
stylistic value. For example an initial syllable ka may be replaced 
by /kra/ 9 e.g. kapala 'tile' may become /kntbaan/ (the word comes 
to mean *head*). 

The Tones 

In the Thai language there are five tones. The tone of a Thai 
syllable is indicated by (1) the class of the initial consonant (there 
are three classes of consonants). (2) the kind of syllable, open or 
close, and 3) by the tone mark, if necessary. The Thai alphabet 
has all the signs for Skt. vowels and consonants plus a few other 
signs for words of non-Indie origins. So it is possible to retain the 
original spelling of a Skt. word in Thai script. Normally a Skt. 
word or syllable takes its tone from its written form- 
In borrowing or adapting a Skt. word into Thai, the word may 
be given ^many forms. For example from Skt. puratia 'old* are 
derived/biiraan, booraan, baw raan/. Different forms have different 
literary value : of the three forms above /bawraan/ appears only in 
poetry, while /buraan/ and /booraan/ appear in prose as well as in 

( 351 ) 

T he Role of Sanskrit in the Thai Language 

Although it is not possible to say exactly when Skt. words 
were first introduced into the Thai language, they definitely had 
been in use before the end of 15th century of the Christian Era. In 
A.D. 1492 a rock inscription was made for a king of Sukhothai, a 
kingdom to the north of Bangkok. The inscription which is the 
earliest extant record of the Thai language, contains many Skt. and 
Pali words : /stikhoothaj/ :dawn of happiness" from si-khodayG. 
/raam/ for rarna, /praat/ *a learned man' for prujna, are some of the 
words found in the inscription. 

The borrowing of Skt. (and Pali) words into the Thai language 
has been so extensive that there is hardly a lexical ileld in which a 
Sanskrit word does not occur. The following examples are given 
to indicate the extent of borrowing. The glosses indicate the 
meaning of the words as used in Thai. 

Kinship terms : /bidaa/ -father' from pita; /but/ 'son' from putra. 
Minerals and precious stones : /phet/ 'diamond' from vajra; 
/phajthuun/ 'beryl' from Vaidurya. 

Animals : /sunak/ 'dog' from sunakha; /sat/ 'animal* from sattva. 
Parts of body : /siisa/ 'head" from slrsa; /kaaj/ 'body 1 from kaya. 
Fighting : /sattruu/ 'enemy' from sattrui /chaj/ 'victory' fromjaya. 
Political terms : /raachaa/ 'king* from raja; /montrii/ 'minister of 
'state' from mantrin; /thuut/ 'envoy' from data. 
Legal terms : /khadii/ 'a law suit' from gati; /niitisaat/ 'Legal science' 

from nitisastra. 

Marriage : /wiwaa/ 'wedding' from vivaha; /phanrajaa/ 'wife' from 

bharycL . 

Education : /stksaa/ 'study' from siksa; /sit/ 'student' from tisya. 

Religion : /tham, thamma/ 'duty, righteousness' from dharma; 

/phik^u/ 'monk* from bhiksu. 

Geography : /kaseet/ 'agriculture, field' from ksetra; /meek/ 'cloud' 

from megha; phaajxi/ 'storm' from vayu. 

Science : /saat/ 'science' from sastra; /witthajaa/ 'knowledge' from 

vidya. /cittawitthajaa/ ^psychology' from Cittavidya. 

Time ; /kaan, kaala/ c time' from kala; /samaj/ 'period, age^ from 


Child rearing : /thaar6k/ 'baby, child' from dciraka; /suutikam/ 'child 

delivery" from sfitikarma. 

Food and cooking : /aahaan/ 'food' from ahara; /ph&achana/ 'bowls, 

cups' from bhnjana; /r6t/ 'taste' from rasa. 

Some of the Skt. forms given above might not be attested, for 
they may be only forms made up of available elements, The 
representing forms are however quite common and in general use, 

The impact of Western culture and technology has brought 
about the need for many new terms, and to meet the need, new 
words are coined out of the already available Skt. and Pali elements 
and patterns, Some of the elements are very productive, For 
example /thoora-/ 'far, distant' from dura, was first used in 
/thoorasap/ 'telephone* from a constructed foi m dura-sabda. Later 
it appears in /thoora led/ 'telegraph' from dura-kkha. Now /thoora-/ 
is used in place of tele- of English, Thus /Ihooraphim/ 'teletype' 
from durabimba, /thoorakhamanaakhom/ 'telecommunication from 
dura-gawana- agomana. 

Sanskrit language then has been making two major contri- 
butions toward the enrichment of the Thai vocabulary by lending 
words and by providing elements and patterns with which nejy 
terms can be coined and put in current use, 



Lecturer at Silpakorn University, 

Bangkok, Thailand 

Sanskrit and Thailand 

The Sanskrit language is of great importance to Thailand in 

many ways, viz. 

(a) Archaeology, lb) Epigraphy, (c) Literature, (d) General 
Culture, (e) the language. 

Sanskrit and Archaeology 

In Thailand a lot of ruins depict the Brahman stories, such 

bassed on the Sanskrit language. 
Stowfcrft c<* Epigraphy of Thailand 

period, have been engraved in Sanskrit. 

H , A ~f navaravati were found in tne 

district : 

( 353 ) 

( 354 ) 

(1) svasti srimat srighanasasanageasubhadarh yas tambralin --. 

(2) gesvarah sa ......... niva patmavamsajanatam varhsapradl 

potthavah sarnru 

(3) pena hi candrabhanumadanafr sri dharmma raja sa yah 

(4) tini punah pancandavanisadhipah, 
svasti srikamalakulasamutbhr (t) tarn 

(5) bralingevarabhujabalabhimasenakhyayanas 

(6) nubhavena babhuva caiidrasuryyanubhavamiha 

(7) dhara chandrabhanu-ti sridharmmaraja ~ 
kaliyugabarsani dvatrimsadhikastrini 

(8) satadhikacatvarasahasbhaiiyalikrantc selalckhamiva _ 

Sanskrit and Thai Literature 

Many books of Thai literatxire such as 'Ramakien' and 
'Sakuntala* come from, the Sanskrit origins. The 'Ramakien* as 
has been, mentioned above, is the Ramayanam, and "Sakuntala'" is 
from the Sanskrit work of the same name. They have been beauti- 
fully recomposed in Thai verses. Both are not only read but 
produced on stage also. Thai people consider them as c 'classics'*. 
And again, the Sanskrit* 'Meghadflta* has also been put into Thai 

Sanskrit and general Thai Culture 

It is the national culture for the Thais when greeting each 

other that they do namaskara. Two Sanskrit words have been 

adopted in current Thai speech and writing ; 'Pranamya' and 

Much of the style of Thai dancing is said to have been taken 
from the Sanskrit Nnfyatestra written by BharatamunJ. 

Sanskrit plays an important part in every d#y life of Thai people 

to **** tbc Thai 


( 355 ) 

The Sanskrit words have been adapted for the Thai names of 
the days m a week. They are as follows : 

- Sunday, from Skt. aditya 
candr (d3An) _ Monday> flom skt . cand ra 

angar (Anka : n) _ Tuesday? from S kt. angara 

budh (put) _ Wednesday, from Skt. budha 

brhasbodi (pAruhAtsabs : di : ) 

= Thursday, from Skt. bfhaspati 
Sukr (sug) = Friday, from Sukra 

saur (sau) _ Saturday, from Skt. saura 

In giving names to new born babies in Thailand ever since 
Sukhothai was the capital of Thailand in 1800 B.E. (1257 A.D.)> 
a lot of Sanskrit words have been used. The first king himself 
was named c Sii Indraditay'. Indraditay comes from Skt. *Indra 
and Aditya; it is because of the beauty or, very often the meaning 
of Sanskrit words. Because India and Thailand are so close 
together, there have been some exchanges of culture. 

Here are the names of Thai people : 
Sathien (sAtian) from Skt. sthira 
Sundar (sunta : n) from Skt, Sundara 
Anek (Aneig) from Skt. aneka 
Padma (pAttama :) from Skt. Padma 
Ruci (rud3i :) from Ski. Ruci 

Besides, Sanskrit words are used for the names of universities, 

hospitals, schools, stores etc. 

Names of universities are : 

'Silpakorn' University - Skt. ilpakara 

Dhammasart* University - Skt. Dhanaastra 

'Chulalongkorn' University - Skt. cu(Jalaakarana 

Names of hospitals are : 

'Sirirart' hospital - Skt. Srirajan 

'Yajira' hospital = Skt. vajra 

eRamadhibordi'- hospital *. Skt r Ramadhipati 


Names of bookstores are ; -. 
t Suksabh*n' stora - Skt. 

( 356 ) 
SansBca-it and tlie THai language 

A lot of Thai words are used in daily life, about 30 per cent 
being derived from Sanskrit. The Thai people have considered some 
parts of Sanskrit as the mother of their language. 

The Thais, however, make use of the form of Sanskrit in the 
Thai language but not the sound which they pronounce differently 
from the original Sanskrit. Those words, in another word, have 
been adopted in the way of Thai pronunciation. 

Here are some Thai words adapted from Sanskrit : 
(a) With the same meanings as Sanskrit 

Thai Words 



From Sanskrit 







head of a 



Ana : dza : n 




gAvi : 




gAsi : ra "* 
gAssien J 














gaj a 






kAru : hat 




















t 2 Avi : 

colour of 
{he skin 


Thai Words 



From Sanskrit 



man, person 







y*AnAni "I 
younnAni : J 


jan am 







young boy 



6a : ra : 












to : rAyoun bad man 



tAtsAnA sight, seeing 


ta : ni : town 







tAmmA, tAm 




nAti : 
nAmAtsaka : n 





ba : riva : n 




ba :b 
pr Ay a : 

evil, bad 
merit, virtue 

praj v 

Thai Words 


Menu ings 

from Sanskrit 








kind, sort 




fruit, result 



pa : nit 




pru : g 




pitsAda : n 




pu : t 








pAnja : 




pagdi : 

worship, faith 







mAni : 

gem or jewel 



mAtsAya : 

fish ; 





middle | 




ja : d3oug 


yacak a 



age, period 







ra ; t 




ra :Sa : 

king i 

raja (rajan) 



success i 



ru : tai 


h rday a 


ruzi : 




Thai Words 



form Sanskrit 


la : VAn 

beauty, charm 








the world 


lobh , lob 


desire for, 









class, chapter 



VittAya : 









dead body 



za : t 

science, law 



zugza : 








sounkra : m 

war, battle 




satri : 


a Li i 







gold, silver 












(b) with changes in meaning 

Thai Words 

Thai Pro- 









bad, low ; candala 

an outcast 



tiered | chatra 


umbrella I 







moho angry 


mo ha 

lost in sense, 










to pity, 



| pitiful 1 


soufi monk | sariiiha 

I i 


(c) New creations formed by the Thais themselves on the basis 
of Sanskrit : 

caracar (dSAra : d3o : n) 
dasanacar (tAtsana : d3o 
doradarSan (tozAt At) 
doralekh (tozAleig) 
dorasabd (torAsAd) 
prajna (praty^Aja :) 
vidyu (vittAju) 


policeman on the traffic 

duty from Skt. cara +- acara 
n) --- lour, from Skt. darsana + 

-- televisiim 9 from Skt. dura + 

telegram, from Skt. dura H- 

telephone, from Skt. dura + 

Philosophy, from Skt. pra + 

-- radio, from Skt. vidyut. 

Sanskrit Studies in Thailand Today 

Now-a-days, Sanskrit is widely taught in Thailand. There are 
many institutions, colleges and universities in which Sanskrit is 
taught in not only B.A. classes but upto M.A. classes also. But it 
seems there are a few scholars who are experts in this language. 

Speaking of Sanskrit learning in M.A. classes of universities 
in India, it is very difficult for the foreigners to study Sanskrit, 
because the local languages such as Hindi, Bengali, etc., have too 
often been mediums for lectures in India. Thus there is no way for 
the foreigners who do not know such languages to understand what 
the Sanskrit lecturers are saying. They should adopt English which 
is an international language. Many Thai people, who desire to 
study Sanskrit, having known that only Indian local languages are 
medium for lecture in Indian universities, have been put off from 
coming to India to study Sanskrit here. My proposal is that, in 
M.A. classes in India, it is better therefore to use English in 
lecturing, since it is the best way to teach foreigners Sanskrit. 

However, so that the teaching and learning of Sanskrit in 
foreign countries may be widely expanded, the Indian Government 
should do many things to help the expansion, for example : granting 
scholarships to the foreigners who want to read Sanskrit in India 
or in their respective countries. This is also indirectly beneficial to 
India. Instead of hearing that 'Sanskrit is a dead language', we 
may hear that 'Sanskrit is a living language'. 

I hope my proposal will kindly be considered. Thank you. 
Santih vo bhavatu sarvada 1 (May all of you be forever peaceful 

and happy.) 


National University of Malay, Kuala Lumpu 

My interest in Sanskrit in particular, and Indian culture ir 
general, is primarily in the influence which this great culture has 
exerted on the life of the Malay world during the past two thousand 
years. This influence has been enormous, and even today, although 
99.9% of Malays in Malaysia have now been Muslims for several 
hundred years, a considerable number of (Islamic) religious concepts 
are expressed in Malay with words derived from Sanskrit, thus for 
example, puasa (to fast), shwga (heaven), ncraka (hell) etc. 

In this short paper f intend to make observations on the 
Ramasaga in the Malay world and to present briefly some of the 
results of my own research <;n ihe subject. The Ramayana has 
captivated the inhabitants of South -East Asia for centuries and has 
been written, recited, sculpted and performed from Cambodia to 
Bali. Two major versions are encountered in the Malay world. 
The first, found only in Javanese literature, is represented by 
YogKvara's thousand year old Old-Javanese Rtlmuyana Kakawin and 
Yasadipura's, eighteenth century New-Javanese version of it. As 
regards the development of the plot, this version is similar to 
Valmlkfs Ramayana. The Oltl-Javanesv Rt.wCnuna Kakawln is not, 
however, a translation of the latter work, and Manamohan Ghosh 
first and then !Ioo/l:aus (1955) have shown that the fust two 
thirds were modelled on the Sanskrit kavya, Bhatti's Ravanavadha, 
popularly known as the Bhatti-kavya. Yogis varu not only modelled 
his work on the content of the Bhatti-knvya* but also the form, and 
composed his kakawin according to Indian poetic standards and 
ideals. This is a most interesting feature o 1 ' the kakawin in parti- 
cular, and of Old-Javanese poetry in general: Old-Javanese poetry 

( 362 ) 

employ 8 quantitative verse, although this is not a feature of the 
Indonesian language group, and Teeuw (1952, p.4) cites this as a 
"most striking case of discrepancy between language and verse 
structure". It would appear that the influence of Sanskrit was so 
strong on Old-Javanese literature that the latter developed an 
artificial quantitative verse structure modelled on that of Sanskrit 

Although the influence of Sanskrit on the Malay language has 
been considerable, the earliest Malay manuscripts surviving today 
date only from the end of the sixteenth century, which puts them well 
into the Islamic period, and we are well nigh ignorant of the state 
of pre-Islamic Malay literature, for those works originating from 
Hindu times have, to a laige extent, submitted to Islamic 'remould- 
ing'. There are, however, indications that Malay prosody on at 
least one occasion was modelled on a Sanskrit verse form: Marrison 
(1951) demonstrates that a poem in Malay inscribed on a Muslim 
tombstone in Acheh, and dating from the fourteenth century, 
employed a c^.^tliat've metre and modelled on the upajati measure 
of Sanskrit verse. Nothing comparable to the poetry of Old- 
Javanese, however,, survives in early Malay, and there exists no 
translated version of the Rdmayana comparable to that of Yogisvara, 
The Rama-saga is, however, well known in Malay and exists in 
both literary and oral forms, the latter still enjoying considerable 
popularity in the north of West Malaysia, where they form the basic 
repertoire of the Malay shadow-play. The literary Malay version the 
Hikayat Seri Rama is interrelated with a group of popular Javanese 
versions. These popular tales differ considerably from the version of 
Valmiki, and this was thought by some scholars, notably Rassers 
(1922), to be due to Indonesian influence. It seems clear that Rassers 
devoted his attention only to Valmikrs version; yet numerous other 
versions of the Ramayana have been current in India from early times, 
and Father Camille Bulcke (1950) compares three hundred versions 
in Sanskrit and various vernaculars, Rassers' view was shown to be 
unacceptable by Stutterheim (1925) and to a greater extent by 
Zieseniss (1928) who pointed to Indian sources for nearly the whole 
of the Malay Rama-saga. Zieseniss concluded that the Hikayal Seri 
Rama represents a popular form of the Rama-saga which reached 
Indonesia from various parts of India and was there fused into a 
more or less complete whole. 

In the studies of Stutterheim and Zieseniss, however, only two 
main texts of the Hikayat Seri Rama formed the basis for comparison. 
Examination of the Raffles Malay MS. 22 of the Royal Asiatic 
Society, London 1 reveals, however, that the version contained 

therein is largely a combination of the two \ersions employed 
Zieseniss, and in many placer, is much fuller and fills many of 
gaps left in the previous nvo icvis. Comparison of this MS. \v 
the Thai Rama saga, the Ramakten* reveals that much more of 1 
Hikayat Sen' Rama resembles the RaniaLien (and consequently t 
Khmer version, which shows much similarity to the Ramakien,*. 
which judging from the bas-reliefs of Angkor Wat, is the ok 
version) than is apparent from the version of the Hikayat Seri R a > 
as presented by Ziesenibs. a For example, the following motifs a 
but a few of the features common to the Uikayat Seri Rama [HS 
(Raffles version) and to the Rainakicn [RKJ, but which do not occ 
in the versions studied by Zieseniss: 

a) Hanuman, en route to Lungku. meets a bird nami 
Sempati [HSR]/Sambadi [RK| who liacl flown too near the sun ai 
lost all his feathers. He is cured when Rama's army cheers hi 

b) Bali (Skt: Valin) succeeds in v i^cji'i^ the slant of Bisnu 
(Skt: Visnu) [HSR/Jsvaru\s IRK] mountain. 

c) Bali swears by Bisnifh [HSRI/Ruma's fRK] arrow to delivi 
a woman to his brother Sugriwa lIISR|/Sugnh [RK]. He breal 
the oath and takes her for himself. 

d) Hanuman, en route to Lungku, meets a nymph, curse 
and living a solitary life. By meeting E lunmnan, she is release 
from the curse. 

e) Hanuman kills Miraba [IIS RJ, Maiyarab [RK] (Sk 
Ahlravaiia?) by crushing his soul. 

f) In order to cure the wounded Luksumana, Hanuma 
descends below the earth to collect the dutig of ilie cow that suppon 
the earth, 

As stated above, the HSR has much in common withth 
popular Javanese recensions of the saga as found in the serai kanda 
and the Rama Ke ling ^ and it is clear that the popular Rama-saga 
of South-East Asia fall into a distinct group. This conclusion in-n 
way negates the findings of Zieseniss, and although u large numbe 
of the motifs found in the Rallies version of the HSR are not deal 
with by Zieseniss, there is 110 evidence to show that these motifs ari 
not Indian in origin. Rather, the evidence seems to suggest tha 
the popular versions of South-East Asia (thus not merely Mala; 
and Javanese) originate, to a greater or lesser extent, from the sami 
streams of oral tradition flowing from India. 

Study of the Malay HSR reveals a few non-Indian motifs 
There is, however, one interesting feature: Islamic influence. Barrel 

( 365 ) 

(1963), makes plausible the idea that the HSR is not merely given 
Islamic colouring to ensure its survival in a Muslim society, but 
that a deliberate attempt is made to remould the story on Islamic 
lines, so that the tale is depicted as unfolding during the time of 
the prophet Adam, and indeed Adam takes the place of Pitamaha 
in the HSR. Further, much didactic material, as for example, the 
speech of Jama Menteri when invited to become ruler, is manifestly 
Islamic in content. Barrett suggests the possibility that the tale 
was remoulded by Sufis to make it a suitable vehicle for the present- 
ation of Islamic beliefs in a milieu which would be entirely familiar 
with the tale of Rama. It may be noted, moreover, that not only 
in Malay, but also Javanese, the popular Rama-tales do not occur 
in written literature of the pre-Islamic period, appearing in Java only 
in the Islamic Pasisir literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, (Pigeaud, I. p. 243). 

Although Rasser's views on the axitochthonous nature of the 
divergences of the Malay Rama7saga were shown to be unacceptable, 
there is nevertheless a tendency especially in the oral forms of the 
Malay Rama tale., towards Indonesianization, whereby,* as Zieseniss 
noted, Rama is reduced to the level of * a mere fairy tale hero, a 
process which had probably already been initiated in the Sellabear 
version of the HSR. This Indonesian levelling is best viewed in the oral 
versions of the Malay Rama-saga, which exist primarily as shadow- 
play tales, and secondarily as stories of the penglipur lara (professio- 
nal story-teller). We find in the study of folk literature, that certain 
geographical areas tend to emphasize characteristic types of plot, 
often very limited in number. Themes, motifs and plots which 
diffuse into those areas tend to be remoulded and handled so that 
they assume the features of the plot or types of these areas. In the 
Malay, a characteristic plot is that of the separation of loved ones, 
wandering in the wilderness, the overcoming of numerous obstacles 
and eventual reunion. This is the plot of all Paftjt romances, and the 
theme of wandering and undergoing various trials, culminating in 
the union of the hero and his beloved constitutes the plot of most 
penglipur lara romances. When, therefore, the Rama-saga is adapted 
for presentation in Malay folk literature it is already an ideal 
subject, for all the features noted above are present it is these 
features which tend to be emphasized, often to the detriment of 
others. Thus in the Malay shadow-play version of the Rama-saga, 
entitled Cherita Maharaja Rawana (The Tale of Maharaja RSvai^a), 
the plot is far more compressed than the Malay literary version, the 
HSR. No mention is made of Rama's exile and the abduction of Sita 
is considered to occur on the journey home from the swayembara 

< 366 ) 

where Rama won her hur.d. Further, the f -,f-::-a lion c 
Rama and Slta into monkeys, and the encounter with Ravaija' 
sister D -'-.i/- <."-"! ^r. :J arc considered in the Cherlta **" 7 ..-</,": Rwa r: 
to be attempts at this abduction. We And, too, a consisten 
omission of certain /TOtf-opisodes, as for example, Rama's shootinj 
at the hunchback's hump, the meeting with Kikukan, Rama's exile 
or the installation of Rama's sandals. 

It should not, however, be thought that the oral shadow-pla^ 
version is merely a compression of the literary Malay version, 
Examination of the repertoire of over a hundred dalang (shadowplay 
masters) revealed that the majority of motifs of the wayang 
(shadow-play) version are also found in the f/SR and/or the R/C 
None of the wayang versions, however, is identical to the fISR or RK, 
nor are any two wayang versions indenlicai to each other; in fact it 
may be said that each dalang possesses, to some extent, a distinct 
version, the motifs of which are, to a considerable degree, similar 
to motifs of the HSR and/or RK. This is not to say, however, 
that there is no "wayang version'" and that the repertoire is merely 
the result of "dipping" into the literary versions by each dalang. In 
spite of wide variation, the wayang versions possess a. number of 
common features which distinguish the wayang tale from HSR/RK 
and make it possible to speak of wayang version which, whatever 
the origion, has crystallized into a distinct form. Examples of these 
common features are : 

a) Frame of the plot, already discussed above. 

b) Certain motifs and names which are common 10 the 
wayang versions but are absent or diller from. HSR/RK. Such 
motifs are : 

i. Shooting through palm trees growing on the back of a 

naga during the contest for Situ, 
ii. The setting adrift of Mah Babu San am (Skt: Vibhia$a) 

by his brother Rawana. 
iii. The presence of and the role played by "god-clowns* a 

typical Indonesian feature, 
iv. Rawana*s possession of seven or twelve heads (not ten 

as in the HSR). 

c) Localization of events. Thus the majority of dalang 
believe that the Rama-story occurred locally. A number of dalang 
consider that Langkapuri (Langka) is situated in Lanskawi, a small 
island off the north-west coast of Malaya. Others believe it to be 
near Bangkok, AH woxild be sceptical to be told that Langka was 
Ceylon J SirriiUirly. It i& .vncr-Uly bottevecl that the Uir^tUm of fht 

( 367 ) 

swayambara for the hand of Slta was in Singgora, in Southern 
Thailand. Every dalang is able to cite 'evidence* for the correctness 
of his belief, for example, seven palms are still to be seen in Singgora. 
d) Characterization. The characters of Rania and Laksa- 
mana in the wayang version differ considerably from those of 
HSR/RK. In the wayang tale, Rama is in general more elTeminate, 
petulant-, harsh and amorous, and lacks resource, depending more 
than in HSRJRK on his followers. Until the building of the cause- 
way, Rama is dependent 011 Laksamana"s wisdom and foresight. 
After this time, Laksamana's role in this respect is, to a large 
extent, transferred to the astrologer Man Babu Sanam who figures 
even more importantly than in HSR/RK. In. contrast with Rama, 
Laksamana, who in the wayang version is made a hermaphrodite 
[the virtues of celibacy and asceticism do not appeal to the Malay 
dalang, their only explanation of Laksamana's celibacy is that he is 
a hermaphrodite ! ], is gifted with second sight, has great wisdom 
and is a moderating influence on Rama. We note a similar tendency 
in the penglipur lara version cited by Zieseniss for Rama to become 
a more fairy tale prince and there, too, Laksamaiia has the powers 
of a shaman. We note, too, that in the wayang version, Rawana 
and his followers do not usually have very finely-drawn characters; 
in general they are reduced to the level of "all purpose baddies" 
and few dalang ever feel sympathy for them . 

Although similarity of wayang motifs to HSR/RK does not alone 
prove that it is the wayang version which is derived from HSR'RK, 
comparative work reveals (Sweeney, 1971) that the wayang version 
in its present state is the result of intermingling of two main versions: 
Thai and Malay, which may be the literary versions or oral 
forms parrallel to them. Nevertheless, a considerable number of 
similarities are also found with Javanese, Lao and Khmer versions. 
One interesting example is the episode of Rawana's changing himself 
into a lizard in order to gain entry to Borembun's (Skt: Visnu) grotto 
and seduce the latter's wife. The same legend is cited by Moura 
(1883, II,p.315) and it is said to explain one of the bas-reliefs of 
Angkor Wat. (There however, Ravana is seeking entry to Indra's 

There is yet a further stage in the development of the tales of 
Rama in Malay folk literature. The term ranting (twig) is used in 
the wayang to designate a mass of stories which, although featuring 
^amtfj^ia-characters, are not parallel to the HSR/RK (nor thus to 
the Indian epic). As is clear from the name ranting these stories are 
not considered to form a basic part of the repertoire, and consist 
of the later or minor adventure* of the heroes and their ofiMV-iii. 
generally much wore fluid in content than 

basic repertoire and are often changed or in \cnled. The most 
ting feature of these ranting ialcs is ihul the plots are mostly 
stories, adapted to suit the /^7/ajY*/*<r/-cliaracters. Thus Radin 
Kertapati's role is taken by Rama, tlril of Radin Oaluh Chend 
KJrana by Slta, Ino's brother by l.aksamana. Characters 
the basic Rama-repertoire, although not corresponding to 
Pafiji character, may be brought in to play parts in keeping with 
their characters and rotes in the basic /-. .-;- . the Cher't 
Maharaja Rawana. Thus Hanuman may appear on the scene t 
perform a task requiring strength; Mali Babu Sanam may be 
introduced when a problem requires divination. Rama characters 
corresponding to Pafiji characters may also retain, their original 
characteristics. Thus, when Laksamana assumes the role of Ino' 
brother, he remains always the celibate Sometimes* the character- 
istics of the performers of two corresponding roles are almost 
identical as in the case of Pak Dogol (the 'god-clown* in the Rama- 
story) and Semar fthe god-clown in the Pafiji plo(s). On the other 
hand, the Pariji characters may have an in lluunce on the Rama- 
character. When a characterise, such u* that of lover in the case 
of Panji, is prominent in the majority of stories, this appears to 
influence not only the character of Rama in rtt/it/.ig tales but the 
effect is seen even into the basic part of llu repertoire. 

Although nowadays the literary Malay version of the Ramayana 
enjoys little popularity and is read probably only by scholars, at 
least the characters ol the Lord Rama, his Lady Slta and their 
loyal followers still come to life nightly on the shadow screens of 
the north of West Malaysia, where a performance by a good dalang 
can still draw a larger audience than a local open-air cinema showing 
the latest in Hollywood Coca-cola culture. 


1. This MS. was first brought to light by Winstedt (1944). 
A careful romanization has been made by Mr, E. C. O. Barrett 
of the School of Oriental and African Studies, but so far 

2. For a detailed discussion of the subject, see Sweeney (1971). 

3. For the sake of convenience, the names Rfmiu, Sfta, Havana, 
& Surpanakha are the Sanskrit forms. The Malay forms are 
SeriRama, Site r>ew!, Rawana and Sura Pandaki. The Malay 
wayang forms are Seri Rama, Siti Dewi, Rawana and Siti 


Barrett, E.C.G. 1963. The Malay Ramayana, unpublished paper 
read to the members of the Royal Asiatic Society, London. 

( 369 ) 

Bulcke, C. 1950. Rama-Katha. Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, 
Allahabad, [not consulted]. 

Hooykaas, C. 1955. "The Old- Javanese Ramayana Kakawin, 
with special reference to the problem of interpolation in 
kakawins". Verhandelingon van het Kon. Instituut, XVI. 

Marrison, G.E. 1951. "A Malay poem in old Sumatran characters" 
JMBRAS XXIV. 1.162-165. 

Moura, J. 1883. Le Royaume de Cambodge, 1 vols, Paris. 

Pigeaud, Th. G. Th. 1967. Literature of Jam. Catalogue Rai- 
sonne of Javanese Manuscripts in the Library of the 
University of Leiden. 

Rassers, W.H. 1922. De Pandji Roman. Academisch Proefs- 
chrift Leiden. 

Stutterheim, W. 1925. Rama-Legenden und Rama-Reliefs in 
Indonesien, 2 vols. Munich. 

Sweeney, P.L.Amin. 1971. The Ramayana and the Malay Shadow- 
Play. National University of Malaysia Press, [in press]. 

Teeuw, A. 1952. Taal on Versbouw. Rede ... Utrecht. Amsterdam. 

Winstedt, R,0. 1944. "An undescribed Malay version of the 
Ramayana", JRAS, pts. 1-2, 62-73. 

Zieseniss A. 1928. Die Rama Saga mterden Malaien, ihre Herkunft 
und Gestaltung. Hamburg. 


University de la Sorbonne Nouvelle (Paris III) 

The moral and ethical verses ( subh&sita-s) are innumerable 
in Sanskrit literature; they are mines of practical good sense in 
metrical form. The subhasita-s are found not only in different 
Sanskrit literary works but also in special collections of wise 
sayings subhasita-samgraha-s. These collections influenced the 
literature of "Greater .India" and became known in the North, 
South and East of India. Some of the collections of wise sayings 
were translated into the languages spoken in "Greater India" or 
with spreading of Pali became known in countries South and East 
of India or even became known in Sanskrit in these countries where 
Sanskrit was used. With the spreading of Sanskrit literary works, 
subhasita-s of Sanskrit origin became also known in countries West 
of India. 


2. In the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries A.D. some of the 
best known works in India, not necessarily of Buddhist character, 
were translated into Tibetan and were included in the Tanjur. In 
this way some Sanskrit gnomic poems which became lost in India 
were preserved in Tibet. 

2.1. The Tibetans had a special liking for the gnomic (mti) 
literature and in particular collections of moral and ethical sayings. 
Thus, one of the best known in India collections of gnomic verses, 
the so-called Canakya's sayings, and in particular the Canakya- 
raja-mti-astra version, was preserved in Tibetan through a 
translation made in the tenth or eleventh century A.D. 

2.2. Since the first studies were made in the Tibetan Tanjur 
.by A. Csoma de Koros in the first half of the nineteenth century, 

( 370 ) 

( 371 ) 

we know that eight works, containing collections of subhasita-s, were 
included in the Tanjur. These works are as follows 1 : 

1 . Ses-rab brgya-pa shes-bya-balji rab-tu-byed-pa; in Sanskrit 
Prajna&atak a-n a m a-p rakarana (according to P. Cor- 
dier 2 sataka-prakarana namd) by A. Klu-sgrub (Nagarjund) and 
translated by Sarvajfiadeva, Dpal brtsegs. (No. 4328 [no. 99 
bM03 a 7 ] = lSk>. 4501); 

2. Lugs-kyi bstan bsos ses-rab sdon-po shes-bya-ba; in 
Sanskrit Nitisastr a-p rajnndand a-n a rn a by Klu-sgrub 
(Nagarjund) and translated by Silendrabodhi, Ye-ses sde. (No. 
4329 [no 103 a 7 -! 13 a 4 ]); 

3. Lugs-kyi bstan-bcos skye-bo gso-babi thigs-pa shes-bya-ba; 
in Sanskrit N i t i-s a s trajantuposanabind u-n a m a 
(according to P. Cordier Janaposanabindu nnma mtiJastra) by Klu- 
sgrub (N agdrjund) and translated by Sllendrabodhi, Ye-ses 
sde. (No. 4330 [no 113 a 4 -! 16 b 4 ]); 

4. Tshigs-su bcad-pahi mdsod ces-bya-ba; in Sanskrit G a t h- 
akosanama (according to P. Cordier Aryakosa) by i-ma sbas-pa 
(Ravigupta) and translated by JfianaSanti, Dal-gyi Ihun-po 
sde. (No. 4331 [no. 116 b 5 -122 a 3 ]); 

5. Tshigs-su bead-pa brgya-pa; in Sanskrit Satag&thaby 
Mchog sred (V ar ar u c i) and translated by Yinayacandra, Chos- 
kyi ses-rab. No. 4332 [no. 122 a 3 1126a 6 ]); 

6. Dri-ma med-pa^i dris-lan rin-po chefei phren-ba shes-bya- 
ba; in Sanskrit Vimala-prainottararatnamnla-nama 
(according to P. Cordier *notata...mali-^ by Don-yod hchar and 

translated by Kamalagupta, Rin-chen bzaii-po. (No. 4333 [no. 126 

a 6 -127 b 6 ] = No. 4499); 

7. Tsa-na-karji rgyal-po^i lugs-kyi bstan-bcos; in Sanskrit 
CariakyanitiS-astra by Tsa-na-kahi (C n n a k y a) and 

1 . Qtioted from the Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist^ 
Canons ed. by Professors Hutuju Uinetada Suzuki, Yensho 
Kanakura and Lect. Tokan Tada. Publ. by Tohoku Imperial 
University aided by Saito Gratitude Foundation Senadai^ Japan 
1934. Nos. 4328-4335. This catalogue refers to the Sde-dgo 
edition of the Tibetan Buddhist-canons (Bkah bgyur and 
Bstan-bgyur) in 4569 volumes owned by the Japanese T5hoku 
Imperial University Library. 

2 P Cordier, Catalogue du Fonds Tibetains de la Bibliothequt 
Rationale, Paris, 3ms par tie pp. 481-3 (Mdo Hgrel-Sutrav^tti), 
Vol. 123 (Tibetan 318). 

( 372 ) 

translated by Prabhakarasrlmilra, Riu-chen bzan-po. (No. 4334 
[no 127 b- 137 b 6 ]); and 

8. Lugs-kyi bstan-bcos; in Sanskrit A r T t i s a s t r a of M a s- 
u r a k s a (or Masau-raksa or Masurnksa) and translated by 
Dharmasribhadra, Sakya blo-gros. (No. 4335 [rio. 137 b G -143 a 7 ]). 

2.3. Particularly the last two works, i.e. the Cfmakya-niti-Sastra 
and the NTtiastra of Masuraksa arc ~ f 'f ?}*/-' *>< fig. aha-\ par 
excellence, of which the last became lost in India Also the 
Gathakosanama of Ravigupta and the SatugatJul of Vararuci contain 
a great number of subhasita-s. 

2 A.I. The Tibetan Canakya-nTti-s'fistra was edited in Tibetan 
and retranslated into Sanskrit by Sunitikumar Paihak; 3 it is the 
Canakya-raja-nlti-sastra version of Canakyu's sayings and is almost 
identical with the Brhatsaiiihila of the Gurucju-puranu' 1 . 

2.4.2. The text is divided into 8 adhyaya-s which contain res- 
pectively 23, 30, 31? 17, 26, 23, 31 and 72 wise sayings. This text 
must have been well known in Tibet and probably was used by other 
Tibetan compilers of subh&sita-saihgrahct-s* since we find the same 
saying also in tbe She-rab-dong-bu and the Subhasila-nidhi. 

2.5.1. The text of the Nltisastra of Masuraksa was completely 
unknown in India until 1962. Only then was it tor the first time 
edited in Tibetan with a retranslation into Sanskrit and a translat- 
ion into English by Sunitikumar Paihak*"'. 

2.5.2. Masuraksa is an unknown author; he is mentioned 
only once in Vallabhadeva's SubhasitavalT as the author of verse 

3. Visva Bharati Annals, Vol. VIII, Santiniketap., 1958. 

4. Cf. L. Sternbach, Canakya-Niti Text Tradition Visvesvaranand 
Indological Series No. 28), Vol. 1.2; pp. XXXVIII-LVIII; 
L. Sternbach, The Cai.iakya-ruja-nitisnstra and the BrhaspaH 
Samhita of the Garuda-purana in Annals of the Bhandarkar 
Oriental Research Institute, Poona, Vol. 37; pp. 58-110; L. 
Sternbach, The Tibetan Cn#akya-ruja-nTti-s&stra* idem Vol. 
XLTI; pp, 99-122; L. Sternbach, Sanskrit Subha$ita-samgraha-s 
in Old Javanese and Tibetan, idem VoKXLVlII; pp. 115-158; 

t L. Sternbach, A new Canakya-raja-mti-xaxtra Manuscript, 
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay 1958; L. Sternbach, An 
unknown Cnnakya MS and the Garuda Pur ana in In do-Iranian 
Journal, Vol. T; pp. 181-200; L. Sternbach,' A New Abridged 
Version of the Brhaspati - samhita of the Garutfa-purana. 
e 'Purana" 9 Vara.nasi, 1966. 
A- Vitya-Bharati Annals, Vol. X, Sanlinikclan. 

( 373 ) 

2935 which is however a verse from the Pancataiitra; 6 Masuraksa 
(or Masuraksa) mentioned in the Tanjur is probably another person 
and was probably the compiler of a subhasita-sariigraha which must 
have been popular in. India in the tenth or eleventh century A.E>. 7 . 

3. In addition to the gnomic (nfti) works preserved in the 
Tanjur we find also two other Tibetan subhdsita~samgraha-$ 9 undou- 
btedly at least in its greater part, of Sanskrit origin, viz. the She-rab 
dong-bu and the Subhasita-ratna-nidhi. 

3.1.1. 1 he She-rab dong-bu is a subhasita-samgraha 
in Tibetan which contains 260 wise-sayings; in the colophon it is 
ascribed to Klu-sgrub or Lu-trub, i.e. to Nagarjuna. 
M. Winternitz 8 considered that it was not likely that this anthology 
was the work of Nagarjuna, while Campbell tried to prove that it 
was compiled or written by Nagarjuna himself; if we accept 
Campbell's theory than, the She-rab dong-bu was composed in the 
first century B.C. W.C Campbell was of the opinion that this 
anthology was a metrical translation from Sanskrit of an ethical 
work. It seems, however, that She-rab dong-bu was compiled in the 
form known to us sometimes in the eleventh centuryA.D. when most 
Sanskrit works were translated into Tibetan and included in the 

6. Pancataiitra, textus ornatior 3.35 and textus simplicior 3.43 
(or 3.4O [Kosegarten]). 

7. The name of Masuraksa (in the RAS MS; and the Nepalese 
MS; mathasura) is also mentioned in the Lankavatara-sutra 

- (Bibl. Ctaniensis, Vol. I, Otaiii University Press, 1923; 
Sagathakam, sloka 816) as a highly virtuous rsi who along 
with Valmika (sic !), Kautilya and Aivalayana will appear in 
the future. We also find the name of a king Masurakita of 
Pala family in the Taranatha's History of Buddhism in India 
(in German translation by A. Schiefner, chapter 31; 171 p. 
225 and ch. 38; 195; p. 257) in the latter case along with 
Canakya also of the Pala family; he was also mentioned as a 
Sg in ch. 27 (154-5; p. 201) and ch. 33 (178; p. 234) 
Masuraksita, as an interim ruler of the Pala dynasty of Bengal 
in the ninth century A.D., is also mentioned in the Dpag 
bsam bjon bzab of Ye Ses dpal byor. In some stories Canaka 
(Sxtak'ya) was identified with Mohipala (see Mystic Tales of 
L* TtL-atHa, transl. by Bh. Datt a Calcutta p. 62^ Mjnjc 
Williams in his Sanskrit Dictionary also quotes Masuraksita 
Han?me of king. See also : I-- S^b^. J^view of tha 
NitiSastra of Masuraksa in JAOS 82.3; pp. 4O7-411 
8. M. Winternitz, Geschichte der indischen Literatur II, 

3.1.2. The She-rab dong-bu is a well known work in Tibet 
though it was more likely better known by the educated classes by 
name only. It was largely quoted by Tibetim authors. W. L 
Campbell considered that later writers borrowed many sentiments 
and sometimes entire lines, inserting them in their own compositions 
He particularly thought that Pandita Sakya had done so when 
preparing his Subhasita-ratna-nidhL It is difficult to subscribe to 
this statement since it was possible to identify only three subha$ita-s 
which occur in both works 9 and two of them are Canakya's wise 
sayings; their common source was probably the Canakya-mtiSastra 
prevalent in Tibet. 

3.1.3. The She-rab dong-bu was first edited by Rai Bahadur 
Sarat Chandra Das 10 and then by W.L. Campbell 13 who gave on the 
right-hand side the Tibetan text and on the left-hand side the 
English tranalation. 

3.1.4. The work deals mostly with ethics and general wisdom; 
it contains only few Buddhistic truths (e.g. 61, 100) and even in 
these places some Sanskrit words could have been changed by the 
translator in oider to fit the text with his own faith; such a proce- 
dure was also extensively applied in the Tibetan Canakya-nlti-sastra. 
She-rab dong-bu followed the pattern of Sanskrit anthologies, as 
far as their contents were concerned and included, similarly as the 
main Sanskrit Subtmsita-sariigrahct-s did wise sayings from the kathu- 
works 12 and from the floating mass of oral tradition. 

3.2.1. The Subhasita - r a I n a - n i d h i is also a 
subhasita-samgraha in Tibetan; it contains 457 wise sayings and is 
divided into 7 chapters dealing with the wise, the prominent people, 
the fools, the excellent and the fools^ wrong behaviour, normal 
behaviour, improper behaviour, duties of men and religious 
doctrines. The wise sayings included in this anthology are not 
always translations from Sanskrit but, perhaps with the exception 
of the last chapter, were influenced by Sanskrit sayings. Also the 
arrangement and division of this anthology into the seven chapters 

9. She-rab dong-bu 29, 111 and 133 Subhasita-ratnanidhi 323, 
29, 43. 

10. This edition was not available to me. According to Campbell 
it was printed in continuous lines. Some stanzas of the 
PrajnSdanda were also published in Bhota Prakaa, Tibetan 
Chrestomathy, University of Calcutta, 1939. Cf. L,. Sternbach, 
Sanskrit Subhasita-sarhgraha-s, op. cit. fn. 4. 

11. Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta 1919. 

12. E.g. from the Pancatantra, verse 45. 

( 375 ) 

mentioned above shows Indian influences. 13 This anthology 
contains however one noticeable characteristic; it deals to a negligi- 
ble extent with women, a siabject dealt extensively in Sanskrit 
subhasita-samgraha-s. It contains only isolated sayings with 
Buddhistic leanings. 

3.2.2. The Subhasita-ratna-nidhi is ascribed to Pandtta Sakya 
(Saskya) Kun dgah rgyal-mis'han dpal-bzang-po; in Sanskrit : 
Ananda Dhvaja rl Bhadra who was born in 1181 A.E>. and died at 
the age of seventy in 1251 A.D. It was partly published in 1855-56 
with an English translation by Csoma de Koros; 14 there it con- 
tained only 234 out of 457 subhasita-s. An other extract of this 
work was translated into French in 1858 by Ph. E. Foucaux; it 
contains a selection of 134 subhasita-s. 12 of these subhasita-s were 
translated in 1860 into German and published in the Illustrirten 
Revalschen Almanack. A.Schiefner published critically (with notes) 33 
of subhasita-s and included them in the first edition only of Bohtlingks 
Indische Spriiche in 1863-1865. Also G. Huth in his History of 
Tibet HOT chos byung, published and translated 19 subhnsita-s. The 
whole text with a German translation was published in 1925 by 
W.L. Campbell (who also published and translated the She-rab 
dong-bu) in the Ost-Asiatische Zeitung, N. F. 2. (pp. 31-65 and 159- 
185). The best critical edition (of the Tibetan and Mongolian Text) 
with an English translation was published by I.E. Bossom as a thesis 
submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of 
Doctor of Philosophy in the United States; it was produced by 
micorofUm-xerography in 1967 by University Microfilms, A Xerox 
Company, Ann Arbor. 15 J. E. Bossom based his edition in the 
first place on the Tibetan and Mongolian text published byX. Ligeti 
in J949 16 , as well as on some xylograph copies of the text. J. E. 

13 For instance in verse 246 mentions the Pandava-s Several 
verses are translations or adaptations of verses from the 
Pancatantra and the Hitopadesa. See also A. Schiefner m 
the First Edition of O. Bdhtlingk's Indische SprOche. 

14. JASB 24. p. 41 and 25, p. 257, reprinted 
Being a reprint of the Articles contributed to 
Asiatic Society of Bengal by A. Csomas de Koros, cd. by E 
Denisson Ross, Calcutta 1912. JASB Extra 1911. 

15 Recently announced in some catalogues of commercial book 
sellers that it appeared also in book-form 

Sibliotheca Oriental* Hungarica VI; Budapest 1948 

Bossom mentions that the entire text has recently been published f n 
China in 1958 in Ch'eng-tu and another one in Lan-chou and a 
selection of 212 subhcisita-s in Chinese translation also in 1958. 17 

3.2.3. There are many stoiies about the life of Pan<Jita 
Saskya. 18 We know that he made a long trip to China and resided 
in Middle Tibet (U Ts'ang) in the Saskya monastery in the province 
of Ts'ang "one hundred days distant" from Tashi Lhun-po. 
According to the introduction and the colophon, the Subhasita- 
ratna-nidhi was first compiled by Nagarjuna but was written and 
edited by the Pa^dita Saskya. Sometime, in the beginning of the 
thirteenth century A.D., according to the legend, the Subhasita-ratna^ 
nidhi was brought by Pancjita Saskya from China (sic !) but was lost 
by him when a boat overturned on a river. However when Paridita 
Saskya returned to his monastery he found it miraculously in the 
library 19 . 

3.2.4. Tibetan scholars consider that the Subhasita-ratna- 
nidhi, called by them Saskya legs-bead (in Lhassan : Sakya Legshe) 
was not a work of one person but a compilation made by three 
scholars. They base this theory on the introduction where it is 
stated that the author of the Subhasita-ranta-nidhi took the 
best from various works of his predesessors. This argument is 
not convincing, since Sanskrit subha$itti-suriigruhcf-ti led often such 
an introduction and for instance, all the texts of the Canakya-niti- 
Sastra version have similar introductory stanzas. 


4. Buddhist monks spread some Sanskrit works, particularly 
through Tibet, to Mongolia and Manchuria. 

4.1. And so, the Tibetan Subhasita-ratna-nidhi was translated 
into Mongolian and West Mongolian (Kalmuk) and became one of 

17. See also Pentti Aalto, The Mannerheim Fragment of Mongolian 
Quadratic Script in Studia Orientalia XVII. 7. Helsinki 19521 
pp. 3-9 and Fragmente des mongolischen SubhCisitaratnanidhi in 
Quadratschrift in Mitteilungen des Institutes fur Orientforschung 
Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin., Band III, 
Heft 2, Berlin 1955; pp. 279-290; James E. Bossom, A 
Rediscovered Xylograph Fragment from the Mongolian Phags-pa 
Version of the Suhasitaratnanidhi in Central Asiatic Journal, 
Vol. VI, No. 2, June 1961; L. Sternbach, op. cit. (fn. 10). 

18. See J. E. Bossom, op. cit. pp. 4 sqq 

19. The Sa-skya Monastery famous for a large library of books 
taken or transported from India; it contains even today a large 
collection of Tibetan, Sanskrit and Chinese books. 

the most popular works in this part of the world, whete great 
interest for gnomic and didactic literature was noticed 20 . 

4.1.1. The first translation into Mongolian of the Subhasita- 
ratna-n'idhi was attributed to Ch'os kyi od ser. Another translation 
from the fourteenth century by Toyin Sonom gara 21 exists in 
transcripts. Another translation called Sayin tige-tii erden-yin 
sang subhasita kemegdekii shasti orusiba 22 (a treasure of gems of 

20. B. Laufer, Skizze der mongolischen Litreratur in Kemeli 
Szemle* Revue Orientals pour les etudes ouralo-altaiques VIII 
(1907) pp. 165-264; B. Laufer, Keleti Szemle...IX: 
pp. 1-53; L. Ligeti, Rapport pr&liminaire d*un voyage d* explora- 
tion fait en Mongolie chinoise, 1928-31, Budapest 1933; W. 
Heissig, Die Pekinger Lamaistischen Blockdrucke in Mongoli- 
shher Sprache? Wiesbaden, 1954, in Gdttingen Asiatische 
Eorschungen, Bd. II; N. Poppe, Beitr&ge zur Kenntniss der alt- 
mongolischen Schridt-sprache in Asia Major, Vol. I; pp. 688 
sqq. Mongolische Volksdichtung, F. Sterner t'erlag, Wiesbaden. 
1955; P. Aalto, Altasiatica in Studia Orientalia 17.7 of 1952; 
Verzeichniss der O rlentalischen HSS J (Mongolische HSS; 
Blockdrucke, Landskarten) 9 Wiesbaden 1961. 

21. VPadimircov, Mongol" ski sbornik rasskasov in Pancatantra in 
Sbornik Musea Antropologii, Etnografii pri Akademii Nauk 
SSSR V.2, Leningrad 1925; p.445. Vi'adimircov also mentions 
a mongolian translation which originated among the Kalmuks 
and which dated from the seventeenth century. The MS . was 
prepared on the basis of a translation made in the fourteenth 
century by an unknown author; it has preserved some 
archaisms in the ortography and vocabulary. N. Poppe (op. 
cit. fn 20) also reported that the Asiatic Museum of the Soviet 
Academy has a tibeto -mongolian MS. of the Subhasita- 
ratnanidhi; it is a copy from the sixteenth or seventeenth 
century. For more details see I.E. Bossom (op. cit) in the 

22. Or Sayin iige-tu erden-yin sang subhaita kemegdeku shastir 
orusiba. We find this work in a mongolian edition (xylograph 
of small size) from the eighteenth century (78 pages). L. Ligeti 
(op. cit. fn. 20) (p. 58) repoited that it was still easy to find 
a copy of the same in Peking. Another translation of the 
Subhasitaratnanidhi, the Sayin iige-tu... by Sonom gar-a was 
also reported by L. Ligeti. He found among the Xarchin a 
MS. of the seventeenth or eighteenth century which preserved 
the archaism of a translation of the fourteenth century (see 

good counsel) was translated by dge slong dambaidzamsan (dge slou 
bstan pa'i rgyal mc'an) of the Ural on repeated advice of Suriim 
that such a translation was essential. This translation was then 
elaborated by Mergen blama-yin gcgen a3 . A further translation of 
the Subhasita-ratna-nidhi and its comprehensive commentary by 
Nbyirub (dnos grub) from the Chaghan funinggha sumun of Tsakhar 
was prepared at the end of the eighteenth century after the Mergen 
blama-yin gegan had been compiled. It was printed in Chaghan 
agula siime in the district of Tsakhar. The printing blocs were 
prepared and are preserved in Chaghan aghule-yin sume of the 
Chaqar kobege tii Chaghan-i qosighan, the white mountain, 
monastery of the white-bordered flag of Tsakhar 21 . This text is also 
combined with a commentary entitled Subhasidi-yin tayilburi 
chindamani-yin tiilgiglir keinegdekii; the latter is the revised version 
of the Tibetan commentary of Rin chen bzan-po. This version was 
published in book form in Kalgan some time between 1930 and 
1950, and in Ulaanbastar in Cyrillic script, as well as in Mukden in 
Mongolian script. There exist also a West Mongolian (Kalmuk) 
translation of the work 25 . 

5. Based on the Mongolian Subhasitaratna-nidhi or directly 
on the Tibetan Subhasita-ratna-nidhi is the eastern Mongolian, 
Buryat Work by Lama Irdini Maybzun Gallishcv who lived among 
the Buryats in the second half of the nineteenth and jn the beginning 
of the twentieth century. He prepared his "Mirror of Wisdom", 
published in Russian translation in 1966 in Ulan-Ude. 2 * 1 According 
to the introduction to this work Lama Jrdini prepared his work 
composed of 979 subhasita-s on the basis of aubhasita-s of Gunga- 
al-an in Tibetan, i.e. the Sa-skya n s kun dgah rgyai-mis'han dpal- 
bzang-po (Subhasita-ratna-nidhi). Many Sanskrit subha$ita-s can 
be traced in this work, including some from the Pancjitantra, Hito- 
pades"a and so-called Canakya's sayings 

6. In addition to these works, being translations from 
Tibetan, we find in Mongolia and Manchuria collections of wise 

23. Yeke Nonghol ulus-un, tindusun-u altum bobchi. It is the 
closest translation to the Tibetan SubhS$itaratnanidhi. 

24. X.40 

25. The text is found in the Sven Hedin collection in Stockholm. 
See P. Aalto, A Catalogue of the Hedin Collection of Mongo- 
lian Literature (p. 102). For other texts of the Mongolian 
Subhasitaratnanidhi see I.E. Bosson (op. cit.) Introduction 17-2 

26. Zertsalo Mudrosti by T.A. Dugar-Nimayev, Burnatskoe 
Knizhnoe Izdatel'stwo Ulan Ude, 1966. 

sayings which arejjither translations from Sanskrit or were inflenced 
by Sanskrit subha$ita-s. For instance some of the Mongolian and 
Manchurian sayings collected by Louis Rochet 27 definitely show that 
they are of Sanskrit origin (e.g. the Manchurian saying (13) which 
stated that the king who likes the same things as his subjects like, 
who hate the same thing as his subject hate, is like a father, mother 
to his subjects) is certainly influenced by a subhnsita found in the 
Suktiratnahara (176.59) which is a quotation from the Kautillya- 
arthasastra (1.19.34) or from the Mahabharata (12.56) or the 
Sukranitisara (4.4.204). 

7. Some subhnsita-samgraha-s found also their way to Central 
Asia. We find, for instance, among the finds of the German 
Turfan-expedition to Eastern Turkestan, some fragments of the 
Laghu Canakya version of the so-called Canakya's collections of 
wise sayings. 28 


8.1. Sanskrit subhasita-s of didactic and gnomic character 
influenced the Tamil nf/z-literature, in particular some of the main 
18 main didactic works, i.e, the Naiatiyar with its famous quadrains, 
the Tiru-k-kural (both divided according to the three purusartha-s). 
the Nanmani-k-katikai, the Inna-narpatu, the I my aval narpatu, the 
Tirikatukam, the Acara-k-ko-vai, the Cirupancamulam, the Llati, 
the Mutumoli-k-karia and to the lesser extent the Palamoli, the Kar- 
narpatu, the Kalavali narpatu, the KainruLai, the Tinaimoli aimpatu, 
the Tinaimalai nurraimpatu, the Aintinai aimpatu and the Aintinai 
elupatu, as well as such works as the Nlti-venpaa, Niti-neri-vilakkam, 
Nanneri, Nalvali and Atanericcaram which contain Sanskrit 
subha$ita~s. It is very likely the Tamil mrf-literature as well as 
the South Indian Sanskrit literature influenced the mYMiterature of 

8.2. The Sirnhalese subhasita-samgraha-s \ such as the S u b h a- 
sitayaby Alagi yavanna, the Lokopakaraya by 
kanasgalle Theraof 238 verses, the Anuragamal- 

27. L. Rocher, Sentences, maximes et proverbes mantchoux et 
mongols, Paris 1875. See also E. Teza, Laghucnnakyam in 
Annali delle University Toscane, Tomo XVI, Pisa 1878, 
Appendice, pp. 3846; J.Kovalevski, Mongol'skaya Chrestornatiya. 

28. Cf. L. Sternbacli, Some Canakya s Epigrams in Central Asia 
in Vi&vesvaranand Indological Paper Series ', No. 292 and 
L. Sternbach, Les aphorismes difide ^Canakya dans les textes 
bouddhiques du Tibet et du Turkestan Oriental in Journal 
Asiatique 259. 1-2; pp. 71-82. 

a y a of 65 verses (despite its title has no erotic content), th e TJ n ~ 
ratnamalaya of 60 verses, as \\ell a^., in particular th 
textbook of poetry prepared byAltaragam a-B a ri cl a r a 
entitled Vadankavipota contain some verses from 9 or 
influenced by Sanskrit subhasita-s. 

9. In particular three Ceylonese r '*. ; ; '-'TO',' -^c- r"//-.'//i fc /-v show 
great affinity with Sanskrit sitbha$ita-saihgraha-si the Vyasakaraya 
the Pratyayasataka, both know in Sanskrit and the Sirhhalese 
Subhasitaya of Aligayavanna. 

9.1. The V y a s a k a r a y a is a Sanskrit ^:iMi{!s:tn-sarugraha 
which until recently was unknown in India. Only recently the 
Vyasa-subhasita-sarhgraha 29 was published on the basis of two South 
Indian Manuscripts and some ancillary sources, of which one was 
the Ceylonese Vyasakaraya 30 which is almost identical with the Sans- 
krit Vyasasubhasita-sanigraha; the latter was certainly the basis for 
the Ceylonese Vyasakaraya. 

9.2. There is not such a clear-cut in the case of the Ceylonese 
Pratyayasataka, a subhasita-samgraha in Sanskrit, well-known 
in Ceylon 31 , containing 102 wise say ngs in xardntavikrtdita, vasantati* 
laka, upajdti and sloka metres. Tn the Pratyayasataka the Sanskrit 
subhnsita-s are seldom reproduced in their classical original form; if 
they are reproduced at all, they are reproduced in the vulgate text 
and in the most popular form; the majority of the^e suhhasita-s were 
borrowed from the classical sources of Sanskrit literature. In 
addition some subhasita-s are paraphrases of known suhh3$ita-s\ 
this paraphrase is usually correct as far the contents of the wise' 
saying is concerned but not as far as its form; often some subh5$ita-s 
are composed of two to four different components taken from more 

than one Sanskrit subhas/ta; there are also many .vub/mxita-s only 
influenced by thoughts which we also find in Sanskrit suhhasita-s . 

. 29. Cf. L. Sternbach, On the Sanskrit Nit I- Literature of Ceylon. 1. 
Viyusakuraya... in Brahmavidya Vol. 31-32; pp. 636 sqq. and 3. 
An additional Note on the Vyasakaraya in Brahmavidya 35. 3-4; 
pp. 258-269. 

30. Published by H. Bechert in Sanskrit text aus Ceyon I, 
Miinchen 1962. See also L. Sternbach, On the Sanskrit Nlti 
Literature in Ceylon. 2. Pratyayasataka in Brahmavidyn Vol. 
33, pp.80 sqq. 

31. Published by H. Bechert (op. cit. In. 30) in Sanskrit. Published 
m Sinhalese script by PJ. Karmadhara, Panadura Press, 1941. 
Translated by Arthur p. Perera in Sanskrit Wisdom in English 
Verse, Candy 1942. 

( 381 ) 

All the subhasita-s which are paraphrases, or combinations of 
veral subhasita-s 9 or verses influenced by some subhasita-s, or, 
finally, verses containing thoughts similar to those known to exist 
among Sanskrit subhnsita-s may have existed in the form preserved 
in the Pratyayasataka, but at present are still unknown 32 . 

93. As far as form is concerned, theSubhasitayaof 
A 1 i gay a v a n n a > a Sirfinalese subhZLsita-samgraha of 100 verses, 
is similar to the Pratyayasataka. Also most of the subhasita-s 
included in the Subhasitaya are well-known Sanskrit subhz$ita-si 
some of these subhasita-s are also paraphrases of well-known wise 
sayings or were influenced by the Sanskrit subhasita-s. Only the 
17 verses of the first part of this anthology, which is Buddhistic in 

character, were probably not borrowed from the Indian literature. 

10. In addition to these subhasita-samgraha-s y the whole 

collection of Canakya's wise sayings is prevalent in Ceylon; that is 

the Canakya-iiiti-Sastra version 33 ; 


11.1 Probably there must have existed in India, in the thir- 
teenth, fourteenth or fifteenth century a collection of wise sayings 
which was particularly well known among the Manipunan Panna-s; 
22 collection which was as J. Gray reported- written m Bengali 
characters, but also known in Sanskritised Burmese penetrated into 
Burma and became well known as the Lokanlti, one of the three 
besi Renown in Burma collections of wi^e sayings; the two others are 
Dhammamti and the Rajamtu 

112 It is impossible to ascertain when these collections of 


Siamese Proverbs and Ichomatic 

32. Cf. L. Sternbach, op. cit. fn. 30. 

33. Cf. L. Sternbach, op. cit fn. 29 ' 

34. J.Gr*y, Ancient Proverbs and 

or the Niti literature of Burma, 
Series, 1886; pp. I** 

35. Journal of the Siam Society, Vol. I, p. 180. 

Burrnese Sources; 
^ Qriental 

( 382 ) 

He thought that the Lokanlti was composed between 425 and 1400 
A.IX He saw the date a quo in commentary on the E>hammapada 
the Dhammapadatthakatha ascribed to Buddhaghosa, in which he 
could notice ''strict analogies" between certain passages of the 
Lokanlti and the Dhammapadatthakatha. On the other hand C. 
Temple 36 thought that the LokanJti was not "of any great 

11.4. J. Gray considered that it was unlikely that the Lokanlti 
and the two other mti-works were compiled between the twelfth and 
fourteenth centuries. He seems to be right when saying that the 
wars between the M6n-s and Burmese led to intercommunication 
between the two races. J, Gray also stated that Hindu colonists, 
besides, had settled on the lower valleys of the Irrawadi and Sittang 
rivers, and a religious struggle between Brahmins and Buddhists 
resulted in evolving the erudition of the learned Punna-s. Their services 
were soon utilized by the Burmese kings in furtherance of the cause 
of literature, and it was through their invaluable assistance that the 
study of Sanskrit became a sine qua nan in the royal monasteries. 
Being familiar with the Magadhi language and the local vernaculars 
they were of great help to the Buddhist rahan-s in the interpretation 
of the Pitagat. J. Gray was further of the opinion that it was 
reasonable to suppose that when the great task was completed 
attention was paid to secular literature, the outcome of which \vas 
the compilation of the Lokanlti, Dhammantti and Rajanlti. 

11.5. It is most probable that these niti works were prepared 
for a king's deary a in order to enable him to discourse on ethics and 
polity, to pronounce moral sayings and to give advice. 3 A J. Gray 
thought that since these treatises were in use in the royal courts of 
India they could have been introduced in the court of Ava. 

11.6 C. Temple who, independently of J. Gray's research, 
studied the Lokanlti., could not find out much about the history of 
this book, although he personally made enquiries from the Burmese 
Sayzt-s. He reported that according to one account it was written 
originally at an unknown date in Sanskrit (or Pali) by the Pdngna 
(Brahman) Sannekgyaw and paraphrased into Burmese in 1826 by 
the Hpongyi U P6k of the Maha Oung Nye Bong Sun Ok Kyoung 
at Ava. This U Pok's name as priest was Sek-k&n-da-bT,, to which 
the king of Ava added the titles of Thiri Thaddamma-daza ? Maha 

36. The Lokanlti translated from the Burmese Paraphrases (JRASB, 
No. 11 (1878); pp. 239 sqq. 

36A. Cf. M.H. Bode, The Pali Literature of Burma', Prize PubL 
Fund. voL2; Royal Asiatic Society ; 1909; p. 5i 

Dama-yaza Guru. According to another informant of C. Temple, 
the author was a priest without very extraordinary knowledge of 
Pali who either collected the wise sayings from old books or collec- 
ted some of them and added others of his own composition. 

11,7. During my stay in Burma in 1961, I also made unsuccess- 
ful enquiries into the origin of the three mrt-collections. I contacted 
the International Institute for Advanced Buddhistic Studies, Kaba 
Aye, Rangoon, and several Burmese Saya-s in Rangoon, Mandalay, 
Pegu and Pagan but no one could give me any information about 
these three mfi-works, although many of them knew about the 
existence of the Lokaniti, more by name than by its contents; they 
only knew that it was a book of proverbs on common life. 

11.8. It does not seem yet possible to know when these niti- 
works were compiled. The date suggested by Gerrini seems to be 
too early, since the analogies with Buddaghosa's Dhammapada- 
tthakatha 37 are more likely to be accidental and the moral sayings 
included in the Lokaniti are of a general and common nature. 
Temple's date of 1826 is certainly too late; it probably refers to one 
of the translations of the Pali Lokaniti into Burmese, while the Pali 
text was known in Burma much earlier. Therefore, it is quite possible 
that the Lokaniti was composed in the beginning of the fifteenth 
century 38 and that the two other niti-col lections were compiled not 
much later, 

1 2. 1 . The Pali Lokaniti is known today in Burma more 
by its name than by its contents. Two different independent trans- 
lations were made into English in 1886 from Pali by J. Gray 39 and 
from Burmese in 1875 (published in 1878) by R.C. Temple 40 . Gray's 
translation contains 167 wise sayings while Temple's translation 164 
wise sayings. This difference is due to the fact that C. Tempple 
combines sometimes two wise sayings into one 41 . The Lokaniti is 
divided into seven distinct sections dealing with : (1) wise men (1-40); 
(2) good men (41-67); (3) the evil-doer (68-78); (4) friendship (79-93); 
(5) women (94-111); (6) kings (112-137); and (7) miscellanea (138- 

37. It is not certain whether Buddhaghosa really composed this 

38. Imitations of some passages of the Lokaniti occurred in 
Burmese inscriptions at Pagan (cf. above). 

39. Cf. fn. 34 above. 

40. In JASB XLVII of 1878; pp., 239 sqq. 

41. Also Gray's translation is much better and clearer than 
Temple's. Cf. E. Teza (op. cit. fn. 27); pp. 402 sqq. Cf. L. 
Sternbach, The Pali Lokaniti and the Burmese Niti Kyan and 
their Sources in the BSOS 26.2; pp. 329-45. 

( 384 ) 

167); such a division of s..Ve^l-r.-ittcrs is very common to Sanskrit 

12.2. The origin of a great part of Lokanlti's wise sayings 
can be traced co classical Sanskrit sources and, in particular, to the 
Mahabharata, the Hitopadesa, the Paftcatantra, so-called Canakya's 
wise sayings, the Manava-dharmasastra, etc. 

13.1. It was proved that the Nlti-Kyan was the 
Burmese translation of the Pali Lokanlti.' 12 In the Nlti-Kyan many 
verses (gatha-s) are divided into two or four parts and therefore 
the number of wise sayings of the Nlti-Kyan is 211 instead of 167 
found in the Lokaniti. 

13.2. The NTti-Kyan was translated in 1858 by E. Fowler 43 
who wrote that this anthology was taught in the Burmese monas- 
teries to the daily scholars and resident novices; it was always in 
use and was generally known as being one of the elementary books 
in Burma, since it contained moral teachings, popular in India 
which could be applied in every day life. 

14. In addition to this collection of sitbhasita-s of Sanskrit 
origin, there are two other subh&sita-samgraha-s also greatly 
influenced by Sanskrit subJiasita-s . These are the Pali Rajaniti and 
the Pali Dhammanlti. 

14.1. The Pali Rajaniti is a typical Indian subhasita- 
samgraha, dealing as its title shows with rcyanifl; it contains 
136 wise sayings. According to J. Gray it was based on the Indian 
dharmasastra-s and was compiled by the Brahmins Anantanana 
and Gaijamissaka. It does not seem to be correct to state that the 
Pali Rajaniti was based on Indian dharmas&stra-s\ it was rather 
based on sanskrit subhasita-samgraha-s., and in particular on one 
version of Canakya's sayings, viz. the Canakya-sara-sarhgraha 
version. The first 20 wise sayings dealing with king's officials, 
their duties and qualifications and the group of wise sayings 48-55 
were, no doubt, borrowed, either directly or indirectly, from the 
so-called Canakya's collections of wise sayings; the latter group 
follows almost word for word the Canakya-sara-samgraha version. 44 

14.2.1. The Pali Dhammsniti is also a typical Indian 
subhasita-sarhgraha; it contains 411 wise sayings (plus three 
introductory verses) and is divided into 24 sections dealing with the 

42. L. Sternbach, op. cit. fn. 41. 

43. JRAS XVII of 1860; pp. 252-266 

44. Cf. L. Sternbach, Spreading of Cdpakycfs Aphorisms over 
"Greater India" Calcutta, Oriental Book Agency, 1969; pp. 42-43. 

( 385 ) 

preceptor, scholarship, wisdom, knowledge, conversation, wealth, 
residence, dependence, friendship, the bad man, the good man, the 
powerful, women, sons, servants, the wise man, what should be 
done, what should be avoided, ornamentation, kings, ministration, 
two's three's, etc. miscellanea. 45 

14.2.2. The Dhammaniti contains a great number of Sanskrit 
subhasita-s, of which many are identical with the Pali Lokanlti but, 
generally speaking, the Dhammanlti is more losely connected with 
Sanskrit sources than the Pali Rajaniti and particularly the Pali 
Lokaniti. The wise sayings of the Dhammanlti are seldom straight 
translations of Sanskrit wise sayings; they are rather paraphrases of 
Sanskrit subhasita-s. 

14.2.3. The Pali Dhammanlti is not as common in Burma as 
the Lokaniti, but is better known than the Pali Rajaniti; it never 
became a handbook of study in Burma and, being much longer than 
the Lokaniti and Rajaniti, was not so willingly recopied by scribes; 
it also did not have the reputation of being originated in India, 
though it is, at least in part, a translation or paraphrase of Sanskrit 
subhasita-s, particularly from the Hitopadesa, Pancatantra, other 
fozf/za-works, the Mahabharata, the Manava-dharmaSastra, etc. 46 

15, Among other gnomic works of Burma the following 
should be mentioned ; the Sutta-va<J<Jkananiti in Pali 
and Burmese translation, containing 73 wise sayings chiefly from 
Buddhist sources, but also containing some subhdsita-s from the 
Sanskrit kathn literature, the Maharaha-niti and the 
Sihala-niti (for Simhalaniti). I was informed by the 
Manuscript Examiner of the International Institute for Advanced 
Buddhistic Studies in Rangoon that the two last named anthologies 
are "a combination of the Lokaniti, the Dhammanlti and a collection 
of Canakya's sayings." The MSs of the last two works were 
however not avai'able for scrutiny. 47 

16. Another Pali work containing a collection of wise sayings 
is the Lokasara, a Pali anthology of 55 wise sayings, probably 
from the fourteenth century; it is divided into three parts dealing 
with the general rules of ethics, kings and Brahman-s. It is more 
Buddhistic in character than the Lokaniti, Rajaniti and the 

45. 1-10; 11-24; 25-54; 55-60; 61-71; 72-77; 78-84; 85-92; 93-108; 
109-137; 138-147; 148-152; 153-169; 170-176; 176-178; 179-192 
193-224; 225-253; 254-262; 263-284; 285-320; 321-331; 332-411. 

46. Cf. L. Sternbach, op. cit. fn. 41. 

47. Cf. L. Sternbach, op, cit, fn, 44; paras. 72-73 

Dhammaniti; however most of the subhasita-s included in the second 
and third parts of the work are influenced by Sanskrit wise sayings, 
but the wording of the Pali subhOsita-s is quite different from that 
of Sanskrit 

17. We also find in Burma in Sanskrit with Burmese trans- 
lation as well as also Pali translation of some Canakya's collections 
of wise sayings, viz. the Canakya-nlti-sastra version. There is the 
Canakya-niti-Thadamti, originally published in Mandalay in 1900; 
the Sanakya-niti (with the Lokanlti). ...Two most renowned niti 
(collections), Rangoon (one edition without dale and another from 
1954), and the three-volume work entitled Sanakya-nlti-kyan, based 
on the original text in Thakkata (Sanskrit), Rangoon, 1957, which 
contains an explanation in Pali and Burmese of forty verses for 
memorising the main Canakya verses and a long explanation of each 
of the Canakya's sayings. This work was prepared for the purpose 
of teaching ethics. 4 *. 


18. The Sanskrit and Pali literature, extremely rich in niti 
verses, contributed largely in forming the greater part of Siamese 
sayings. The Siamese, similarly as the Burmese, were greatly 
impressed by the profound thoughts of Sanskrit wise sayings; they 
discovered however a source nearer to them than India, viz. Burma 
and embodied the Pali-Burmese LokanTti into their literature. 
E. G. Gerini 60 reported the existence in Slum of several editions of 
the Lokanlti in Pali; one of these (the Sup'hasit Lokanlti Klam 
JClong, Bangkok 1904), comprising 408 wise sayings contains many 
wise sayings from other sources prevalent in Siam. 51 Another 
collection of the Lokanlti in Siamese vci^e was written by his 
Royal Highness Prince Dajadisorn in 1824; it was probably based 
on some old incomplete Siamese collections from the days of 
Ayud'hya; the author admitted that this text has been derived from 
a Pali version which is not named beyond LokanTti. This anthology 
of verses, together with older fragments, was recently published in a 

48. Lokasara pyui 1 (Lokasara pyo) ed. by fr* Van. (Mcmsuvan)* with 
paraphrasing and notes; Rangoon, Kusulavati, 1955 (in 
Burmese); Lokasara 'with an introdvctian and notes by Yeo Wun 
Sin Rangoon, The British Burma Press, 1902 (in Burmese and 

49. Cf. L. Strenbach, op. cit. fn. 44; paras 36-37. 

50. On Siamese Proverbs Cf. fn. 35. 

51. Cf. L. Sterabach, op. cit. fn. 44; 

( 387 ) 

"Compendium of Worldly- wise verses in Siamese" named Klon 

19. In addition to this classical anothology containing 
Sanskrit wise sayings, we find in Siam several other collections of 
sayings; they are enclosed in Sup'hasit-s (from Sanskrit subhzsita- 
samgraha-s) which included not only epigrams, moral teachings, 
rules of good conduct, but also proverbs. 

19.1. The best known Siamese subhasita-samgraha is the 
Sup'hasit ofP'hrah R u a n g (or Bannat P'hra Ruang). 
According to tradition P'hrah Ruang was one of the first kings of 
Sukhet'ai, probably Rama K'ambeng; he lived in the second half 
of the thirteenth century A.D. E.G. Gerini 52 regarded this 
collection of wise sayings "as a genuine product of the period, as 
the ethical code of the re-born nation, embodying the outcome of 
the wisdom matured during the long centuries of servitude and 
tempered and made more poignant by the novel spirit of freedom 
that pervaded the age" 53 . On the other hand he thought that this 
collection of wise sayings was probably inspired by practical sense, 
but did not soar * to the sublime heights of the ethical treatise of 
the West" or the Buddhistic literature in the East 54 . 

19.1.1. The Sup'hasit of P'hrah Ruang exists in several 
editions 55 . Gerini translated subhaita-s which show influence of 
Indian thinking, but are rather composed in form of proverbs than 

20. E. JLorgeou in Bulletin de /' Athenee Oriental** translated 
in his "Suphasit Siamois" a number of Siamese wise sayings; some 
of them were influenced by Indian thinking and were written in 
the style of Sanskrit subhasita-s; however some of these Siamese 
wise sayings are quite different and are not of Indian origin. 
According to Lorgeou their origin is obscure; they were collected 
in the beginning of the nineteenth century by a monk who lived in 
a monastery in Bangkok. 

21. Gerini quoted also a number of Siamese Sup'hasit-s, the 
most important of which are the P u s o n tan (The grandfather's 
teaching to his grandchild) and the LansdnPu (The giand- 

52. op. cit. fn. 50 

53. op. cit. fn. 50; p.6. 

54. op. cit. fn. 50; p. 12 

55. E.G.E. Gerini. fn. 35. 

56. Cf. 1881; pp, 59-65, 123-135. 260-279; and of 1882; pp. 102- 
114; 187-205, 250-253. 

( 388 ) 

child's teaching to his grandfather); they are probably of Lao 
origin but were well known in Siam. The National Library in 
Bangkok has registered in its catalogue these two works in T'ai 
verse and the Pu son Lan also in Sanskrit verse (sic\). Unfortunately 
these two works, despite long search, coukl not be found in the 
Library when I visited Bangkok in 1961 and consequently could not 
be analyzed by me. Since the Pu son Lan was written in Sanskrit 
verse it may be surmised that it was also known in India and that 
it is of Indian origin* Probably then the same applies to Lan son 
Pu. One text of Pu son Lan in the National Library in Bangkok 
is a work of Xieng Mai literature; it is written on palm leaves. 

22. L. Finot 57 mentioned also that in Siam two additional 
anthologies of wise sayings exist, viz. the Pip'hcksonbiit 
and the Pali S o n n o n, 58 however they contain teachings from 
the Ramayana (Vibhisana to bis family and Bali to Sugrlva). 
Particularly the latter one is well known in Siam. Though 
undoubtedly of Indian origin, these teachings are not subhasita-s 
par excellence. 

23. The Siamese proverbs and wise sayings which were 
collected by Gerini and Giihlel 50 (Gerini collected 208 and 
Giihler 276) are, similarly as the P'hrab Ruang's short 
sentences and were probably of local origin, although some of the 
thoughts coincided with Western ideas 01 . Some of the wise sayings 
were of Indian origin; that can be seen from the fact that they 
often refer to the Ramayana and the Mahabharata and heroes of 
these two epics, as well as mention Indian deities in particular 
Garucja; it seems also that they were influenced by the Pancatantra 
and the Hitopadesa tales, but most of them were adapted to the 
local daily life. 

24. In the twentieth century the Sanskrit Vyasa-subhasita- 
saragraha became also known in Siam as the V y u k a r a s a t a k a 
It was probably brought from Ceylon during the reign of king 

57. Resherches de la literature laotienne, BEFO XVII; 5.148. 

58. Unfortunately I was not able to consult these treatises. 

59. W. Giihler, Uber Thai Sprichworter in the Journal of the Slam 
Society 34; pp. 97-144; Cf. J, Kasem Sibunruang and Ann B. 
Darling, Siamese Proverbs in Thought and Word /; No. 2; pp. 

60. Op. cit. fn. 214; pp. 69-105, 

1. Cf. Gerini, op, cit, (fn. 55); 13. 18-23. 

Rama III and printed 62 in Siamese characters with the help of a 
Brahmin Mukupusvami (?) and Luang Phirivanahorn and then 
distributed at the cremation ceremony of Ammart TrI P'hra 
Turuparkpichorn 03 . 

25. Also a collection of Canakya's sayings the "sanskrit 
Canaky a-s at ak a" 64 is known in Siam; it is registered in 
the catalogue of the National Library in Bangkok 65 , but could not 
be traced when I visited Bangkok in 196 1 68 . Also Under the 
auspices of the Royal Insititute a translation of the Canakya-sataka 
into Siamese was prepared by P'hrati P'hinic* hevarnakar and was 
published in 1922 67 : it is the text of the Canakyaniti-Sastra version. 


26. In "Further India", Hindu-s established two powerful 
colonial kingdoms Campa and Kambujadeia which comprised 
today's Cambodia, southern part of South Vietnam (old Cochin- 
china), part of Laos and the southern part of today's Thailand. 

27. Only in today's Cambodia it was possible to find one 
edition of the Lokaniti in Pali with a Cambodian translation. 
It is the Lokaniti Pakarana (for prakarand) by Yen. Ouk Chea 
Vacirannanbhavongs, Member of the Commission du Tripitaka a 
1'Institut Bouddhique de phnom Penh 68 It is not a complete edition 
of the Pali Lokaniti; it contains only 150 wise sayings, divided into 7 
chapters of 36, 28, 11, 13, 18, 25 and 19 verses respectively; it omits 
particularly the wise sayings of the last chapter miscellanea. 

28 It was impossible to ascertain whether any other 
subhasita-samgraha-s of Sanskrit origin exist in this part : of the 
world. The only additional information which was possible to 

62 Vyaksrasataka, Sanskrit Text in Siamese translation 
preface by H. R. H. Prince Damrong Rajajanubhab, B. b. 
2464 (A. D. 1920). _ 

63 Cf. L. Sternbach, op. cit. fn. 29 (No. 3) and in Brahmavidya 
35. 3-4; pp. 258-269. 


India and Nepal. 

67. Information from His Highness Prince Dhani Nivat. 

68. Phnom Penh, Albert Portail, 1936, 

secure, was to find a small publication of 26 pages in Pali in 
Cambodian characters with a translation into Khmer entitled 
R a j a n i t i (for Rajamti), texte tiro de Sastras (for sastra-s) sur 
feuilles de latanier... Premiere edition. Phnom Penh. Editions de 
la Bibliotheque Royale, 1941"; it contains political wise sayings in 
based on Sanskrit sources. 

29. Another publication is the SupMiasit ebap srl 
Baky kaby, Anak Okna Suttant Prija. Ten Ind., of which the title 
page in French reads "Bons Conseils (sour ies femnies) (Poesie) par 
Oknha Suttantrarije *Ind' Douxieme edition, Phnom Penh. Editions 
de I'lnstitut Bouddhique, 1951." The booklet contains 250 verses 
in Khmer, dealing in particular with the beauty and charm of women 
modelled probably on Sanskrit kavya works, in particular the 

30. L. Finot in his "Recherches de la litterature Laotienne" 69 
referrred to a Pali L o k a n i t i which is known in Laos; it is 
composed of some 400 wise sayings 70 ; although not mentioned in 
the catalague of the Royal Library in Luang Prabang it exists in the 
Vat That 71 . 

31. L. Finot also referred to the P u s 6 n L a n and the Lan 
s o n P u manuals of "apophthegmatical Jove" held in the highest 
esteem "from Luang Prabang in the North to Ubon in the South" 
which were not only widely read but aL->o learnt by heart 7 -. The Lan 
s5n Pu was known to exist in Luang Prabang in manuscript form 73 . 

32. L. Finot referred further to the publication of a series of 

69. BEFE022.6. 

70. Finot probably referred to the Sup'hasit Lokaniti iCam. Klong, 
one of the editions of the Lokaniti current in Si am (Bangkok 
1904), cf. para 18. 

71* In the list of the Lao MSs. Finot later mentions under No. 
328 Lokaniti C ( Liste des MSs conservSes dan.s Ies Pagodes de 
Louang Prabang par Chao Chittarat. 1914), 

72. BEFEO 17.5; p. 148; Gerini, op. cit, (fn. 55) 110. 

73. L. Finot speaking about the Lao subhasita-literature (BEFEO 
17.5; p. 147-8) mentioned that the Ecolc Francaise de 
1'Extreme Orient has a MS L* 70 which is composed of three 
distinct treatises : (1) Kon Suphasit; (2) Anacak Thammacak, 
a code of offences and punishment; and (3) Sattahardhamma, 
duties of an official. He gave five examples of these sayings, 
but none seems to be of Indian origin. 

Lao adages of Xieng Mai (S u p ' h a s i t Lao Xien) which 
however was not finished 74 . 

u, therS ' fifteen L * proverbs were 

recorded by Germi 75 , eleven by W. Giihler 7 *, fifteen by P Levy 77 and 
twenty by P. S. Nginn 78 ; they are of peasant, earthy type of every- 
day wisdom and only seldom show Indian influence 79 . However the 
Laotian Lokaniti is certainly, as other Lokanlti-s of Indian 

34. My other endeavours in Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam in 
1961 and then in 1967 and 1968 to find there other sources of 
gnomic literature showing Indian influences were unsuccessful, 
particularly due to the lack of interest in this part of the world in 
the older literatures. I am convinced, however, that many other 
subhasita-s of Sanskrit origin exist also there. 


35. The Hindu-s must have established political authority in 
Java by the beginning of the second century A.D. In Java there were 
several Hindu kingdoms; two of these called Cho-po and Ho-lo-taii 
by the Chinese, sent regular embassies to China in the fifth century 
A.D. The names of the kings of both these countries ended with 
varman'% show Indian influence. The first great Hindu empire 
was founded by the Saileiidra dynasty in the eighth century A.D. 
With the Hindu colonisation came also the Sanskrit literature, 
including Sanskrit subhasita-samgraha-s . Particularly two subhasita- 
samgraha-s became very popular viz. the Sarasamuccaya and the 
Siokantara; both are well preserved. 

35.1. The Old Javanese Sarasamuccaya was well- 
known in Java and Bali, as the book of moral precepts collected 
from different Sanskrit sources, mostly the Mahabharata 
(Anusasana-, Adi-, Udyoga-, Stri-, Santi- and Avamedha-parvan-s), 
the HitopadeSa, the Pancatantra and the Manava-dharmasastra* 
It was first noticed by Dr. Friedrich in 1849; and then by H. H. 
Juynboll who published 117 of the wise sayings included in this 
anthology, it contains 517 wise sayings and, as C. Hooykaas 

74. I was not able to study any of the collections of maxims 
mentioned by L. Finot. 

75. Gerini, op. cit. (fn. 55); pp. 106-112. 

76. W. Guhler, op. cit. (fn. 35) pp. 144. 

77. Proverbs in France-Asie XII; pp. 1079-80. 

78. Proverbs in France- A^ie XII; pp- 1080-82. 

79. As for instance, No. 8 of the Laotian Pa son 

remarked 8 , is considered the "best source for Old Javanese 
literature hitherto known". Almost all subhasita-s included in this 
subhasita-sarhgraha could have been identified in Sanskrit sources 81 - 
out of 517 wise sayings quoted in this anthology 320 were borrowed 
from, or were influenced by, the Mahabharata, sixty wise sayings 
occur in various collections of Canakya's sayings, 33 in the 
Pancatantra; 30 in the Garuda-purana, 20 in the Hitopadesa, 23 in 
the Manava-dharmaSastra; also a number of wise sayings appear in 
various smrti-s and in other works of Sanskrit literature, not to 
mention subhasita-samgraha-s^ such as the Subhasita-ratna- 
bhan<Jagara, the subhasitavall of Vallabhadeva, the Sarngadhara- 
paddhati, the Suktiratnahara and many others. 82 

35.2. The Sarasamuccaya was edited in the Sata-pitaka-Series, 
No. 24 in Delhi in 1962. Its collator is Vararuci who in the 
introduction stated that he collected "ail the essentials of the 
Mahabharata, the composition of His reverence Vyasa" to whom he 
paid homage. In the explanation to the sixth verse Vararuci referring 
to himself wrote : "henceforth he will say what is best in this 
Bharata epic. It is designated Sarasamuccaya; sara signifies essence 
and samuccaya is its accumulation". Therefore Raghu Vira who 
translated the whole work and wrote a preface to it remarked : 
"The Sarasamuccaya is the Glta of the Balinesc Hindu-s. As 
designed by its author Vararuci, it contains the essence of the high 
teaching and noble ideas set forth in the Mahabharata'". 

35.3. On the basis of the edition of the Sarasamuccaya in the 
gata-pitaka-Series and additional two lontars (which do not contain 
any important variants) Tjok. Rai Sudharta published in 
mimeographed form the first 255 verses of the Sarasamuccaya in 
Sanskrit and Old Javanese transcriptions as well as in Indonesian 
translation of the Old Javanese text; it appeared in the Parisada 
Hindu Dharma Pusat in Denpasar (Bali) 1968. The whole Sara- 
samuccaya so edited and translated is expected to appear in printed 
form in 1972. 

36.1. The existence of the Old Javanese Slokantara 

80. G. Hooykaas, Kdmandaklya Nitisara etc. in Old-Javanese in 
Journal of the Greater India Society ; Vol. 1 5; pp. 1 8 sqq. 

81. Cf. L. Sternbach, Sanskrit Subhasita-sarhgraha-s in Old-Javanese 
and Tibetan in Annals of the Bhandarakar Oriental Research 
Institute, Poona XLIII; pp. 115-158. 

82. Op. cit. fn. 81; para 6. Obviously same $ubha$itas appear in 
more than one primary source. 

was known for a vary long time 83 ; it was however brought to light 
in a critical edition only in 1957; it was then published in the 
International Academy of Indian Culture and critically edited by 
Sharada Rani 84 . 

36.2. The Slokantara contains 83 sayings which are followed 
by an Old Javanese prose-explanation which, as the editor stated, 
"though usually close to the original stanza, is at times quite prolix. 
This style of exposition is still to be seen in India, where the 
religious preachers and purunic narrators explain the Sanskrit 
sloka-s and further elaborate them by their own explanations" 85 . 

36.3. The Slokantara does not correspond "to the niti text of 
Sanskrit literature", as the editor suggested; it is somewhat an 
unusual text of a subha?ita-sarhgraha because of the preponderance 
of purely dharmaSastra verses; such verses are sometimes included in 
subhasita-sarhgraha-s, but never occupy as much as one-fourth of the 
whole subhasita-samgraha, as is the case of the Slokantara. Otherwise, 
however, it can be considered as a subhasita-samgraha. If we do 
not count some twenty verses, which are dkarmasastra verses, half of 
the rest, i.e. 27 verses are of Canakya origin or were influenced by 
the so-called Canakya* s sayings. 

36.4. The importance of the Slokantara, similarly as the 

importance of the Sarasamuccaya, is enhanced by the preservation 

of "losts" texts; the Slokantara contains the same < k lost" Manava- 

dharmasastra verse which we find in the Sarasamuccaya 86 , as well 

as an additional "lost" Manava-dharmsastra verse. 8 ^ 

83 The MS of the Slokantara was mentioned by H. H. Juynboll 
in his Supplement op den catalogue van de Javaansche en 
Madoereesche Handschriften der Leidsche Universiteits Bibliothek 
//, Leiden; 1911; pp. 200 sqq. 

84 Dvipantara-Pitaka, vol. 2. International Academy of Indian 
Culture, Delhi. The edition is divided into three parts : the 
first contains the text in transcription; the second the Enghsh 
translation; and the third the text with extensive notes It 
So contains a preface and au Index of -new and notable 

85. Introduction, p. 5 

86. Slokantara 1 Sarasamuccaya 136. 

87 Slokantara verse 30. The first "lost" Manava-dharmasastra 
ferse appe'ars in V. N. Mandlik's edition of the Manava- 
dharmSLra after VIII. 82 (p. 929), the second appears also 
exclusively in V. N. Mandlik's edition after VIII. 102 (p. 934^ 
both verses are often quoted in mbandha-s (cf. L. Sternbach 
op. cit. fn. 81, para-s 14 and 19). 

37.1. Less popular, but also important is the Old Javanese 
N i t i Vs t r a or N I t i s a r a , 88 composed, according to Dr. 
Poerbatjaraka, the editor of this Old Javanese subhssita-sarhgraha, 
in the last years of Mahapahit 8 *; it contains 120 veises in fifteen 

37.2. Dr.C.Hooykaas was of the opinion that the Old Javanese 
NItiSastra gave the impression of being purely Indian in origin. 
The garb, however, in which the maxims have been clad, though 
also of Indian origin, did not favour exact translation; its metres 
must at times have driven the poet to some abbreviations, at other 
times to enlargements and additions. He also very rightly 
concluded that it is doubtful whether it would be possible to 
detect one definite treatise as a source; the Javanese may only have 
rearranged the contents of the work, but also may have omitted 
from or/and added to it; the work may also have been an anthology 
from the very beginning. U. N. Ghoshal characterised it as "a 
collection of wise sayings, moral precepts and so forth of the 
Ca^akya-niti-class"' . 

37.3. It seems that the NrtiSastra could be characterised as 
an Old Javanese subhnsita-samgraha, since many of those sayings 
which could be identified are found exclusively in some Sanskrit 
subhasita-sarhgraha-s and not in primary sources. This anthology 
might have been, as Dr. C. Hooykaas suggested, a work rearranged 
by a Javanese compiler with omissions or additions; it must be 
added, however, that it is far from a purely Sanskrit ized text; the 
wise sayings are, generally speaking, not translations of the Sanskrit 
text into Old Javanese but a paraphrase of the Sanskrit saying 
written very often in corrupt Sanskrit. 

37.4. A great number of subhasita-s included in this 
anthology are so-called Ca^akya's sayings; many other subhasita~s 
originated in the Manava-dharmasastra, the Ramayana, the 
Pancatantra, the Mahabharata, the HitopadeSa and other Sanskrit 

88. Nittfastra. Oud-Javaansche tekst met vending iutgegeven door 
R. Ng. Dr. Poerbatjaraka Bibliotheca Javanica No. 4. Bandoeng 

89. Cf. U. N. Ghoshal, Progress of Greater India Research during 
the last twenty-five years in Journal of the Greater India Society, 
IX, 2, p. 124; C. Hooykass Bibliotheca Javanica in Djawa, 20, 
1940, pp. 42-46. 

90. Cf. U. N. Ohoshal, op. cit. (fn. 89). 

38.1. Also the Pancatantra with many added siihhasita-s 
became very popular in Java, Bali and Madura; it was known there 
asTantriKamandaka, it is quite different from most of the 
versions of the Pancatantra; it seems to be nearest to the Pafica- 
tantra of Ourgasirhha 91 . We find in this part of the world at least 
twelve different recensions of the Pancatantra of which the oldest 
three are written in a sort of Old Javanese, several in Middle Java- 
nese and Balinese, two in New Javanese and two others in 
Madurese 92 . 

38.2. The best text of the Old Javanese Tantri Kamandaka 
was edited and translated by C. Hooykaas 93 . The Old Javanese text 
written in prose with some added verses, which are mostly 
subhasita-s 9 contain only 83 such verses 94 , not all of which can be 
found in the different texts of the Pancatantra; most of those 
verses which could not be traced to the Sanskrit Pancatantra could 
be found in the Mahabharata, Bhartrhari's Sataka-s, or among wise 
sayings attributed to Canakya. 

39. Also the Udyoga-parvan of the Mahabharata which 
contains a great number of wise sayings was known well in Old 

4O.1. It is well known that many Indian fables with hun- 
dreds of inserted mfz-sayings (subhasita-s) and I mention here only 
the best known, were incorporated into the literatures not only to 
the East of India but also to the West of India. The Pancatantra, 
for instance, became known not only in the whole of South-East 
Asia, but was also translated into Pehlevi by A.E>. 570; this text 
was then translated into Old Syriac and old Arabic, as the Kalilah 
wa-Dimna (later called also the fables of Bidjpai). The text spread 
through Hebrew and Greek translations to whole of Europe. Let 
me only mention the translations of Rabbi Joel, Symeon Seth, 
Oiulio Nutti, Johannes di Capua, A. von Pforr, Abu'l Naali 

91. Published by A. Venkatasubbiah in Zeitschrift fur Indologie 

undlranistik 6.255 sqq. 
92* Cf. C. Hooykaas, Tantri Kamandaka. Een Oudjavaansche 

Pantjatanra-Bewerking in tekst en vertaling uitgegeven door,.. 

Bibliotheca Javanica; No. 2. Bandoeng 1931, pp. 14 sqq.; 

H. B. Sarkar, India** Influences on the Literature of Java and 

Bali, Calcutta, 1934, pp. 237 sqq.; L. Sternbach, op. cit. fn. 81. 

93. Tantri Kamandaka* op. cit. fn. 92. 

94. The Pancatantra in different various texts contains from 341 
to 1134 verses. 

Nushrallah ibn Muhammad ibn Abdul Hamld and Anwari Suhaili 
The Hitopadesa has been known in the West for a very longtime* 
a translation of this collection of fables was already made into 
English in 1787 and from them into most European languages. The 
Sukasaptati served as the basis for the 14th century Nakshabi 
version of the Persin Tuti-nameh and the 17th century version of 
Muhammad Qadiri; it spread then to Turkey as the Turkish version 
of the Tutl-nameh with additions from the Vetala-paficaviihsatika. 
Motifs of the Sukasaptati are found in the Arabian Thousand and 
One Nights and particularly in the KLitab el-Sindbad and even in 
Gottfried's Tristan und Isolde, not to mention many translations of 
the Sukasaptati into European languages. The Vikramacarita was 
not only translated into Newarl and as Sib-songliang into Siamese 
but also in 1574 by order of the Emperor Akbar into Persian. By 
name of Arji-Borji Chan (Raja Bhoja) it was absorbed into the 
Tibetan and the Mongolian literatures. Also translations, though 
of a later date, were made into European languages. Finally the 
Vetalapancavimsatika was early translated into Newari, Tibetan 
and Mongolian -Kalmuck and through Braj-bhakha, Hindi and 
other modern. Indian languages has greatly influenced under the 
name Baital-pachisi, particularly in the nineteenth century, the 
English literature with Richard Burton's Vikram and the Vampire, 
or Tale of Hindu Devilry. It also became partly known in Turkey 
through the Turkish version of Ntikshabi^ Tut! Nameh, where 
some stories of the Vetalapancavimsatika were also incorporated. 

40.2. The question of the influence of Sanskrit A-a//r-litera- 
ture on European fables is a well known fact, it is not for me to 
deal with this question; I wish only to emphasize that the Sanskrit 
&tf*A-literature is full of nlti sayings {subha$ita-s) which through 
translations of the main works into foreign languages became widely 
known not only to the East of India but also to the West of India 
and were often quoted in Europe. 

41. It may also be emphasized that some Sanskrit subhasita-s 
were included in the Old and New Testament, For instance 
Mahabharata's subhasita-s such as "you see the faults of others 
even if they are as small as a grain of mustard, but you .do not 
want^to see your own faults even if they are as big as the bilva- 
fruit" (MBh. 1.69.1) is found in St. Mat hews 7.3 and in the Talmud 
Arakkin 16; or the MahabharaU suhhasita "Do not do to others 
what is disagreeable to yourself, that is dharma, the other proceeds 
from desire" (MBh 5.39,57) is found in St. Mathews 7.12 and in 
the Rabbi Hillel's dictum; or the saying of the Mahabharata "do 
not react evil with evil" (MBh. 3.198.43) or -whatever one has sown 

( 397 ) 

that one reaps*' (MBh. 12.287,44) are respectively found also in the 
Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Romans (12.17) and in the Epistle 
of Paul the Apostle to the Oalatians (6.7) and many others. However 
the ascriptions of these maxims to Sanskrit texts should be made 
with great care for they may belong to the floating mass of oral 
tradition being the property of the whole of mankind 95 . 

42. Probably many more collections of ra/z-saymgs of 
Sanskrit origin and I wish to stress the word collections, since I 
did not deal in the main part of my presentation with individual 
nlti sayings exist in "Greater India", but with so many works still 
buried in the various lands of South-East Asia and difficulties in 
getting the needed information, it was impossible to ascertain the 
existence of other treasures of Sanskrit #f//-literature which spread 
over "Greater India". I am, however, convinced that with the 
progress of Indian studies in * 'Greater India" this important branch 
of Sanskrit literature will become better known in the nearest 

95. Cf. JL. Sternbach, Similar Thoughts in the Mahabharata, the 
Literature of "Greater India" and in the Christian Gospels in 
JAOS 91.3, pp, 438-442, 



Vice-President for Academic Affairs, 

Mindanao State University, 


Introduction : The influx of Jnclian cultural elements, viz. art 
objects 1 , Sanskrit language and literature-, systems of writing 3 , and 
others 4 , is viewed only in terms of their movement through the 
South-east Asian regions. In more precise terms, the role of Malaya 
and Indonesia in this movement is most ^is"-,:fic;i;ii. So pervasive, 
indeed, is the Indianization of these areas, that these Indian cultural 
elements, in spite of their having been substantially assimilated into 
their local cultural matrices, that in the course of time these also 
found their way into the Philippines. However, it should not be 
construed that the process of culture movement was primarily one 
way; rather there was also a substantial reverse movement. 

Certainly, the carriers of these elements as they returned of 
their original lands in pursuit of trade and traffic may have carried 
back with them some cultural elements of the lands they visited. 
In a similar manner, traders and traffickers from the Philippines 
visiting the Indonesian archipelago and the Malayan Peninsula left 
some of theirs with those they had traded, and brought back with 
them some of those they felt would suit their needs. Thus, on this 
basis, could we understand the influx of Indian culture into the 

In terms of the linguistic evidences, the Indian cultural elements 
began to percolate some time between the 10th and 12th centuries 
A,D. However, the more detable evidences, e.g., archaeological 
artifacts, reached the Philippines between the 12th and the 14th 
centuries A.D. 

( 398 ) 

( 399 ) 

It may be fairly deduced from these dates that (1) the 
language items arrived in these Islands ahead of the artifacts 
and (2) they arrived here at a time when the full flowering of 
Indian culture in the intermediate regions had reached its zenith 
and was in fact on its decline, decisively crushed towards the middle 
of the fourteenth century by the advent of Islam. 5 

What is most interesting in this process of culture move- 
ment, particularly in relation to the influx of Indian culture into the 
Philippines is that Indian cultural influence continued to percolate 
into the islands even after the establishment of the Islamic kingdoms 
in the Malay Peninsula and the Malay Archipelago. For the 
Muslims who came to the Philippines were themselves formerly 
Hindus or people who had been Hinduized, and they could not 
have forgotten their heritage so soon. Thus it is not surpris- 
ing to see vestiges of Hindu rituals in those of the Muslim 
Filipinos of Mindanao and Sulu. But the percolation finally 
ceased with the "complete" Islamization of those "entrepreneurs'* 
and the coming of the Europeans. 6 

It must be noted at this point that these evidences of Indian 
penetration into the Philippines are substantially less than those 
found in both the Malayan Peninsula and the Indonesian 
Archipelago. It is an inescapable fact that the paucity of the Indian 
influence that reached the Islands was due primarily to its start at 
a period when Indian influence had begun its decline a decline 
accelerated by the Islamic invasion and expansion and by the intro- 
duction of a European culture entirely alien to the orientations 
of the Philippines 7 . 

Thus, looking at these facts brings to focus inferences relevant 
to the subject of the present paper. That the language elements, 
e.g. Sanskrit, that reached the Philippines did not involve syntacti- 
cal or grammatical constructions as to have been strong or influential 
enough to have changed substantially the character of Philppine 
languages. Rather, these influences were primarily in the field of 
enriching the Philippines by way of contributing to their stock of 
vocabularies. That the literatures did not involve the introduction 
of Sanskrit texts, or the writing of local texts that are highly 
Sanskritized, e.g., the Old Javanese Ramayana and other texts of 
like importance. Rather Sanskrit literature that reached the 
Philippines were either re-narration of those stories in the local 
languages, e.g., Maranaw, or direct translations of stories of Indian 
themes, e.g., the Rama-story, from the intermediate languages, e.g. 

( 400 ) 

Sanskrit in Philippine Language and Literature ; Earlier work 
has been done in the way of initially uncovering the Sanskrit 
influence in Philippine languages. However, as the research activities 
of the present writer on the same subject continued, new evidences of 
these influences have been brought to light. This refers to the work 
being done on the Maranaw language and literature, 9 with 
particular reference to its Sanskrit influence. The data used in 
this paper is based on the initial readings of the Maranaw folk epic, 
the Darangen, 10 a narrative of great length tells the story of their 
culture heroes and their deeds. 

(1) Language : The Sanskrit words that are being presented 
in this brief essay are not found in the other Philippine languages 
that have been studied in an earlier work. No attempt on a phono- 
logical analysis of these words shall be made for the general 
principles on the development of Sanskrit sounds, as they found 
themselves adopted in Philippine languages, had been established in 
said earlier work. Only peculiar developments shall be given 
attention in this brief essay. 

Mar. 11 astanaS mansion, manor, house, castle, residence. 

Sans, sthana, place of standing or staying, any place, spot, 

locality, abode, dwelling, house, site. Jav. Mai. istana, palace! 

Mag., istana, "id." cf. also Sans, asthana, court. 
Mar. bakti, faithful, loyal. Sans, bhakti, attachment, devotion, trust, 

homage, worship, piety, faith or love. Jav. bekti, homage. 

Mar. bandara*, title of nobility. Mai. bendahara, royal treasurer, 
prime minister (in old Malay state). Sans, bhaydag&ra, 
treasury . 

Mar. barahana, eclipse. Sans, grahana, seizure, of the sun or moon, 

Mar. batokapala, headstone. Mai. bato, stone + Sans, kapnla, the 
skull, the cranium, skull-bone. 

Mar. biaksa\ expert, accustomed, experienced. Sans, abhyzsa, 
repeated or permanent exercise, discipline, habit. .Tav. biyasa, 

Mar. bidaria, houri, angel (female in Maranaw belief). Sans. 
vidyadhari, a female of the above class of supernatural beings, 
fairy, sylph. 

Mar. bitiara, speak, feast as in marriage, dialogue. 

Sans, vicnra, dispute, discussion, pendering, deliberation, 

consideration, reflection* examination, investigation. Mai. 
bicara, discussion, legal proceedings, concern, opinion. 

Mar. bogabong a komara, kingdom in the darangen. Sans, kumara, 
a child, boy, youth, so.i; a prinos, hsir-apparent associated in* 
the kingdom, with the reigning monarch. 

Mar, daksina, northeast. 

Sans, daksina, south, southern (as being on the right side of 
a person looking eastward), situated to the south, turned or 
directed southward. Jav. daksina, south. 

Mar. gadia? bishop in chess gams; lioa. Satis, gaja, elephant. 
Mar. garahana, eclipse, (see barahana) Sans, grahana, eclipse. 
Mar. istiri* sweetheart, marry. Sans, stri, a woman, female, wife. 
OJav., stri, "id.", ModJav. istri, "id/* 

Mar. kalo kapur, dryobalanops Gaertin. F., pinus insularie Endl. 

kaio 9 tree. Sans, karpura, camphor (either the plant or 

resinous exudation, or fruit). 
Mar. laksasa, dragon. 

Sans, raksasa* a demon, in general, an evil or malignant 

demon. Mai., Jav. raksasa, reksasa, ogre, or goblin of Hindu 

mythology (often mentioned in traditional literature). 
Mar. mantapoli, The Philippines 

Sans, mantra^ saying, prayer, etc., + puri, city, town, Hence, 

the country where pious people live. 
Mar. manteri\ queen in the chess game. 

Saps, mantrin, a king's counsellor, minister. Mai. menteri, 

headman, chief. 
Mar. midadari, lady of god, beautiful lady in heaven. Sans vidya- 

dhari, a female of the upper class of supernatural beings, 

fairy, sylph. 

Mai. bidiadari, bidadari, celestial nymph. Jav. widadari, "id.** 
Mar. nagri, community, country. 
- Sans. nOgart, town-born, town-bred, relating or belonging to 

town or city, town like, civic. 

Mar. ntaoa. life, spirit, soul. cf. Sans, jiva, life, existence. 
Mar. otara\ northeast monsoon, pagotara' an, north. ans 

subject is presumed to speak to the king's shoes) Bh 
(OJav), His Majesty. " 

Mar, pahala, use. value 

Sans. pJiala, benefit, enjoyment, compensation, reward 
advantage, fruit. Mai. pahala, reward, merit. * 

Mar. paksina, northwest. See daksina, above. 

Mar. paramata y sapphire* gem, jewel. 

Sans, paramartha, the highest truth, spiritual knowledge, any 
excellent or important object, the best kind of wealth/ Lit 
Jav. marta paramarta, gentle, gentleness. 

Mar. ragas* sizzle,, successive sounds. 

Sans, raga, loveliness, beauty (esp. of voice or song); a 
musical note, harmony, melody. 

Mar. rasa, coating, nutritious part of food. 

Sans, rasa, the sap or juice of plants, juice of fruit, any liquid 
or fluid, the best or finest or prime part of anything, essence 
marrow, juice of the sugar cane, syrup. Mai. rasa, taste, 
feeling, sensation. OJav M rasa, "id." 

Mar. ropfa, money, rupee. 

Sans, rupya, well-shaped, beautiful, stamped or impressed 
wrought silver or - gold, stamped coin, rupee. Mai. ruptya 
silver coin, rupee. - *->- 

Mar. sarnsara\ trouble, suffer, hard up 

Sans, samsara, the misery of mundane existence. Mai. 

sensara, suffering misery, torture. 
Mar. saudara, friend, chum, pal, sweetheart Sans, sodara, brother, 

born of the same womb. Ma!, sudara, saudara, brother' 

sister. ' 

Mar. sasana, trust, to have confidence in, rely on. Sans. Jssma 

religious or scientific instruction; charter, royal edict any 

written book, scripture, teaching. 
Mar. safari, game, chessmen; sator, chess, chess-play; satoran, chess 

game. Sans, caturanga, the four limbs of the army : elephants 

chariots, cavalry, infantry; a kind of chess, the game of chess! 

Mai., Jav., Suiid., catur, chess or chess-like game. 
Mar. satro\ trouble. 

Sans, fatru, enemy, rival, a personal enemy. 

Mai. seteru. personal enemy. 
Mar. sitea*. calamity, danger, pestilence, trouble, maltreat. 

a to^Sr rf UCti0n ' Chastis ^"t, Punishment. Mak. 
sessa, to punish, torment. 

Mai. seksa, stksa, punishment, torment, agony, etc. 

A few comments on the above list of Sanskrit words in 
Maranaw may be given at this point. There seem to be two forms 
of Sans, vidyddharl in Maranaw, e.g. bidaria and midadari, each 
having apparently different meanings. However, both words seem 
to convey meanings only in two levels. Phonologically, midadari 
appears to be much closer to the assumed Sans. form. The inter- 
mediate Mai. form does not deviate substantially from the original 
Sans , for the nasal bi-labial m is merely a variation of the bi-labial 
plosive b, which is the sound to which the Sans, v develops as it 
reaches the Malayo-Indone>ian languages. 

An interesting interpretation is that of the Mar. rwantapoli, 
which is said to be the Philippines, according to the Maranaw. 
Whether or not the word is composed of Sans, mantra and purl or 
pura* it is difficult to ascertain. The texts are, however, definite in 
referring to the area now politically known as the Philippines, the 
setting of the epic. Unlike the geographic descriptions in the 
Mahabhnrata and the Ramayana which are definite, the descriptions 
in the Darangen are quite hazy. Hence, it is still difficult to place 
Mantapoli in sharper location and, therefore, interpreting it as the 
present Philippines. 

Sans, daksina takes the opposite meaning in Maranaw 
ddksina northeast, and paksina, northwest. At the present stage of 
the work on the Darangen, it is not yet ascertainable how this 
direction came about. What may be offered as an explanation to 
this phenomenon, is that the term may just as well be a native 
Maranaw word, or that if it were a borrowed word, the borrowers 
may not have had a clear meaning of it when they assimilated it 
into their stock of vocabulary. Could it have any relevance to the 
north-east monsoons or to the north-west monsoons ? Phono- 
logically, it is difficult to explain the d > ^-development (the dantya 
to o$thya development). 

Of the other words in the list, it seems that they had followed 
the general development both phonological and semantic from 
Sanskrit to Maranaw through the intermediate languages, viz. 
Malay and Javanese. 

(2) Literature. In an early work, 13 I discussed the Indian 
influences in Philippine literatures in two levels, i.e,, parallel elements 
and motif indices. The discussions were limited only to brief, or 
even fortuitous, sometimes hazy, episodes or indices. At that point 
in time during which the work was written, there had not been 
discovered narratives of some magnitude showing extensive borrow- 
ings from a much greater literary tradition like the Indian. In a 

later work 13 following this earlier one, I had occasion to refute some 
of my earlier conclusions, and put into sharper focus the indigenous 
nature of some of my earlier conclusions. 

Some time in 1968, however, in pursuance of further work on 
the same subject, I discovered a local (Maranaw) text which upon 
examination is the Rama-story in miniature. It is, however, entitled 
Maharadia Lawana. Of course, maharadia is Sans, maharaja and 
lawana is Ravana, rather undisguised. The piece is now published 
in text and translation with an introductory essay. Since, the work 
is not readily available in India, I am presenting here a summary of 
the story, and a detailed comparison between the Indian Rdmayana 
and the Maranaw story, using the intermediate Rama-stories as the 
connecting link between the two. 

Summary. The story begins with a description of Maharadia 

Lawana as the son of the Sultan and Suitanness of Pulu Bandiar- 

masir, who possesses eight heads. He is one of irritable character 

that the whole sultanate becomes the object of his derisions. He is 

reported to his Sultan father, and for this he is exiled to an island 

named Pulu Nagara. While at Pulu Nagara he performs tapas and 

prays to Alkh; through Angel Diabarail, he is released from his 

tapas. He returns to his father's kingdom and he is received back 

into the graces of his father. 

Now in another kingdom, Radia Mangandiri and Radia 
Mangawarna, sons of the Sultan and Suitanness of Agama Niog^ 
had grown to manhood, and yet had remained unmarried. Presently 
they are preparing their journey to pay their suit to Tuwan Potre 
Malaila Tihaia v daughter of the Sultan and Suitanness of Pulu 
Nabandai. They set on a boat which was provisioned for their 
journey of ten years. On the way, they were shipwrecked, but they 
were thrown ashore by the strong waves right on the land of Tuwan 
Potre Malaila Tihaia. There they were saved by an old Lady, 

Kabayan by name, who took care of them while they were recovering 
from the accident. 

In that kingdom, Radia Mangandiri wins the hand of Tuwan 
Potre Malaila Ganding (Tihaia) by being able to kick the sipa into 
the lamin (the women's quarters). After living in the bride's land; 
for some time, Radia Mangandiri and Rada Mangawarna become* 
extremely homesick that they desired to go back to their homeland J, 
Thus, they set out with a retinue who shall provide them all th$, 
services they needed for such a long journey. On such a journey^ 
they had to remain for a sometime in a certain place to enable them; 
Jto produce food-rice and corn. 

As they watched their rice ripen, one afternoon the brothers 
Mangandiri and Mangawarna and also Tuwan Potre Malaiia 
Ganding saw a deer with golden horns grazing among the ripening 
rice. Tuwan Potre desired that the animal be caught, and if not 
she would die. So the brothers set out to capture the deer, First, 
it was Mangandiri, but as he wrestled with the deer, he cried for the 
help of his brother Mangawarna, who was at that time guarding 
his sister-in-law. Knowing that her husband might be killed, she 
demands of her brother-in-law to go and aid him. As he joins the 
fray, the deer makes itself two so that each brother ran after each 
of the deer. In the chase, Mangawarna ran after the deer round 
and round till he is back to their house, and finds out that Tuwan 
Potre Malaiia Ganding has been abducted by Maharadia Lawana. 
Of this, it immediately dawned on him that it was Maharadia 
Lawana who had disguised himself into a deer in order to deceive 
both of the brothers to enable him to get near Potre Malano 
Ganding to abduct her. 

With this discovery, Mangawarna sets out again to search for 
his brother, who had followed also the other deer. In the process, 
he (Mangandiri) falls into the river and was carried down stream 
unconscious. In his unconsciousness, he dreams that he fought a 
carabao. He was gored and one of his testicles was thrown to the 
east where it was swallowed by Potre Langawi, the Queen of the 
East. This makes Langawi pregnant, and later gives birth to a 
monkey-child, who was named Laksamana. At this point 
Mangandiri wakes up because Mangawarna arrives. Mangawarna 
tells his brother of the fate of Potre Maiaila Ganding, and both 
lament such a fate, for they are now without any army or arms to 
fight Maharadia Lawana in their plans to search for and recover 
the princess, who becomes a prisoner in the kingdom of Lawana, 

While the brothers are contemplating on their unfortunate 
situation, Laksamana, the monkey child, appears before them and 
offers his services in the search for Potre Malano Ganding. 
Mangandiri's dream is indeed true ! After much hesitation, the 
brothers accept the offer of Laksamana, who now prepares his follo- 
wers - crocodiles, carabaos, monkeys for the search and recovery 
of the princess. Laksamana finally finds the princess after jumping 
over the seas on the palm of his father, Radia Mangandiri, who now 
recognises his parenthood. Laksamana observes that whenever 
Maharadia Lawana approaches Potre Malano Ganding fire appears 
between them. 

The battle now rages between the followers of Maharadia 
Lawana and those of Mangandiri. Lawana's army are wiped out, 

C 406 ) 

thus he joins the fray, fighting Mangawarna and then Mangandiri 
and then Mangawarna again, who at this time wounds Lawana with 
a sword that was sharpened in a stone that was foretold that any 
blade that is sharpened on it shall be the only weapon that shall 
subdue Lawana. Thus Lawana falls wounded. 

Now everything becomes peaceful, and Lawana rules with 
justice, and the brothers Mangawarna and Mangandiri, Potre 
Malaila Ganding and Laksamana and their retinue proceed to 
Agama Niog, where they are received with joy and happiness, 
Laksamana metamorphoses into a handsome datu. And they lived 
happily ever after. 

To bring the Maharadia Lawana in the full context of South- 
east Asian literature as the Indian epic, Ramnyana* has influenced 
these literatures ? it (the Mah. Law.) shall be compared with the 
Hikayat Maharaja Ravana (HMR), 15 and a Malay Fairy Tale based 
on the Rnmayana.^* Certainly, the Mah. Law, shall be brought 
within the perspective of the Ramayana. 

The comparison shall deal primarily with three points, e.g., 

(a) the major characters and their relationships with each other; 

(b) the names of the important places and episodes connected with 
these places, and (c) interpolations and accretions. 

The Major Characters and Their Relationships With Each Other. 
The table (Page 407) gives a graphic representation of the characters 
in the Maharadia Lawana in comparison with those in The Fairy 
Tale, the HSR (HMR) and the Rnm. . 

The birth of Radia Mangandiri, and for that matter, of his 
brother Radia Mangawarna, is not described. The story merely 
relates that Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangwarna are the sons 
of the Sultan and Sultaness of Agama Niog. Therefore, there 
seems to be no way of knowing the facts of the birth of these two 
sons, unlike that in the HSR, HMR and the Ram. Similarly, there 
is no mention of the fact of the birth of Sri Rama in the Fairy Tale, 
as well as the circumstances of the heroine's birth. No inference 
from the tale itself can be drawn as to the circumstances of these 
births. The story commences only with the reference that Sri 
Rama is married to Princess Sakutum Bunga Satangkei and that he 
was unhappy about their being childless for years. 

The names of SIta and of her sons (Kus"a and Lava) in Maha- 
radia Lawana show entirely different developments. This is also 
true in the Fairy Tale. Sita becomes Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia. 
She is Sakutum Bunga Satangkei, "Single Blossom on a Stalk", 
and Kusa and Lava, Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga. In the HSR. 

she is born as Sita E>ewl, of the second Mandu-dari (who wa 
carried away by Ravana) by Dasaratha, who by supernatural powe 
goes to Langkapuri and sleeps with her. It would lead to tb 
inference that Rama in this Ram. version married his own (half 
sister. However, in Maharadia Lawana, the identities of Kusa am 
Lava become rather complicated, for Radia Mangandiri (Rama) anc 
Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia (Sita) in the story do not have as yel 
an issue. Radia Mangandiri becomes the father of a monkey son, 
not by Tuwan Potre Malano Tihaia; the circumstances of such an 
issue shall be discussed in the following paragraph. 

In the Fairy Tale, Kra implies that the son is born as a 
monkey, a small (kechil) monkey, but a leader (imam tergangga)** 
among the simians". The monkey-birth of .he son was caused by 
the transformation of Sakutum and Sri Rama into monkeys on 
their excursion for the acquisition of a son. In the HSR, there is 
no clue to the development of the name of Sri Rama and Sakutum's 
son. It may be well to assign this question to an independent 
source which may be indigenous Malay. While Rama's son turns 
out to be a monkey in the HSR, he is not directly born of Sita 
DewT, Instead the embryo was massaged out of Sita Dewl's womb, 
wrapped and thrown into the sea, where it falls into the mouth of 
Dewl AnjatI, while the latter was performing spiritual austerities. 
Dewi Anjati becomes the vehicle through whom the son is born 
(see below). 

The birth of a monkey son (in Maharadia Lawana) of Radia 
Mangandiri, but not the counterpart of JLava and Kusa in the Rnm., 
shows a similarity with that in the HSR. He is born of Potre 
Langawi, who swallows the testicles of Radia Mangandiri, which 
was gored out (of his scrotum) by a wild carabao (Boss sondaicus) 
in his dream. Potre Langawi thought it to be precious stone. In 
the Ram. 9 these events are entirely absent. Thus, it may be safely 
said that these developments owe their introduction into Maharadia 
Lawana, the Fairy Tale, and even in the HSR to indigenous literary 
traditions. Even in the popular versions of the Ram. in India, no 
evidence of this episode is seen. 

The birth of a monkey son in Maharadia JLawana is relatively 
complicated because while it is an issue by similar circumstances, 
the son takes on the role of Hanuman as seen in the Ram. He was 
born of a dream which becomes empirically true, with Potre 
Langawi as the vehicle of birth. On the other hand, Hanuman 
becomes Shah Numan in the Fairy Tale, and he turns out to be a 
"grand parent 1 * of Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga, Shah Numan 

appears to be a corruption of Sans. Hanuman, the name of a 
general in the Monkey army of Sugriva, who helped Rama recover 
Sita. 17 Moreover, the title Shah must have been mistaken by the 
rhapsodist (from Perak who narrated the tale) to be corrupted in 
Hanuman. Shah Numaii is a monarch in the monkey world by the 
sea. All the adventures of Hanuman in the Ram. are now attributed 
to Kra Kechii Imam Tergangga in the Fairy Tale. In the HSR. 
Hanuman 3 s is born as the son of Sita Dewi and Seri Rarna. His 
birth came about after the couple had plunged into a pond which 
as an embryo after having been massaged out of Sita Dewi was then 
deposited into the mouth of Dewi Anjatl who becomes pregant with 
it: she gave birth to a simian-boy who was named Hanuman. In 
the Maharadia Lawana, Hanuman becomes Laksamana, and there 
seems to be no internal evidence with which to check these develop- 
ments. Moreover, even in the larger versions of said episode in 
the darangen, the incident is not verifiable. 

One of the mgt interesting developments in the Fairy Tale 
is Laksmana's (Laksamana in the HSR) relation to Rama. He 
becomes Ramans elder brother and is given the title Raja-Raja 
Laksamana. In the Ram., Rama is the first born of Dasaratha, 
and Laksmana, the third, born of a different mother. There is no 
way to 'determine whether or not Sri Rama and Raja Laksmana 
were bom of the same mother. The brothers Rama and Laksmana 
in the Maharadia Lawana are known as Radia Mangandiri and 
Radia Mangawarna, respectively, being the sons of Sultan and 
Sultaness of Agama Niog. Their relation is that from a double- 
single consanguineai line, 

A T 

A; A contrast to the Rama- 

Lakmana kingship through the single-double 

line OyAjO ^ hat is ^ both were 

A A 

born of one father through two mothers. It is, indeed, interesting 
to note that certain cultural factors may be operating in the Km 
structure of the dramatis personae of the story. 

As noted above, Laksmaoa, who becomes Radia Mangawarna 
in the Maharadia Lawana, appears to be the younger brother of 
Rama, the major hero, as he is known in the Ram. But their 
relationship (Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna) seems to 
be more egalitarian than that between Rama and Laksmana. 

However., in the Fairy Tale, apart from being the elder brother 
to Rama, Raja Laksamana becomes a diviner, a man well versed 
in sorcery. This seems to be an "allusion to the art of divination 
still practised by Malay sorcerers and devil dancers, the impiety of 
whose performances, from the Muhammcdan point of view is 
excused by immemorial usage/' 19 The ceremonies that he performed 
in order to divine whether Sri Rama, his younger brother, would be 
favoured with a child are exactly those of a Malay pawang 20 of 
present day. Raja Laksamana's name and position in the Fairy 
Tale is in direct disregard to the meaning of the words in the Malay 
language. Laksamana, in Malay, means "admiral", the name with 
whom historically Han Tuah compared himself in the 15th century 
Malacca. 21 

Ravana in the Maranaw .story occupies the major position as 
both villain and hero, but much less so of the latter, for he forcibly 
abducts without her consent the wife of Radia Mangandiri (Rama 
in Rnm. 9 ri Rama in the Fairy Tale, Seri Rama in the HSR). It is 
indeed interesting to note that the story presents Maharadia Lawana 
first, and describes him as one with vile tongue, albeit having great 
compassion for the world, because "the world is chained" to desire. 

He is still a young man subject to the commands of his parents 

the Sultan and Sultanness of Puiu Bandiarmasir. 

In the Fairy Tale, the position of Ravanu seems interesting. 22 
He is Maharaja Duwana of an Island equivalent to Lanka 
(Kachapuri, see below); he is an island ruler of less violent 
tendencies. After his abduction of Sakulum, lie is discovered to be 
consanguinally related to the princess - that the princess stood 
to him in the relation of a daughter to a father. This relationship 
is not found in the Ram. as well as in the HSR. In fact in the 
HSR, Ravana carries away Rama's mother, Mundudari,* 8 who is 
actually the double of his real mother, from whose skin's secretion 
the former had been created. 

The place-names : Only two important place names shall be 
discussed in this essay. The city of Dasaratha, Ayodhyu, in the Rzm. 
does not have any traces in the Maharadia Lawana as well as in the 
Fairy Tale, and in the HSR. The HSR city of Dasaratha has Sanskrit 
suffixes, e.g. Mai. puri (Sans, pura, "'city") "ruler's private apart- 
ments in a palace," and Mai. nagara, negara (Sans nagara, "city"), 
"lit., state, country; or., the top of a hill/' Mandupuri nagara 24 
may, therefore, mean "the city of Mandu on top of a hill," if it 
were to be interpreted literally- But the city of Sri Rama, Tanjong 
Bunga, which may be inferred to be also the city of his father, in 

the Fairy Tale, apparently shows a development independent of 
both the HSR and the R&m. Similarly, Pulu Agama Niog does not 
show any traces of the city in the Fairy Tale, HSR or in the Ram. 
The name may be interpreted to mean the "City located in an Island 
of Coconuts/* which is quite interesting in terms of the fact that the 
setting is relatively a source of products derived from coconuts. 

Mah. Law. 

Fairy Tale 



Pulu Agama 


Pulu Bandiar- 

Tan jong Bunga 


Mandu Puri 


ISTagar a/ Mandur ap a 
Bukit Serindib Lanka 

(Later, Langkapuri)/ 

The events that happen in Lanka in the Rnm.* in the HSR, as 
well as in the Fairy Tale are not transferred to Pulu Bandiarmasir 
in the Maharadia Lawana. The word Bandiarmasir is reminiscent 
of the city of Bandjarmasin in the south-western part ^ of Borneo. 
Whether or not Bandiarmasir has any relation to Bandjarmasin, is 
one problem that needs further investigation. 

W E Maxwell 25 interprets Kachapuri to be Conjeeveram (the 
Kancipuramofthe inscriptions and literature) in the Coromandel 
(Cholamandala) coast in South India. He interprets it further to be 
the "Kachchi in Tamil literature."** There is no internal evidence 
of the development of Kachapuri from Lanka It seems ha 
Kancipuram was yet unknown in the Ram., although it is like y that 
S cTy ma" already be known in the later versions of the ^epc hke 

the Tamil Rama-story by Kaxnbar Moreover ** 
the Fairy Tale may have sources other than the HSR from 

this interesting interpolation may have been b ^ 

w^ld be later known as Langkapuri which follows closely the Rw. 
island kingdom with the purl accretion.* 

The identity of both Pulu Agama Niog and Pulu Bandiarmasir 
in the historical records of the Maranavs as uell as in the references 
in literature is not kno\\n. A check wUh known historico-literarv 
texts in Old Malay and Old Javanese, particularly in those that are 
contemporaneous with the introduction of the Rama story i nto 
Indonesia and Malay, yielded negathe results. 

Important Episodes : The episodes that have been selected for 
discussion in the present essay arc (1) the winning of Sita, (2) the 
abduction of Sita, (3) the search Tor STuu and (4) the return of Sita. 
These episodes roughtly correspond to the Bfda-, Aranya-, Kiskindha*, 
Sundara- and the Yuddha-kanda-s of the Ram. it may be seen 
that the story is reduced to almost microscopic si^e in the Maharadia 
Lawana. The Fairy Tale is equally microscopic, but the HSR i s 
still relatively voluminous. 

(1) The Winning of STtd : Radio, Mangandiri and Radia 
Mangawarna had learned of the incomparable beauty and charm of 
Tuwan Potre Malano (Malaila) Tihaia, (.laughter of the Sultan and 
Sultanness of Pulu Nabandai. Now they set out for the journey to 
the princess's home which could be reached only by sea for ten 
years. After suffering the privations of the journey they reach Pulu 
Nabandai wrecked by the strong waxes of the ^eci. However, they 
did not know that the island was Puki Nabuntku. 

While they were recuperating in the home of their rescuer and 
benefactor, they heard of the playing of the agongs and the 
kulintangs and upon inquiry were informed that a festival is going 
on for the winning ot Tuwan Potre Muluila Tiluiia^s hand in 
marriage; that a game of the sipa is to be played among the suitors, 
and whoever kicks the rattan ball to the lamin, pent-house, where 
the princess lives with her retinue, to him shall she be wed. To make 
the story short, Radia Mangandiri kicks the sipa to her pent-house, 
and wins the hand of the princess. 

The Fairy Tale and the HSR (Maxsvell) do not tell of the 
winning of Sakutum Bunga Satangkci by Sri Rama. Rather they 
open with the married life of both being described as childless. 
The HSR and HMR tell of the winning of Slta's hand by Rama's 
shooting one arrow through forty palm trees, which was the 
condition set by Slta's guardian, Kulu, thtit whosoever pierces these 
forty trees with just one arrow to him shall Situ be wed. 

While the HSR and the HMR show the use of the bow and 
arrow in the winning of Sita, it is only the bow that plays a 
significant role in the winning of Sita in the Valmiki Ramdyaya. 
King Janaka offers Sita in marriage to whoever could raise and 

string the bow that pi ays a significant role in the winning of Sita 
KtteV*lMikiRamayana. King Janaka offers Sita in mfrrfage to 
whoever could raise and string the bow of Siva. Rama instead of 
merely raising and drawing it with just one arm also snaps it 
asunder. He wins the hand of Sita in marriage. 

(2) The Abduction of STtz. The cause of the abduction of 
Sita in the Ram. is found in the HSR, although thsre are already 
certain variations in the episodic unfoldment. It is Sura Pandaki 
(gurpanakha, in the Ram.} alone who suffers the humiliation and in 
the hands of Laksmana. In the Ram., Surpariakha tells Ravana of 

the exquisite beauty of Sita; thus the abduction had two purposes 

revenge and the desire to possess such a woman of unsurpassed 
charm and beauty; in the HSR, the attraction to Sita's beauty is 
not mentioned, 

In the Fairy Tale, no revenge is known. Maharaja Duwana, 
having merely heard of Sukutum Bunga Satangkei's fascinating 
beauty, falls in love with her. 28 

Now begins the adventure of Maharaja Duwana. Possessing 
supernatural powers, he flew from Kachapuri to Tanjong Bunga 
and there by magic charms he affected the bahaviour of the princess. 
Subsequently he appears before her in the form of a golden goat. 
She and her attendants around her, as well as Jri Rama himself, 
were fascinated by such an unusual animal. The king, therefore, 
summoned his people to seize the golden goat, but it proved elusive. 
It ran deep into the jungle. Having thus enticed all, it disappeared, 
and returned to the palace. Resuming his human form and having 
by magic charms opened all the locks of the palace doors, Maharaja 
Duwana presented himself before Sakutum Bunga Satangkei, who 
was extremely agitated by the confrontation of a person who is a 
complete stranger to her. 

Here follows one of the most interesting episodes in the Fairy 
Tale. The conversation between Princess Sakutum Bunga 
Satangkei and Maharaja Duwana in rather symbolic-euphe- 
mistic verse, particularly the replies of the latter to the former, is 
very curious. The following excerpts from the conversation is a 
case in point: 29 

. "From the island of Kachapuri," he said, 
Yang tersisip di-awan mega 
Hilang di-puput angin menyankar 
Belam tempak dari kemunchak gunong 

(It may be seen peeping out from among the clouds, but is 
lost to view when the wind blows, From the summit of 
Enggil-bereiiggil it looks no larger than a dove's nest.") 

"What uneasiness of mind/' asked the princess, "has 
brought you to my house at such an hour of the night ?" 
He answered in the following stanza : 
Berapa tinggi puchock pis an g 
Tinggi lagi asap api 
Berapa tinggi gunong melentang 

(ledang, Windtedt) 
Tinggi lagi harap kamil 

(How high soever the shoot of the plantain, 
Higher still is the smoke of che fire ; 
High tough may be the mountain ranges ; 
Higher yet are the hopes I indulge.) 
To which the princess replied : 

Kalau bagitu kembang jala-nya 
Ikan sesak ka-berombong 
Kalau bagitu rembang kaya-nya 
Choba berserah beradu untong. 

(If the casting net be skilfully thrown, the fish are found 
together at the upper end of it; If these words are said in 
earnest, Let us yield to fate and see what comes of it.) 

He retaliated with the following verse : 
Meranti chabang-nya dua 
E>i-tarah buat kerentong 
Sedang mati lagi di-choba 
Inikan pula beradu untong. 

(The meranti tree with a forked limb; Shape the wood and 
make drum of it. The path that leads to death is often 
ventured one; Here I yield to fate and see what comes of it.) 

The princess then ceremonially entertained the stranger with 
sirih. The ceremony being over, Maharaja Duwana found no 
difficulty in convincing the former to elope with him. to Pulau 
Kachapuri. But with his magic power, he carried her off. Having 
reached Pulau Kachapuri, Maharaja Duwana looked over the 
genealogy of his house and discovered that the princess stood to 
him in the relation of a daughter to a father. Thus he could not 
marry her. 

Meanwhile, Sri Rama, having entered the jungle in search of 
the golden goat,, realized the futility of the chase. He ordered his 

men to return to the palace. Having reached his court, he 
discovered his inner apartments violated. Learning of the true 
situation, he uttered a horrible cry whi:h terrified everyone in the 

In the Rnm.* the abduction of Sita was accomplished by 
Ravana* s deception. Reorders Marlca to assume the form of a 
golden deer, and gambol about Rama's hut in the jungle. Sita 
sends Rama after the deer while Lak^mana remains to watch over 
his sister-in-law. Marlca when struck by Rama's arrow utters a 
cry similar to Rama's voice. Sita anxious of Rama's safety sends 
Laksmana, who goes reluctantly. Ravana, as in the HMR, and 
HSR, thereby appears before Sita in the guise of a Brahman, and is 
admitted into the princess's confidence. But later on, he reveals 
his own nature, and forcibly abducts the helpless Sita. The use of 
a magic car in the Rarn. is not found in the Fairy Tale; neither is the 
combat between Jatayus and Ravana. The flying chariot is found 
in the HMR and HSR. Two raksasas, one of gold and the other 
of silver, appear before Sita Dewl. As in the HSR, the conversation 
between Sita and Ravana in the Ram. was congenial before the 
latter's revelation of his true intention. In the Fairy Tale, it was 

As in the Ram., the HSR scenes are located in the jungle 
where the couple, accompanied by Laksamana, were in exile. In 
the Fairy Tale, the scene is in the kingdom (palace of Sri Rama). 
This interpolation seems to be an independent development from 
Ram. and HSR-HMR, whereas the variations in the employment of 
the silver golden fawns, the golden goat, and the golden deer, have 
shown or show very close affinity. This last point seems to give a 
clue to the origin of the Fairy Tale. 

There is no evident cause for the abduction of Malaila 
Oanding (Tihaia) by Maharadia Lawana in the Maranaw story. The 
abduction is introduced by the scene of ripening rice grains which 
Radia Mangandiri and his party had planted while they were on 
their long journey to their kingdom, Pulu Agama Niog. While they 
watched the golden grains, their attention is caught by a deer with 
golden horns, grazing in the nearby cogonal area. Malaila Oanding, 
upon seeing it immediately harbours a craving for the rare animal, 
that if it is not caught she would die. Radia Mangandiri, to satisfy 
such desire, goes forthwith to catch the animal with instructions to 
his brother Mangawarna not to leave Malaila Ganding even if he 
would call for help . 

The deer did not prove elusive to Radia Mangandiri. Rather it 
met him, and fought back. Radia Mangandiri in his difficulty 

( 416 ) 

cried for help, but Radia Mangawarna did not leave his sister-in- 
law. However, Potre Malaila Oanding not being able to bear the 
predicament that Radia Mangandiri is in, threatened to die (to 
kill herself) if Radia Mangawarna did not go to help his brother. 
So he went telling his sister-in-law "... I think that when I go down, 
you close the window, and whoever knocks, do not open." 

Upon reaching the site where Radia Mangandiri and the deer 
were fighting, and the deer seeing him thus, made himself into 
two and ran away. The brothers ran after each till darkness fell, 
and Radia Mangawarna finally found himself right at their house. 
Radia Mangandiri had reached the forest, and the deer was nowhere 
to be found. 

Radia Mangawarna, upon his return, saw the result of his 
action the women, were wailing because Potre Malaila Ganding 
has been forcibly taken away by Maharadia Lawana, the wall of 
their house was destroyed and everything in the house was in 
disarray. He said to himself, "That which we were running after 
was Maharadia Lawana who disguised himself as a deer." 

It is interesting to note that there is a common identifying 
element in the stories, particularly the HMR, HSR (Maxwell and 
Shellabear) and the Maharadia Lawana; and that is the presense of 
the golden deer, or golden goat or silver goat or golden gazelles or 
a deer with golden horns. All these are coveted by the heroine in 
each story. r l hese fantastic animals are Ravana in each story 
appearing thus before the heroine to draw away the heroes from 
her preparatory to the abduction. Jn the jRum. 9 Ravana orders 
MarTca to assume the form of a golden deer to draw away Rnma, and 
then Laksmana, so that he would have no diincuity in penetrating 
the defences of the brothers. All these were done by deception. 

No drawing of the protective magic circle is evident in the 
South East Asian versions of the episode as it is found in the Rnm. 
Neither is there any evidence of Sita's accusations against Laksm- 
a^a's desire to possess her should his brother Rama die in the 
pursuit of Marica disguised as a golden deer. Many other details 
could be cited here but these are the most significant to the episode 
of the abduction. 

(3) The Search for Sita. This episode takes on very curious 
turns. Radia Mangawarna, upon learning of the abduction of 
Malaila Ganding and seeing that Radia Mangandiri had not 
returned from his search for the golden horned deer, returned to 
the jungle to look for his brother. He finds him unconscious 

Now Radia Mangandiri dreams that lie fought a carabao and 
he was gored; and one of his testicles was thrown to east where Potre 
Langawi, Queen of the East swallowed it, causing her to become 
pregnant and later to give birth to a monkey son named Laksamana. 
He awakes and sees his brother Radia Mangawarna. He feels his 
scrotum and finds his testicle missing. He thinks to himself that his 
dream may be true . 

Subsequently, the brothers discuss the plans for the search 
and recovery of Potre Molaila Ganding. And they felt despair 
because there are only two of them; they have no arms, no army to 
pursue their search for the princess who has been brought to Puiu 
Bandiarmasir by Maharadia Lawana, who had deceived them. 

Now, Radia Mangandiri' s dream indeed is true; Laksamana, 

the monkey-son asks his mother Potre Langawi about who could 

be his father, since while growing up he had not seen him. She 

evades answering the question, for she knows that he -has no 

father" The monkey-son being disappointed by such evasion, 

leaves" home, and goes in search of his father. In one of his 

adventures, he falls right between Radia Mangandiri and Radia 

Mangawarna, and addresses them father and uncle, respectively. 

And both were surprised to be addressed thus by a complete stran- 

* ,,*ir7 *t that After proper introductions, and a 

,.U*B*n r. He afco 

they now are. 

~ mci of the rattan to a tree, and holding 
on. , 4 of the rat 

Itonn. . on. , r ^ ^ his 

the other, be prepares to leap B tat is di cted to leap 
father to support ton ^>J>.ta cL =ot support Mm. It f 

Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna. Thus they are to battle those 
subjects of Maharadia Lawana who shall run to the sea for safety. 
They proceed to the palace of Maharadia Lawana. At the Palace 
they witness Maharadia Lawana approach Potre Malaila Ganding', 
but fire appears between them. They are surprised at such a 
phenomenon. Maharadia Lawana himself is perplexed by such a 
situation and he is told by Laksamana that such a phenomenon 
occurs because she was abducted from Radia Mangandiri. 

After this exchange, betel chew is prepared and exchanged 
between Radia Mangandiii and Potre Malaila Ganding. Then 
Laksamana takes the princess' hand, leads her to his father. 

At this point, the battle between the forces of Maharadia 
Lawana and Radia Mangandiri led by Laksamana begins. Laksam- 
ana commands the carabaos to enter the village to fight Maharadia 
Lawana's army. Those who fled to the sea/water are eaten by 
crocodiles. Later* Maharadia Lawana enters into the fray and fights 
with Radia Mangawarna, who cannot equal the strength and power 
of his adversary. Radia Mangandiri takes over, but he cannot 
wound Maharadia Lawana. Laksamana, seeing that his father 
seems to be unable to cope with Maharadia Lawana's prowess, takes 
the kampilan of Radia Mangandiri and sharpens it on the whetstone 
set upon a naga wood found in the palace. With this, Radia 
Mangawarna wounds Maharadia Lawana, who falls, for according 
to the prophecy Maharadia Lawana could only be subdued from 
the power he acquired while performing "austerities"' during his 
exile, by any bladed weapon sharpened on the whetstone set upon a 
naga wood. Thus the battle comes to an end. 

In the Fairy Tale, Sri Rama, having been advised by his chiefs, 
consults Laksamana, his elder brother. After deliberating upon the 
course of action they should take, they set out to recover the lost 
princess. Having reached the realm of a monkey monarch, who is 
actually Sri Rama's son who he had driven away from Tanjong 
Bunga, they are asked what their business was. Sri Rama there- 
upon asks his son to help him search for his mother. But the 
monkey prince promises to fulfil his father's request only if he is 
permitted, just for once, to cat a meal with his father off the same 
leaf, and to sleep in his arms. Having extracted the promise., and 
having fulfilled it, they prepare for the prince's jump to Kachapuri. 
After two or three attempts, he jumps from his father's shoulder 
but lands upon an island in the midst of the sea. He calls upon 
the jin, whom he had befriended in one of his attempts to help him 
land upon Pulau Kachapuri. 

( 419 ) 

The meeting between the mother and son was effected through 
the recognition of the ring that Kra Kechil had slipped into one of 
the water jars which forty-four maidens carried with which to 
collect water for the bath of the princess, After this meeting, 
Maharaja Duwana and Kra Kechil confront each other, before 
which, however, the latter destroys the former's favourite trees a 
coconut tree (nyor gading) and a mango tree. Furious at th's 
outrage, Maharaja Duwana fights the monkey prince who changes 
himself at will into a buffalo bull and declares hs mission. There- 
after, a battle rages between Maharaja Duwana's army and the 
prince. No weapon could hurt him; even when bound and thrown 
into the fire, not a hair is singed. After a seven-day truce the 
battle continues. Kra Kechil is caught. He instructs his captors 
to swathe him with cotton cloth soaked in oil, and to set fire to the 
mass. He jumps about the palace and the fire spreads reducing 
Pulau Kachapuri to rabble and ashes. 

All the adventures of Hanuman in both the Ram., HMR and 
the HSR are atributed to Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga in the Fairy 
Tale. But these adventures are attributed to Laksamana in the 
Maharadia Lawana. The meeting between mother and son in the 
HSR is not quite represented in the Maharadia Lawana for 
Laksamana is the son of Radia Mangandiri by another potre. 
Hence, there is no evidence of recognition by the mother, rather it 
was merely identification of who Laksamana was before her, just 
as the identification of Hanuman in the Ram. (but with rings for 
recognition of his mission from Rama). The ring-incident is not 
found in the Maharadia Lawana. 

There are no evidences in the HSR that may have led to these 
developments. The meeting between mother and son, however, is 
known in the HSR. Kra Kechil's appearance in monkey form 
before his mother is perhaps an echo of Hanuman's appearance 
before Sita in the ASoka groove of Ravana, while Hanuman m the 
HSR appears first as a Brahman before Sita Dewi. The rmg 
incident is found in all stories, as well as in the HMR, although in 
varied forms. In the HMR, Hanuman appears before Sita in the 
form of an old woman, and later assumes his monkey-form and 
identifies himself as her son. 

The single combat between Maharaja Duwana and Kra 
, ** R*. or 1 HSR or to * HMR. B 

~^^* 1 SS&S^ZZ% 

( 420 ) 

saltpetre (sendawan); Hanuman in HSR is swathed all over but h 
grows till all the cloth in Langkapuri becomes insufficient. The '! 
soaked cloth is burned, and when only that which binds the tail'*" 
left he leaps over the roof and sets the palace on fire. No bodil^ 
expansion of Kra Kechil takes place in the Fairy Tale. All these 
are not known in the Maharadia Lawana. There seems, therefore 
to be no significantly sustained nourishment of the literature in th' 
past. Either this was due to the changes in the political climate 
in the area, or this was more or less a case of rnisiirdcrstandine of 
the literary motif by the borrowers who belong to a different socio- 
cultural complex. Whichever is probable, it is a very important 
task of further research to investigate. 

(4) The Return of Sit a. The return of Pot re Malaila Gandine 
from Pulu Bandiarmasir after the death of Maharadia Lawana is 
not as dramatic as the return of Sakuturn Bunga Satangkei in the 
Fairy Tale, the return of Sita Dewi in the HSR or STta in the HMR 
and Ram. There's no evidence of the carrying of Sita Dewi by 
Kra Kechil nor the use of a flying car or chariot to carry Sita back 
to Ayodhya. Moreover, no fire-ordeal is known in the Maharadia 
Lawana to purify Potre Malaila Ganding, from her "contact" with 
Maharadia Lawana. But the fire that appears between them is 
reminiscent of this fire- purification in Ram. 

Details of the return of Potre Malaila Ganding is here 
presented for comparative purposes. Tarrying in Pulu Bandiar- 
masir after their victory over Maharadia Lawana, they make prepa- 
rations for their return to Pulu Agama Niog. The biggest 
crocodile with the broadest back becomes the mount of the prince 
and the princess, and Radia Mangawarna and Laksamana, After 
travelling through the sea they reach the shores of Agama Niog, and 
the waves created by all the crocodiles were like those created by 
strong winds; -'also the forest seemed to tremble at the footsteps 
of the carabaos that were walking"* escorting the party on land. 

The people of Agama Niog were frightened, but Laksamana 
announces to them that they should not fear, for Radia Mangandiri 
with his bride Potre Malaila Ganding and Radia Mangawarna is 
returning from long travel. They are welcomed with joy instead 
of with fear. Laksamana metamorphoses into a handsome datu. 

Following are the details relative to this episode as they are 
found in the HSR, HMR, Fairy Tale and the Ram. This will 
further bring to mind the various interesting aspects of the Maianaw 
story in relation to the South-east Asian versions of the story as it 
is known in India also. 

The return of Sakutum Bunga Satangkei follows the burning 
of Kachapuri. She is carried off by her son and restored to Sri 
Rama at the plain of Anta-ber-Anta, in the kingdom of Kra Kechil. 
Her return to Tanjong Bunga was marked with rejoicing and 
feasting, but the celebrations are interrupted by the arrival of 
Maharaja Duwana who had come to avenge his defeat at Pulau 
Kachapuri. (He had previously warned Kra Kechil that he would 
follow him.) In the midst of the fierce combat, Raja Laksamana 
is killed but is immediately revived by a powerful remedy that Kra 
Kechii brings from Mount Enggil-ber-Enggil. Maharaja Duwana, 
seeing his power being reduced to nothing, leaves Tanjong Bunga 
in token of defeat. His men who died in the combat are revived by 
Kra Kechil. 

Sri Rama and Sakutum Bunga Satangxei now acknowledge 
Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga as their son and heir to the tin one of 
Tanjong Bunga. 

The adventures of Hanuman are carried on to the third episode 
While the return of Sita in the Ram. agrees with the return of Sita 
IDewi in HSR and Sita in HMR, Sakutum's return takes on another 
turn in the Fairy Tale. Sita is carried back to Ayodhya by Rama in 
the magic car of Kubera which was forcibly appropriated by Ravana 
from the god of wealth. No mention of the magic car or flying 
chariot is made in the HSR and HMR, while Sakutum is carried off 
to Sri Rarna by her son. No flying car or magic chariot is used. 

Perhaps the fire-ordeal is not necessary, as it is in the .Ram., the 
HSR and the HMR, for the purification of the heroine because it is her 
son who took her away. Moreover, Sakutum Bunga Satangkei is san- 
fiuinally related to Maharaja Duwana, who stands to her as a father 
to a daughter. Thereby no chastity test and purification ceremonies 
are necessary. There is no clue to the incident relating to the 
"invasion" of Tanjong Bunga by Maharaja Duwana m the HSR, 
HMR or in the Kim., while the death and revival of Raja Laksamana 
fs known. Moreover, no proof of Sri Rama and Sakutum's 

as their son after his adventures 
i "other is also known. 

Ravana. Of Ravana's position in the Maharadia Lawana, 
the account points out a very important relation with the HMR and 
the HSR (Shellabear). Maharadia Lawana commences with 
MaluSSfa Lawana described as the son of the Sultan and Sultanness 
ofPulu Bandiarmasir; he has eight heads <^J^J*.' 
Text and Translation). He is said to have caused the death of many 
in tL realm because of his vile tongue-he mtngues. Then 

he is sent on a ship to Pulu Nagura on exile u^ a punishment for his 
false representations. 

In Pulu Nagara, he gathers leaves and wood, ignites these' 
and climbs a tree over the fire. He cries that the world is chained* 
thereby, Diabarail (Angel Gabriel), hearing it, appears before the 
Lord (.Tohen), informs the latter that Mahuradia Lawana cries 
because the world is in chains. The Lord (To hen) instructs Diabarail 
to tell Maharadia Lawana to desist sacrificing himself, because noth- 
ing can cause his death except when he is cut by any tool (knife, 
sword, etc.) that is sharpened upon a whetstone kept in the heart of 
the palace of Pulu Bandiarrnasir. 

The HMR commences with the relation of the genealogy of 
Maharaja Ravana .Then being unruly and having become a danger 
to his sire's dynasty, he is banished to Langkapura. In Langkapura 
he practices austerities, collects firewood during the day and sleeps in 
the night hanging over the lire, head down. Twelve years elapse 
and Allah sends down Adam to find out what Ravana wants. 
Ravana asks for the rule over the four worlds earth, air, water and 
the nether world. His wish is granted on condition that he angers 
nobody, and does not sieal women. Should he break the covenant, 
Allah's curse will fall upon him. (When deli \ering the message, 
Adam omits the stealing of women.) Ravana agrees andx conquers 
the four worlds. 

Reference to Ravana's having ten heads is made when he 
becomes angry as he passes over the hermitage of a great rishi 
(sage). The ten heads appear thus. 

The HSR CShellabear) commences with an account describing 
Ravana as ten-headed and twenty-handed Raksasa. He is banished 
to Bukit Serindlb (called later as Lungkapuri) where he performs 
austerities for twelve years, hanging himself by the feet downward. 
While engaged thus, the Almighty C3od in heaven sends Prophet 
Adam to ask what he wants, and God, informed of his desire, 
grants his wish that'he rule over the worlds: the earth, the heavens, 
the seas and the nether world. 

RSLvarja, in the Ram.., is described with ten heads and twenty 
arms; performs austerities for conquering four worlds. 

In all the stories, the asceticism event seems to be the common 
"denominator"; with just slight variation according to each story. 
All the four stories describe the austerities as having been caused by 
the banishment imposed upon ' him for causing disorder in, and 
danger to the dynasty/ kingdom of his father. The use of fire in 
prder to perform the ascetic acts is also a feature which is indeed 

( 423 ) 

very much Indian in character. The appearance of Allah and Adam 
and the Angel Gabriel (Diabarail) in the Maharadia Lawana, the 
HSR and the HMR may be and could be interpolations in exchange 
for the persons of Brahma and Visnu (both Hindu gods in the 
Indian pantheon) to give the stories Islamic character considering 
the development in the area, e.g., the introduction of Islam and the 
subsequent changes that occured to give the literature and other 
social aspects some Islamic spirit, if not entirely to supersede the 
earlier overlay. However, these may just as well be indigenous 
developments considering also the importance of fire in even the 
most "primitive" societies in the area. 

One of the interesting aspects of the austerities by fire of 
Maharadia Lawana is his lament that the world is chained. What- 
ever this means to the Maranaw, it means that he is performing 
this asceticism to relieve the world of the sins (desires) to which it 
is chained. This (concept) appears to evince a relatively Buddhistic 
orientation, considering the influence of the Buddha's teachings in 
the area. However, whatever could be said about its relationship 
with the Buddha concept, the other Rama story versions the HMR 
and the HSR in the Malay literature do not seem to show such a 
tendency. Certainly, the austerities performed by Ravaga in order 
to gain power to challenge Siva in the puranic literature is definitely 
Brahmanic in character. Of course, in South East Asia, there 
developed in the course of the long years of encounter between 
Brahmanism and Buddhism, a blend of these two systems of thought 
as expressed in the Siva-Buddha syncretism. 

In the HMR and HSR, Ravana is described physically as ten- 
headed and twenty-handed king of Langkapuri (Bukit Serindib), or 
Langkapura, which physical description is derived from the Ram. 
Maharadia Lawana describes Maharadia Lawana as eight-headed in 
paragraph 1, while in paragraphs 61s 65 and 73 he is seven-headed. 
There seems to be no clue to the change from ten to eight or seven 
heads. No mention of the other hands of Ravana in the Maharadia 
Lawana is made. No reference even is seen to such number of 
other hands during Maharadia Lawana's combat with the brothers 
Radia Mangandiri and Radia Mangawarna during the battle for 
recovering Potre Malaila Ganding (Tihaia). Perhaps, the problem 
may be solved only upon examination of the greater literary piece, 
the epic darangen, which is still in the process of being put together 
into one volume, and translation to be made available to the non- 
Maranaw. The Darangen describes in the detail the abduction, at 
least in terms of the many re-narrations of the story in English by 
Maranaws themselves and others who have passing interests m the 

literature. Perhaps, the genealogy or Maharadia Lawana in the 
text may help to solve the problem of the reduction of the number 
of heads. 

The foregoing episodes may be touched upon again in the 
discussions that follow. 

Interpolations and Accretions. A collation of the Maharadia 
Lawana with the Fairy Tale and the HSR and HMR reveals that a 
number if not all of the interpolations and accretions found in the 
former cannot be traced to the latter two. This may lead to the 
inference that these interpolations and accretions are independent 
of the historical development of the story in Maran aw literature. 
Some of the accretions and interpolations found in the HSR and 
the Fairy Tale relative to the Rum. are not found in the Maharadia 
Lawana, e.g. 

(a) Sri Rama's desire for offspring even after three years of 
married life does not show any distinct connection with either the 
two Rama-stories. The desire for offspring, however, may derive 
from Indian custom and tradition; but it is universal among all 
peoples of the world. 

(b) While showing independent development from the two 
Rama-stories, Raja Laksamana's sorcery to predict the birth of a 
son to Sri Rama and Sakutum Bunga Satangkei is purely an 
indigenous accretion is an allusion to the art of divination still 
practised by Malay sorcerers and dancers, since time immemorial. 

The excursion of Sri Rama and Sakutum seems to show 
connection with the decision of Sri Rama in the HSR not to return 
to his father's country after winning the hand of Sita Dewi, and 
the connection is perhaps carried on to the transformation of Seri 
Rama and Sita Dewi into monkeys, which transformation is also 
found in the Fairy Tale. The pregnancy is explained by this 
excursion. This is not found in the Maharadia Lawana, but which 
birth is known. 

(1) The birth of Laksamana, the monkey-son of Radia 
Mangandiri, in Maharadia Lawana, takes on a very interesting 
aspect. Laksamana is born of Potre Langawi after she swallows 
Radia Mangandiri's testicle thinking it was a precious stone which 
was gored out and thrown to the east by a carabao in his dream. 
Laksarnana's searching questions addressed to his mother enquiring 
about his birth and his sire are, indeed, significant in the light of 
the structure of Maranaw society. Here reference to a certain 
taboo in the society, e.g., incest, becomes important in the relations 
Between mother and son. Moreover, the Maranaw's "congenital" 


concern with genealogy to establish the srealnes<; r>f 
brought ,o focus by the .-. searching ,S? n T 

The birth of Laksamana as a monkey finds no clue or clues in 
the story itself. Unlike the birth of Kra Kechil in the ^ Fairy Tall 
and of Hanuman in the HSR (also in the H MR) which are more 
or less explained, Laksamana in the Maharadia Lawana, where no 
mention of the birth of Radia Mangandiri and Potre MaL?la 
Gandmg (Tihaia)>s son(s) is made. 

The birth of the monkey-son in the HSR takes on another 
interesting turn. Seri R ama and Sita Dewi like Sri Rama and 
Sakutum Bunga Satangkei in the Fairy Tale were turned into 
monkeys after having plunged into a lake, but were later 
restored to their human forms after bathing in another lake. Having 
thus been transformed into monkeys, the germs that developed were 
monkeys. Hanuman is born of Sita Dewi, through Dewi Anjati 
who carried the embryo that was conceived by the former while 
Sakutum Bunga Satangkei herself conceives, carries and gives birth 
to the monkey-son, Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga. The birth of 
Hanuman in the HMR is similar to that in the HSR. 

In the Ram., Sita gives birth to sons in the exile; in the HSR, 
Sita Dewi, Hanuman and later gives birth again to another son* 
Tabaiawi, also in exile. This incident does not occur in the Fairy 
Tale, as well as in the Maharadia Lawana. What is interesting, 
however, is that in the Fairy Tale, there is an expressed desire for 
an offspring which does not occur in the Ram, 9 HSR, HMR, and is 
not known in the Maharadia Lawana. 

On the occasion of the birth of a son, ceremonies described in 
the Ram. and HSR are not found. This is also true in the 
Maharadia Lawana. The presence of lebis, hajis, imams and 
khatibs and the readings of the Koran do not have any reference 
in the Ram. These are not found in the HSR and HMR which are 
already influenced by Islamic ideas* But perhaps these owe their 
presence in the Fairy Tale to the complete islamization of the Malay 
(Perak) peoples. There are no clues to the incidents of the breaking 
of the news to Sri Rama of the birth of a monkey-son, and of the 
sending away of Kra Kechil hi either the Ram. or the HSR. 

The departure of Laksamana in Maharadia Lawana from his 
mother's home is impelled by his search for bigger sources of food. 
This is somehow paralleled by that in the banishment of Kra 

Kechil (in the Fairy Tale), for he has been a shame to the kingdom 
"to a remote part of the forest where human foot had never yet 
trod." Later, he leaves the forest to look for more adventure arid 
in the process he finds Shah Numan (Hanuinan), his "grandsire" 
Further on, he leaves the realm of Shah Numan to pick the large 
round red fruit, which is actually the sun. He falls in his attemot 
to pick it. Jumping from tree to tree, Laksamana (in the Maharadia 
Lawana) falls between his sire Radia Mangandiri, and uncle Radia 
Mangawarna. This is the end of his search for his sire, and hence 
his problem ot being "born" of a supposed incestous relation 
between his mother and grandfather is solved. But the immediate 
recognition of the brothers Radia Mangandiri and Radia Manga- 
warna as his sire and uncle respectively is a problem that is to be 
solved; perhaps the solution of which may be (bund in the greater 
epic version, the Darangen. 

(2) Sugriva's or Bali's position in the Ram. appears to be 
taken by Shah Numan (Hanuinan) in the Fairy Tale. Hanuman in 
the HSR is the same Hanuman in the Ram., the former's birth 
shows no clue to the birth of Shah Numan in the Fairy Tale, He 
(Shah Numan) is an aged sagacious monarch in the kingdom 
by the jungles. Moreover, he becomes a friend of the sun (Mata 


Shah Numan by his declaration that he already knew of the 
origins of Kra Kechil upon their lirst meeting, that he is related to 
Sri Rama and Sakutum Bunga Satangkei, and that Kra Kechif is 
his "grandchild" is very interesting. These will perhaps give the-* 
clue to the parentage of Sri Rama or Sakutum Bunga Satangkei. 
If may not be without basis to conjecture that Shah Numan may be 
the father of either Sri Rama or Sakutum, judging from the filial 
affection, the concern and loving care that he (Shah Numan) had 
for Kra Kechil Imam Tergangga. 

In the Maharadia Lawana, Sugriva's or Bali's roles are not 
known; and, therefore, it seems that this is a very perplexing 
problem, at least in the light of the story. For the kinship of 
Laksamana with monkey-world further adds to the problems. It 
seems, however, that the roles of Sugriva or Bali and Hanuman in 
the Ram., and that of Shah Numaa in the Fairy Tale, or Hanuman 
in the HSR and HMR are performed by Laksamana in Maharadia 
Lawana. This is evident in his gathering all the carabaos and 
crocodiles to compose the army that shall invade Pulu Bandiarmasir, 
and in his great leap across the sea from Pulu Nabandai to Pulu 
Bandiarmasir to secure the rattan vine for the bridge that shall be 

constructed on which they shall cross to the latter island. Towards 
the end of the story still no evidence of the kinship of Laksamana 
with the simians could be established. Perhaps it is only ir? the 
examination of the larger Maranaw literature, the great epic 
Darangen, that this problem would be brought to light. 

(3) It seems evident that the adventures of Hanuman in 
both Ram. and the HSR as well as the HMR are attributed to 
Laksamana in the Maharadia Lawana and to Kra Kechil Imam 
Tergangga in the Fairy Tale. However, there are no other adven- 
tures attributed to Laksamana than the discovery of Potre Malaila 
Ganding (Tihaia). Kra Kechil's other adventures can be traced to 
the two epics. 

It may be assumed that since Hanurnan in the Ram. and in 
the HSR-HMR occupies a prominent position in the cynosure of t tie 
hero, Kra Kechil's becoming a prince of all monkey-tribes in the 
Fairy Tale is traceable, for the Tale appears to have its original 
source in either or both the epics. With this situation it is under- 
standable that no traces of the presence of Sugrlva and Balm are 
evident. Similarly, Laksamana occupies an important position in 
the Maranaw story; but there is no evidence of his being a monkey- 
prince as such in spite of his being born of a princess (Potre 
Langawi, Queen of the East). However, the monkey-aspect as well 
as the adventures of Laksamana may be traced back to the HSR- 
HMR and further back to the Ram., perhaps with the Fairy Tale as 
the intermediate story. 

There seems to be no evidence at all in. the HSR to show Kra 
Kechil's eating from one leaf, with and sleeping in the lap of his 
father, Sri Rama, in return for which he will undertake the search 
for his lost mother. In the HMR, however, Rama and Hanuman 
eat from the same banana leaf. Neither does his metamorphosis 
into a handsome prince towards the end of the tale have any 
evidence. This metamorphosis, however, may be explained to be 
an influence from the folk-literature 30 of the Malays. 32 Indeed, the 
assumption that this accretion is independent of any folk-literature 
development cannot be ignored. For the metamorphosis motif is 
comparatively widespread not only in locality but also in all forms 
of fblk-literature. 

The Maharadia Lawana is so microscopic, in comparison with 
the HSR, HMR and the Fairy Tale, that no traces of Kra Kechil's 
eating from one leaf with, and sleeping on the lap of his, father, 
Sri Rama, are found in the story- However, there is a trace of the 
metamorphosis of Kra Kechil into a handsome prince in the Maha- 
radia Lawana. Laksmana metamorphosed into a very handsome 

datu. However, there is no reference to any further adventures h 
undertakes, unlike what is evident in the Fairy Tale. 

Such a metamorphosis as referred to above may be an influen 
of the folk-literature, such as seen in the many metamorpho ^ 
stories in Maranaw literature-both kunst and volk. 

(4) Both the Maharadia Lawana and the Fairy Tale end with 
the metamorphosis respectively of Laksamana and Kra Kechil into 
handsome prince/datu. But Laksamana's change is not followed 
by other events, and he does not assume any other name. Kra 
Kechil henceforth is known by the name of Mambang Bongsir 
becomes the son-in-law of a king (Raja Shah Kobad), who abdicates 
his throne in favour of Mambang Bongsu, and reigns as Raja (of) 
Bandar Tawhil. All these are not found in the greater Malay text 
the HSR as well as the HMR, and no traces are found either in the 
Rnm. This is understandable for it appears that in spite of the 
evident attempt at Islamization of the HSR and HMR, there seems 
to have been some resistance to the introduction of new elements 
and interpolations, because of its being closer to the traditional 
story as introduced from Indonesia than to the developing literature 
which found its way into the folk traditions. 

Concluding Remarks. At the present stage of the work on the 
Sanskrit influence upon Philippine languages and literatures, we 
are not yet in the position to make definitive 'conclusions as to the 
degree of that influence. The work is being done in the literatures 
of Philippine Muslims, who in the past had been the earliest and 
the most deeply influenced ethnic groups of the Philippines. Studies 
on the Sanskrit elements of their literatures and languages are 
concentrated on their p re-Islamic literatures, which are suspected 
to contain the most extensive amount of Sanskrit elements in the 
language as well as in the literature. This suspicion is more or less 
partly confirmed in the cursory study of the durangcn, the folk-epic 
of the Maranaw. Considering the Rama-story in miniature in the 
Maranaw literature, there is great chance for our scholars to discover 
more in the literatures of the other Muslim peoples of the Philippi- 
nes like the Magindanao and the Sulu. The ilndarapatra epic of the 
Magindanao appear to show some characteristics of the Indian long 
narratives, but we cannot as yet make any definite stand on these 
elements, for we have not collated it yet with a narrative of the 
same title found among the Maranaw. 

In a year or two, we would be able to show in sharper lines 
the nature and extent of Sanskritization of Philippine language and 
literature, particularly before the intrusion of Islam and Christianity. 

( 429 ) 


BEFEO Bulletin de PEcole Francaise cTExtreme orient 

BSOS Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies 

FAIRY TALE The Rama-Story in the Maxwell Study 

JRAS-SB Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Straits 

JRAS-MB Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 

Malayan Branch 

PSP Philippine Studies Program 

Ram. The Sanskrit Ramayana 


1. See Juan R. Francisco, The Philippines and India : Essays in 
Ancient Cultural Relations. Manila : National Book Store, 
1971. pp. 38-60. 

2. See Juan R. Francisco, Indian Influence in the Philippines (With 
Special Reference to Language and Literature) . Quezon City : 
University of the Philippines, 1964. 

3. See Juan R. Francisco, Philippine Palaeography, Quezon 
City : Linguistic Society of the Philippines, 1972. 

4. See other essays in reference cited in fn.l, above. 

5. Ibid., pp. 16-16. 

6. Ibid. 

7. Ibid. 

8. See work cited in fa. 2, above. 

9 The Maranaw are lake (ranao) dwellers, who at some point 
of their history received Indian cultural elements, but wbich 
more or less had ceased in the course of their Islamization. 
Nevertheless, their language and literature in spite of the 
dominance of Islam in their present cultural perspective still 
carry much which are distinguishable as Indian in character. 

10. The term darangen may be Sans, tarangim perhaps both being 
of the same meaning, narrative or history. 

11. Other abbreviations are found at the end of the paper 
Mar Maranaw; Jav.~ Javanese; Mai. Malay, OJav,-Old 
Javanese: Omal.-Old Malay; Mak.- Makassar; Sund.- 
Sundanese; Mag.-Magindanao. The apostrophe after * 
vowcl^ultima indicates the velar-stop, e.g. ostma , 

( 430 ) 

12. See fn. 2, above. 

13. See fn. 4, above. 

14. Hikayat Seri Rama (Text) in JRAS-SB, LXXI, 1917. With 
introduction to this text which is n ms. in the Bodleian 
Library at Oxford, by W. O. Shellabear, in JRAS-SB, LXX, 

15. H. Overbeck, in JRAS-MB, XI, w, pp. Ill ft. 

16. W.E. Maxwell, "Sri Rama, A Fairy Talc told by a Malay 
Rhapsodist," JRAS-SB, XVTI, May 1886. 

17. W.E. Maxwell, Loc. cil., writes a note to the name, that 
Hanuman was the "monkey-king in the Rfmiayuna.'" This is 
not exactly so. 

18. In Indian mythology, Hanuman is the son of Pavana, the god 
of the winds, by Anjana, wife of the monkey named Kesarin. 

19. Maxwell, loc. cit. 

20. Malay, pawang, 66 1. magician, expert in spells, talismans, 
drugs and some peculiar industry, 2. a shaman who invokes 
ancestral spirits, Hindu gods, Arabian genie, and Allah to 
reveal the cause of the illness or drought or pestilence and 
accept placatory sacrifices*" See R.O. Winstedt, "Notes on 
Malay Magic/' JRAS-MB, JII, 3, pp. 6-21; and "More Notes 
on Malay Magic," JRAS-MB, V, 2, pp. 342-347. 

21. See R.O. Winstedt, Malay-English Dictionary. It is certain 
that the Hang Tuah of the 15th century Malacca may have 
been a ruling sultan who was at the same time an admiral of 
the navy. 

22. See H. Over beck, ^Hikayat Maharaja Ravana/* JRAS-MB, 
XI, 2, December 1933, pp. Ill rT. This hikayat is not dated. 
While its title tells of Ravaria., it more or less tells the story of 
Rama, his exile, his search for sit a, his combat with Ravana, 
and the return of the princess, who is purilied in the pyre. 
The entire hikayat shows the influences (?) of the Rama and 
the HSR, and it appears that it could be the source of the 
Fairy Tale. 

23. In the HSR, Mandudari, having been "given" by DaSaratha 
to Ravana although she had already given birth to a son, Seri 
Rama, retires into the inner apartments, and from the secretion 
of her skin, she produces by massage amass which she first 
changes into a frog, then into a woman exactly like herself, 
whom she dresses with her own clothes and sends to the 

( 431 ) 

24. Although the story of Seri Rama in the HSR commences only 
on page 51 of the text, the city is mentioned for the first time 
on page 62. 

25. Op. cit. 

26. Ibid. His authority is Yule's Glossary, p, 782. 

27. Serindib is mentioned (Dimaski 1325) as one of the islands 
met in a west-east route (from Arabia) in which Malay closes 
the chain "serindib (Ceylon) and Sribuza ..... " See and cf. 
J. L. Moens, "Srivijaya, Yava, en Kptaha," JRAS-MB, XVII/ 
2, January 1940, p. 85. 

A check with the Malay Annals (Sejarah Melayu) does not 
mention the name Bxikit Serindib or Serindib. But the modern 
name is known as Ceylon already (See "Outline of the Malay 
Annals : Shellabear's romanized edition. Singapore, 1909" 
Chapter XXVIII, in "The Malay Annals or Sejarah Melayu" 
The Earliest Recension from Ms. No. 18 of the Raffles Collec- 
tion, in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, London 
edited by R.O. Winstedt), JRAS-MB, XVI, 2, pp. 12-13, 
Perhaps it owes its not being mentioned to the late composi- 
tion of the Annalb between the 16th and 17th centuries. 
Ibid., pp. 27-34. 

28. Sakutum Bunga Satangkei is described thus " her waist 
could be encircled by the four fingers and the thumbs joined 
how her figure was as slim as the menjelei (a kind of 
grass or weed something like millet?) stem, her fingers as 
slender as the stalk of the lemon grass, and her heels as small 
as bird's eggs; ...... when she ate sirih or drank water her face 

acquired an indescribable charm..." Maxwell, loc. cit. 
29. See JRAS-SB, LV, June 1910, p. 68 

30 See and cf. Howard Mckaughan. The Inflection and Syntax 
of the Maranao Verb, Text Illustration No. 2A, "Si Someseng 
sa Alongan ago si Amo" (Someseng of Alongan and Monkey), 
pp. 5O ff.; Dean S, Pansier, Filipino Popular Tales (Lancaster, 
Penn , 1921), No. 19 "Juan Wearing a Monkey Skin"; No. 
29 "Chongita" (Little Monkey Lady); and the Tinguian 
Tales, found in Fay Cooper Cole, Traditions of the Tingmans, 
Field Museum of Natural History Publication 180, XIV, 1 
(Chicago 1915). 

and Pururavas in RV, X, 95, is another 

for his motif: The motif in this story is also known astl 
"Swan Maiden" motif (see KahasarMgara, II, Appendix I- 
"Urvasi and Pururavas"; VIII, Appendix P'The Swa 
Maidan' Motif, 

Furthermore, see Ivor N, H, Evans, "Folk-stories of tl 
Tempasuk and Tuaran Districts, British North Borneo, 
Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, XLIII, 191; 
Studies in Religion, Folklore and Customs in British Nort 
Borneo and the Malay Peninsula (Cambridge, 1923), 

31, Malay is used here as a generic term, This would indue 
therefore the whole of the Malaysian Peninsula and Arch 




It is a great honour and pleasure to me to participate in the 
International Sanskrit Conference and I sincerely thank the Orga- 
nisers for the opportunity given to me to attend it. 

It is also my sacred duty as disciple to honour the pious 
memory of my Soviet Gurus Indologist academician Oldenburg, 
Tibetanist academician Shcherbatsky, Mongolist academician Vladi- 
mirtsov and the founder of the Russian School of History of Orient 
academician Barthold all of whom emphasised to me the great 
importance of Sanskrit and its glorious literature for the sublime 
cultural heritage of my beloved People. 

At present we know the existence of Mongol written versions 
of Ramayaiia but from my childhood I remember evening shadow- 
plays with coloured puppets of Rama, monkeys and a many-headed 
demon Mangus cut out from a transparent yellow, rather hard 
leather manipulated by the skillful hands of a wandering Mongol 
monk-artist reciting a story of Rama. And after more than a half 
century it seems to me that I hear his little cracked voice myster, 
iously sounding in semi darkness behind a screen in a large gher 
crowded with silent and ravished audience. 

Demon Mangus in the shadow-play was invincible but Rama 
came to know that a soul of his redoubtable adversary was hidden 
in another place. Using a stratagem he killed the soul and demon 
Mangus died in the twinkling of an eye, 

- The similar episode of battle' with monster Mangus having a 
soul in a safe and secret place is very common in Mongol heroic 
epos and closely connected with the folklore of ancient 


The most gifted and distinguished singers of Mongol epic 
songs, following the old tradition, studied the elements, of Darin's 

( 433 ) 

Kavyadarsa in their literary or mostly oral Mongol versions 7 
scholars of old Mongolia estimating their national heroic 
sincerely helped them to master the art of poetry. 

Most of Mongol scholars of older generation made a caref 
study of Santideva's lyrico-philosophical poem Bodhlcaryavatnra ai 
tantric songs of Mongol Tanjur. 

Bodhicaryavatara was first translated into Mongol in 1305 ar 
its text was included in Mongol printed Tanjur with many other o 
translations very important for the Mongol philologists. 

Soviet academician Vladimirtsov in his edition of the o 
Mongol text of Bodhicaryavatara translated by Pandita Chos-kyi-'o< 
zer and included in Mongol Tanjur mentioned his great importanc 
for the development of the literary Mongol. He stated also a 
influence of the philosophical conceptions of Santideva's poem to 
noble lyrical poetry of Tsoktutaiji, the Mongol Prince, statesma 
and poet of the early 17th century, whose elegiac verses wer 
engraved by his learned and true-hearted assosiate Guyeng bagatu 
on the rocks from which Tsoktu taiji recited his poetical improvi 
sation remembering his beloved elder sister. 

From 14th to 19th century Siintidevu's poem was man 
times translated into Mongol testifying us its great popularit 
among the Mongol scholars which created commentaries on thi 
celebrated poetical work of the great Indian writer and philosopher 

Following an old literary tradition the highly educated Mongo 
intellectuals, both the clergy and laymen, wrote poetry and song 
composing their melodies. And the philosophical conceptions o 
Santideva's poem and Tantric songs of Tanjur, by their ideas o 
enlightening, influenced the so-called 'urtu-yin dagun n i e 'everlast- 
ing songs' created by Mongol scholars. The beauty of the eternal 
Motherland Jambudvlpa, the high sentiments or esteem and vene- 
ration to enlightened Gurus, the love and benevolence to all Living 
beings etc. were the highlight of these songs which were esteemed 
very much by the people. Thousands of manuscripts of these 

t e TS S S n tf. T re dis *> ers * d a ** over the country and some of 
them had socalled 'yan-yig' - i. e . musical notes for the melody of 
songs. J 

lcamed authors of the everlasting 

2 th CCntUry - For Cample, the solemn 
. Tiimen - a eki'-'A Head of Thousands' was 
by a Prmce Darkhan Chin Vang in 1696 on the honour 
or tne all-horse winner at the great national feast after a devastating 
war, Mongols Jove horse, which symbolize in their Hineuase of 


poetry. 'Thought, Mind, Intention,' rapid like 'Morin Erdeni, 
Cindamani Morin' - Cintamani Horse, 

Nowadays the eminent singer of everlasting songs, the soldier 
of the People's Revolution Dugarjab composed an everlasting song 
in honour of the Mongol Hero National Sukhebator after his 
death in 1924, 

All the everlasting songs are very much appreciated by Mongols 
and singers sing them in such solemn occasions as feasts, anniversaries 
banquets, weddings etc, 

In concluding my brief paper I request you to permit me to 
reproduce tape-recordings of two old everlasting songs, The first of 
them is the above mentioned 'Tumen-ii ck? -'A Head of Thou- 
sands', performed by Lhamojab, the popular singer of everlasting 
songs,' Member of the People's Songs and Dance Company. The 
another is 'Uyaqan Jambutvib' - 'A Lovely Jambudvipa' performed 
by woman singer Norbobandzad, the Honoured Worker of Arts of 
the Republic, 



Presidentc, Sociedad Espanola de 

Linguistica, Madrid. 

Within the past ten years I have been working on general 
studies on the history of IE languages from which a few relevant 
conclusions concerning the pre-history ofVedic and its situation 
among the IE dialects can be drawn. 

Some of these works are already published as Estudios sobre 
las laringales indoeuropeas (Madrid, 1961, a new enlarged edition is 
about to appear). Evolution y estructura del vcrho indoeuropeo 
(Madrid 1963) and a series of articles 1 . There are also in prepara- 
tion books and works, not only mine but of some of my pupils. 
I think convenient to advance here some of the results. In one or 
two years Francisco Villar's Evolution y evtructura dc la flexion 
nominal indoeuropea, a large work by Julia Mendoza on the pro- 
nominal flexion and another book of mine, a synthesis entitled 
Lingutstica indoeuropea will appear. The results of all these studies 
are easy to resume : 

(a) The most archaic IE dialect transmitted is Anatolian, 
concreatly Hittite. Let us make a list of Hittite archaisms ; non- 
existence of opposition between masculine and feminine genders, 
identity between singular and plural endings (with exception of 
1. Cf. "Loi phonetique, sonantes et laryngales", Emeriia 31, 
1963, pp. 185-211; "Historische und strukturalle Methode in 
der indogermanischen Sprachwissenschaft", Kratylos 10, 1965, 
pp. 131-154; "Notas sobre laringales"', Emvrita 34, 1966, pp' 
1-14; "Die Rekonstruktion des Jndogermanischen und die 
strukturalistische Sprachwissenschaft", Indogcnnanischc Fors- 
chungen 73. 1968, pp. 1-47; "Das Hethitische und die indoger- 
manische Laryngale", Revue Hittite et Asianiquc, 28, 1970, 
pp. 7-17; <fi On indoeuropean sigmatic verbal stems", Archivum 
Linguisticum 2 (n.s.), 1971, pp. 95-116. 

nominative and accusative), identity between dative and locative* 
absence of ablative, no comparative grade in adjectival flexion, and, 
over all, the existence of a verbal flexion where each verb has a 
single stern, with no subjunctive nor optative modes. 

The great innovations of IE languages which \ve call Post- 
Anatolian consist in opposing to each verbal stern a second one 
with secondary endings, meant to mark the past tense; and, at least 
in some languages, to oppose a third stem meant to mark a 
subjunctive with no temporal value. 

(b) The reconstruction of the utmost phonological IE system 
shows a stage with two short vowels, e and a used mostly to mark 
a lexical or morphological distinction. There were also two series 
of laryngeals with three timbers <?, a, o\ one of the series had a 
palatal appendix, the other a velar one. With the aid of these two 
series it is possible to understand the origin of the items ending in 
-f and -u 9 used with several grammatical values; for instance, present 

stems in -, perfect stems in -u, such as Sanskrit jajndu, daddn 9 etc. 

These are grammaticalizations inside the morphological system of 

phonetic variants which, as such, did not have originally those 

morphological values. 

(c) Understanding of the phenomenon through which, new 
grammatical categories can be created, which as their marks adopt 
stems, suffixes or endings which originally did not have any relation 
with them. The study of the evolution of significative systems 
allows to explain these facts. In our case it explains how from an 
IE stage where verb was not different in flexion from noun, it 
developed the Anatolian stage, where with a single verbal stem and 
four series of endings, oppositions of person, number (singular/ 
plural), tense (present/past), mode (indicative/imperative), voice 
(active/media) are expressed. In a later moment, oppositions of 
number, tense and mode are completed and the opposition of aspect 
is created. In a paiallel way, it is possible to follow the formal 
differentiation of noun and adjective and the creation of nominal 
and pronominal flexion. 

On this basis it is clear that several characteristics specific of 
Sanskrit phonology and morphosyntaxis are also common to the 
great Post- Anatolian branch of IE. In noun, the disparition of 
laryngeais, the development of a and long vowels, the creation of 
'the opposition masculine/feminine; dual number (limited to a few 
languages); the completion of noun flexion with the creation of 
independent endings for the cases of singular and plural; several 
innovations in the pronominal flexion; and m veib the creation of 
a system which opposes several stems : present, perfect and aorist 

(the latter only in indicative); each verb has a subjunctive and 
optative stem. an 

But there are other series of points where Sanskrit shares th 
innovations of specific dialectal groups inside the Post-Anatol' 
group of IE; in other cases Sanskrit has an independent evolution* 1 
following certain inherited tendencies. To this independent 
evolution some features which are usually thought archaisms should 
be abscribed. 

The consequence is a vision of Sanskrit as a language which 
preserves many archaisms, but not the language which offers us 
always the greatest archaisms. We can see a progressive differen- 
tiation of IE languages, how Sanskrit proceeds from one of the 
several dialectal groups created and it offers speciiic tendencies. We 
can get a more realist and exact view of the history of Indo-Jranian 
group and also of the Indian group in itself. Its own evolutions 
are original answers to old problems of IE languages : from a certain 
point of view Sanskrit represents the culmination of one of the 
fundamental tendencies in this development. 

Our theory coincides with that of those who postulate the 
existence of an old dialectal group formed by Greek, Indo-Iranian 
and, at least in some innovations, Armenian. Some of the features 
attributed traditionally to oldest IE are features peculiar of this 
dialectal group. But inside this group there are specific innovations 
of Greek or Sanskrit: it is important to indicate which is the 
innovating language. But, sometimes Greek coincides not with 
Sanskrit but with languages alien to this group : the same thing 
happens with Sanskrit. There arc some isoglosscs common to 
Sanskrit, Baltic, Slavic, Tocharian or to some of these languages. 
Finally there are already specific features of Sanskrit; they are as 
we said, original answers to IE problems. ? 

(1) Relations of Sanskrit with the Creek language. Here are 
some of the most remarkable features of Sanskrit (and Indo-Iranian) 
m one hand and Greek in the other. Some of these features are 
partaken by Armenian also. We can divide them in innovations 
and archaisms. 

(a) New elements added to the system. Let us remark the 
following : 

neoh n old particle or tonic adverb, 

next to wmcn verb was enclitic. 

r^rf . t iS quite clear the relation f Active IE 

perfect with medml hrttite presents of -hi flexion, whose endings are 

-**, -to, -* All Post-Anatolian opposes stem flexionated in this 
manner and frequently with other special features, let us say voca- 
hsm oof the root and reduplication, to any other stem Thus a 
perfect opposed to a present is obtained. It is quite clear that this 
corresponds to a Hittite form which only secondarily, when opposed 
to flexion in -hi, ti, -/, was considered medial: really, an IE perfect in 
some languages has no voice value (as in Germanic and Slavic) and 
in other languages, because of system reasons, was sometimes active 
(this is the general case) sometimes medial. For instance in 
Sanskrit the form in -a is active (cakara\ but the form in -e (from 
-a/) is medial (cakre). But -* was not originally a medial charac- 
teristic : the proof is that in Latin the form in -ai, which produces 
~z is active (lat. uidi). As Latin converted vidi in active in oppo- 
sition to uisus sum, Greek and Sanskrit converted -a in active 
through opposition to a special form of medial voice, imitated from 
medial presents. The device consists in adding to the very stem of 
perfect medial present endings. So Sanskrit cakre. Greek diephtharzac 
This is an innovation common to both languages. 

Plusquamperfect. It is clear from Hittite that perfect did not 
have originally a tense value : the -ha, ta, -a of the perfect only 
through opposition to a past tense of clearly secondary origin 
became present endings. The plusquamperfect, which is found in 
Greek and Sanskrit and is formed adding secondary endings to the 
perfect stem is a specific innovation of this group. 

Combined flexion of modes and tenses. The most important 
innovation of this group consists in producing for the present, 
aorist and perfect stems specialized forms with modal values 
(subjunctive, optative) as well as a participle for each (Greek also 
produced an infinitive). This happens on grounds of the existence 
of an imperative for each stem, as Anatolian shows* It is clear 
that it is an innovation, when we compare what happens in 
languages such as Tocharian or Celt, which only have a subjunctive 
for each verb, not for each stem. There are traces that in archaic 
Latin, subjunctive was derived from root, not from the different 
stems (Lat. attigas, aduenas). Sanskrit precative, as budhyzs from 
bodhati, derived from the root, and it is clear that participle was not 
necessarily from each of the verbal stems. On the other hand this 
innovation is not exclusive of Greek and Sanskrit : Latin, Osco- 
Umbrian and Germanic have traces of it, but in this evolution they 
went farther, because they tried to confer to the modes the tense 
values of indicative. 

This doesn't happen in Greek and Sanskrit, which instead of 
this, established an aspectual system in indicative and in the modes 
and in participles (also in Greek infinitives) for all the verbal stems. 

It is not sure at all that from the existence of an imperfect and an 
aorist, which were two variants of past tense, it was created in all 
Post-Anatolian languages the aspectual opposition present /aorist 
nor that it was taken into the modes; this only can be said for 
Greek and Sanskrit. 

With those innovations, Greek and Sanskrit go very far in 
the principle of expanding the system of categories and functions 
which was developing in IE verb : only the tense system was limited 
to Indicative. 

Future. Another innovation common to Greek and Sanskrit 
is the development of future, parting from a -s desiclcrative. This 
innovation is partaken by another linguistic group, Baltic. It is 
another step in the expansion of verbal categories about which we 
are talking. 

b) Elimination of elements of the old system. 

Greek and Sanskrit eliminate from the old system of Post- 
Anatolian verb not categories nor functions but several formal 
elements which added complexity and ambiguity: this is an attempt to 
simplify and to make a clearer relation form/content. We talk 
specially of semithematic flexion about whose archaism there is no 
doubt, because its appearance in Hittite and in western European 
languages (Latin, Slavic, Baltic and Germanic). To these eliminati- 
ons corresponded a great development of uthematic flexion, 
differenciated sometimes formally through endings, and specially 
through vocalism and accent displacements. There was also a 
development of thematic flexion inside which two types were opposed 
with a different aspectual value: bhdrati and tucldti. 

Another element eliminated from the old system, not totally 
in Sanskrit is the -r ending. There are no traces in Greek; in Sans- 
krit it appears only as a secondary ending of 3rd plural, but not as a 
medial ending (with the exception of medial ending -rJ) This 
elimination is an attempt to produce coherence and regularity in 
the system of verbal endings. 

There are also some archaisms common to Greek and to the 
Indo-Iranian group. But there are gradual differences between 
both groups: sometimes an archaism is better preserved in one of 
them or it is only maintained by one of them. Let us limit to the 

Small development of -*, ~a (old Indian -<2) stems, with the 
exception of subjucntive. While several languages make wide use of 


these suffixes with state and other values (so in Slavic, Baltic, 
Germanic, Latin) and also to mark past, in Sanskrit there are no 
traces of it, with the exception of denominatives and some isolated 
cases with no specific value as gabhayati. Greek makes little use, but 
the type exists: deverbatives as osrophao, the -e aorist, etc. 

Sanskrit does not have a compound preterite as the weak past 
tense of Germanic or of Latin, Baltic and Slavic imperfects. We 
think that the socalled passive aorist, ended in -the-, is a compound 
past tense. 

Sanskrit and Greek, differently from other languages, did not 
establish a verbal flexion on two stems, fusing in the second the 
old imperfects, aorists and perfects. Even when both languages 
proceeded in this tendance along their history, this did not happen 
m their oldest stages. There was not in them (with the exception 
of Greek contract verbs) what we call a conjugation: a system of 
forms related to each other in an inequivocal way and which can be 
deduced one from the other automatically. Greek and Sanskrit 
maintain the fundamental archaism that to a present can correspond 
several aorists and contrariwise; and that very often only inside 
the system a form can be defined as present or aorist, indicative or 

It should be remarked that the closest relations of Sanskrit 
and Greek la> mainly in the verb structure; that is why we have 
referred to it all the coincidences exposed. In both languages the 
syVtem of categories and functions of IE verb gets its utmost 
expansion. They tend to express these categories systemaUcally and 
clearly but they refuse to create a conjugation. They make to stand 
out aspect and restrict tense to indicative. 
2) Relations with other languages. 

As Greek is related to other languages, for instance as to the 
development of compound past tense and of lon * ^T^T^ms 
same happens with Sanskrit. We have already talked of archaisms 
such as the preservation of certain endings. Another archaism is 
the eStence of several present stems derived from the same root: 
next to a basic verb in Sanskrit w. find a desiderate a causative 
or iterative, a passive form. Really, Sanskrit has developed a 

remarkable that Sanskrit has preserved the important archaism of 
using these formations, as well as denominatives in present sterns 
only, quite differently from Greek and other languages. 

We point also as archaisms, within the verbal system, the 
non-adscript ion of an infinitive to each stem (as Greek does) and 
the use still independent of injunctive which in other languages 
passed to imperative or disappeared. 

But these relations of Sanskrit out of the group formed 
together with Greek, are the more interesting when they are 
innovations. Really the existence of several present stems for each 
root, that is to say, of a basic verb and the socalled deverhatives, 
is an innovation parting from an archaism. In Hittite it is only a 
possibility sometimes used, sometimes not used: it is not systematic. 
But in Tocharian, next to each basic verb there is a causative; in Slavic 
to each imperfective corresponds a perfective drawn by fixed rules. In 
a similar way in Sanskrit systematically from each verb a causative- 
iterative, a desiderative, an intensive and a passive are derived. We 
have to admit that at least there was a common tendency which 
realized in the different languages in different ways. 

But the greatest coincidence of Sanskrit with languages alien 
to Greek are in the noun system. We think that Greek, Germanic 
and Celt are even more archaizing than Hittite when, apart from 
nominative, accusative and genitive they only offer a single case, the 
socalied dative, derived from pure stems: the suffixes -ei and -i derived 
indeed from pure stems ended in laryngeal -H l and are the final 
elements which only secondarily are used as endings. If this is so 
and as now it is impossible to demostrate it, we shall only make 
reference to the works alluded at the beginning of this paper it is 
clear that the development of special cases such as ablative, locative 
and instrumental are innovations, even when some of them answer 
to old tendencies: Hittite has already an instrumental. Sanskrit is in 
this sense next to the Baltic-Slavic group which has certain points of 
contact with Latin. 

3. Innovations specific of Indo- Iranian and Greek. 

We have to add to all these several innovations, sometimes of 
the Indo-Iranian group, some other of the Sanskrit itself. They 
refer to many details of noun and verb flexion and its main points 
are: the creation of some special forms, as predicative; of certain 
uses specific of noun and verbal categories, as for instance aorist 
aspect; or the already mentioned system of deverbatives. But the 
principal innovations refer to form more than content. Sanskrit 
tries to make as inequivocal as possible this relation form/content 

in noun and verbal flexion within the most archaic IE type without 
surrendering to the creation of a tight conjugation. Sanskrit 
created a system of endings very clear, specially in noun flexion: 
each case has its own endings with no ambiguities (there are some, 
such as the existence of pure stem locative or -J locative) and in 
some circumstances distinguishes in flexion masculins and feminines. 
So we have masculine stems in -a and feminine in -5, but also stems 
in -f, -M, -r, etc. 

But it is in verb where Sanskrit achieves clearer results. While 
IE languages have the same only ending for 1st plural primary or 
secondary, 2nd plural primary or secondary, Sanskru eliminated 
totally such syncretisms. For each person, for each one of the 
three numbers, has achieved, through differentiation and analogic 
facts, four endings; active primary, active, secondary, medial 
primary, medial secondary. This is a feat not accomplished by any 
of the IE languages. 

4. Conclusions, 

Sanskrit follows old tendencies of Post -Anatolian; its History 
reflects tendencies of later Post- Anatolian, such as the absorption 
of a like value to imperfect, aorist and perfect, and the reduction of 
old subjunctive and optative modes to a single mode. But in spite 
of this fidelity to later tendencies we have to insist that it represents 
a culminating point in its history. Coinciding sometimes with 
Greek, Baltic and other languages, some others innovating by 
himself, it has achieved the most complete system of cases and 
verbal categories of all IE languages, expressed by words and not 
by periphrasis (with some exception). That has happened within a 
respect of the old independence of stems, that is to say rejecting a 
system of tight conjugation. Here we are at a point of arrival, not 
of origin. Sanskrit is not a counter drawing of oldest IE as it was 
pretended to be. Only in not having an infinitive for each stem is 
inferior to Greek: but its system of cases and deverbatives is richer, 
more inequivocal the form/content relation. Greek and Sanskrit 
are the culminating points of a certain type of IE; of a type ot IE 
which, doubtlessely, was too nuanced and complex, too intellectual 
for the speakers of other languages. These languages, on the 
contrary of Sanskrit, introduced verbal two-stem flexion, reduced 
the importance of aspect and mode, broadening tense; reduced the 
importance of noun cases, enlarging that of positions. Concern- 
ing the relation form/content, they created a rigid system, conjugat- 
ion, and nullified the independence of stems with loss of sense of 
the root and reduction of the role of vowel alternations and accent 

deplacement They expanded periphrastic forms, They 

We did not rat to present here the history of Sanskrit, to 
only its principal characteristics. We thinl that those characteristic 
sled light on its history, Sanskrit is a harmonious and 
building, fit to give expression to all adventures in (hinting and R 
aU human 



Reader and the Head of the Department of Sanskrit, 
S.P. University, Vallabh Vidyanagar. 

Sanskrit and German, both belong to the Indo-European or 
the Indo-Germanic group of languages. They are thus two sister 
languages belonging to the same family of languages. Both the 
languages and literatures have contributed immensely to world 
thought, culture and civilization. The stamp which marked history 
and public life in both the countries was intellectual. Both the 
peoples, the Germans and the Indians, have had their own experience 
with nationalism and with the world of modern political confronta- 
tion, in recent times. Indo-German relations are among the note 
worthy encounters between members of two great peoples. Indo- 
German ties have grown close and it is hoped that co-operation 
between India and Germany will grow further. 

Sanskrit and German, belonging to the group of Indo- 
Germanic languages, have word similarities and certain syntactical 
similarities. In both these languages words of kinship and numerals 
have similarities which can be philologically illustrated. To illustrate 
a few we may note the following as examples : 

matr Mutter', Pitr Vater; Bhraty Bruder; Svas? Schwester; dvi 
zwei, tri drei, paiica fiinf; sat sechs; sapta sieben; atam acht; navm 
neun;etc. In Sanskrit the numerals after twenty are formed as 
ekaviinSati, dvavimsati, trayovhnsati, saptavimsati, paficapancasat, ; 
in German we have einundzwanzig, zweiundzwanzig, dreiundz- 
wanzig, sibenundzwanzig, fuenfundfuenfzig, etc. We have also words 
like Natnan and Name. 

Sanskrit and German are inflectional languages. As a result 
of this one has the facility and freedom to start the sentence as om 
likes, e.g. in Sanskrit we can say Govindo grSmaip gacchatj 

( 445 ) 

( 446 ) 

gramam gacchati Goviiidah, gacchati Govindo gramarp, etc 
without in any way obstructing the sense of the " sente 
In German also, one can say : Der Lehrer kommt jetzt in ' 
Klasse, Jetzt kommt der Lehrer in die Klasse. In die Kl I 
kommt der Lehrer jetzt. But, there is a point to be note 
In the German language, though one c^an begin the sentence in t 
way shown above, still, in this sort of construction known as t] 
"inverted sentence construction", this small rule is to be strict 
adhered to viz. that in this type of "inverted construction." the ve 
must be second and this is to be followed by the Subject i.e. the Su 
ject should be the third. In the Rg^veda* a verb with a prepositic 
may not come together i.e. in between them some few words mj 
intervene e.g. para me yanti dhltayafr 1.25.16, sam nu vocavahi 
1.25.17, paSam madhyamam crta J. 25.21, pra vam andhanx 
madyanyasthub 7.68.2. In Kalidasa also we have patayam pratl 
mam asa. In German, in a simple sentence, the preposition of th 
verb known as the trennbar comes last at the end of the who, 
sentence. In Sanskrit the preposition is first or last and the wor 
or words intervene. In German, on the other hand, the main ver 
is always second the preposition is always last. This will becom 
clear by the following examples: 

Herr Alsdorf fahrt von Delhi ab. 
Herr Alsdorf kommt in Delhi an. 
Herr Alsdorf steigt in Delhi ein. 
Herr Alsdorf steigt in Delhi aus. 

In both the languages, an interrogative sentence begins witl 

the verb. e.g. gacchasi tvam gramam ? Gehen Sie nach dem Dorf. 

Pafhasi tvam Ramayanam ? Lesen Sie das Ramayaiiam ? But, whei 

an interrogative Pronoun begins the sentence in both the language 

generally the verb occupies the second place. Kim Karosi tvam ' 

Was tun Sie ? In Sanskrit we have eight cases including the vocative 

whereas in German we have only four cases viz. the nominative, th< 

accusative, the dative and the genitive. In Sanskrit, we have the rul< 

gatyarthe dvitiya e.g. ahani gramam gacchumi. In German also w< 

have, "Ich gehe in die Schule". Ich gehe in das Hotel. Ich gehe ix 

den Garten. Both the languages have three genders and two number; 

in German and three in Sanskrit. The latter has in addition the dual 

number. In German, too, we have compounds but not so long as in 

Sanskrit. We have: e.g. Wdrterbuch, Hausttir, Haushaltswarenges- 

chaft, in German we have certain verbs like anbieten, bringen, 

diktieren, schreiben, zeigen, geben, nehrnen, sagen erklren, erz&hlen, 

etc. which govern two objects the Dative and the Accusative. Wt 

have certain verbs like antworten, danken, ghedren, helfen, schaden 

( 447 ) 
governing two objects as is shown in the following couplet : 

and roots like da, rue, 6am, Slagh, sprh, krudh, druh, radh, iks, 
pari and kri which govern the Dative case. Cf, also kri, krl vi and 
kaufen, verkaufen, etc. 

The Upanisads are well known for their philosophy, The Upa- 
nisadic philosophy has greatly influenced the German thought and 
men of letters. Schopenhauer has praised the Upanisadic philosophy. 
"The philosophy of ihe Upaniads will be the solace of my life and 
will be the solace of my death." The Indian Yoga also has attracted 
peace loving souls from the West. In Russia, there are persons 
who are endeavouring to learn Yoga, practise Yoga and propagate 
Yoga. Goethe has showered encomium on Kalidasa's Sakuntala. 
He was so much enamoured of the play that he danced in joy after 
reading the translation of it. In his FA UST he has written the 
prologue to the drama exactly after the prastavana" of the Sanskrit 
plays. Goethe's friend Schiller too was led to copy the theme of 
Meghaduta in his 'Maria Stuart'. In the former, the cursed Yaksa 
sends a message through the medium of the cloud to his beloved. 
In Maria Stuart the captive Queen of Scotts sends through the 
medium of the cloud a message to his beloved. Examples like this 
can be multiplied. All this goes to show that languages and litera- 
tures can act and react. 

Thus, the Germans have done pioneering work in the field of 
Sanskrit, both classical and Vedic. They have done monumental 
work in Indology. Even in the present century, in more than ten 
Universities in Germany, there are Chairs for Sanskrit and Indology. 
Max Miiller brought out an edition of the complete text of the ^g- 
veda. It was a surprise to the Indian Pandits. He came to be 
called c moksa-mula*. To pay homage to this veteran scholar of 
Indology, eight German Institutes in India are known after his 

Germany is one of the few countries in the Western hemisphere 
where Indology has found a permanent abode. Indology, which 
implies a study of Hindu, Buddhist, Jaina as well as Islamic philoso- 
phy took its birth in the 18th Century. Friedrich von Schiegel 
became one of the founders of Indology in Germany. His translation 
of the Hitopadesa was as remarkable as his work "Ueber die Sprache 
und Weisheit der Inder". It bore a scientific stamp than of a 
literary character. It was followed by his three books, "Oa 

( 448 ) 

language'% "On philosophy", and "Historical Ideas". This start of 
Indology in Germany was enriched by Max Mliller. Lamprecht's 
"Alexander Lied" in which the flower girl bears similarity with the 
daughters of Mara (Lalitalistara 23). In Fraunlob of Hugo von 
Trimberg the roots of the theme are found in old Indian folk tales. 
Barthlomaeus Ziegenbald drew accounts from Siamese Buddhism. 
Herder described Kalidasa's Sakuntala as "essence of perfection". 
That Goethe went lyrical in praise of Kalidasa's Sakitntala is very 
widely known. For his Paria triology (1824) Goethe took a theme 
frdm the Mahabhdrata and the Bhdgavata Puratia, and made it into 
a redemption mystery. A.W. Schlegel, who held the first Chair 
of Indology, was responsible for many translations from the 
Sanskrit Literature, Ruekert knew besides Sanskrit Tamil too. His 
translations are: c Nala and Damayanti% *Savitri% Raghuvamsa of 
Kalidasa, and Kirdtdrjuniya of Bharavi. Heine's Indological studies 
cast a spell on works which did not touch India directly. Koppens 
Buddhismus (1857-58) provided a stimulus to German Literature, 
which is evident even to-day. He was followed by Richard Wagner, 
whose theme for the drama "Der Sieger" was love of the cabala 
girl c prakrti- for the Buddhist monk Ananda. Again Wahnheim and 
Wunschheim are of Indian character. Religious poetry of P. Dahlke 
and H. Much are of Buddhistic nature. Karl Bleibtreu in his dramas 
'Karma* (1901) and 'Heilkonig' attempted to portray Buddhism as 
perfection of religion. Gustav Meyrink Franz Werfel, Josef Winkler 
and Stefen Zweig enriched German literature by taking recourse to 
themes on Buddha legends. 

Jainism too attracted German Indologists. W. Schubring 
worked mainly on Jaina canons and doctrines. Helmuth von Glas- 
enapp commented on almost all aspects of Indian religions 
including Jainism. Leumann also wrote on Jainism. Hermann 
Hess was attracted by Yoga. Thomas Mann, his contemporary, 
found fulfilment in giving new literary shape to themes which 
before him were handled by Goethe. Mann dealt with psychoso- 
matic problems embodied in his "Die vertauschten Kopfe." 

Kant, Hegel, Schopenhauer, Paul Deussen, Hermann Keyserl- 
ing Max Scheler, Karl Jaspers are a few of the illustrious German 
Philosophers. It is not possible to review and note all the German 
Indologists from the beginning upto the end in the scope of this 
paper in view of the limitations time etc. and therefore I undertake 
to give a kaledioscopic view of the representative scholars in 
the different fields of Indology. Thereby, there is a scope to leave 
out some of the best scholars. This paper aims at giving the trends 
of Indological study in the different fields and hence cannot be 

( 449 ) 

Max MuIIer moved to Oxford where he rediscovered the 
Vedas. His 'Sacred Books of the East' in 50 vols. won him 
recognition throughout the world. His book ''India, What can it 
teach us" is well known in the field of Vedic studies. We may 
mention Heinrich Zirnmer, Hermann Oidenberg, Alfred Hillebr- 
andt, K.F. Geldner, Hermmann Lommel, Wilhelra Rau, Hermann 
Berger, Grassmann, Ludwig, Adolf Kaegi, Alsdorf, Bruhn, 
Waldschmidt, Poul Thieme among the few past and present 
German Indologists. 

In the field of Vedanta we may mention Paul Deussen, in the 
field of Epics i.e. the MahSbharata and the Ramayana we refer the 
names Oidenberg, Jacobi, Holtzmann, Garbe, Schroder, Otto, etc. 
German poet Schlegel wrote a Latin version of the Ramayana. 
Regarding the Puranas we may mention Paul, Kirfel and regarding 
Arthagastra Jacob Meyer may be mentioned. 

The study of Indology in Germany is well organised so that 
every important library has a special collection of books on India. 
They have Journals of repute like Z D M G, Tndo-germanische 
Forschungen etc. Besides libraries and Journals there are institutes 
like Indian Institute in Munich, German -Indian Society in Stuttgart, 
East- Asia Association in Hamburg, In do-German cultural societies 
and Max Miiller Bhavans all over India (eight in number) do 
remarkable work to bring the two cultures nearer. 

Bonn was the first University to have a Chair of Indology in 
1818. In 1856 in Tuebingen the second chair was founded. In 1862 
in Gdttingen another chair was established, then in Muenich* 
Marburg, etc. In Germany the professors of Sanskrit deal with 
language, literature, religion, philosophy, teach Sanskrit, Pali, 
Prakrit, and occasionally Avesta and Tibetan. There, the professors 
pursue several fields such as Veda, Vedanta, the Epic study, dramas, 
Law, Samkhya, Advaita, Yoga etc. Many German Innologists 
like Helmuth von Glasenapp came and lived in India to quench 
their thirst for knowledge. 


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